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THE LIVERPOOL SLAVE TRADE
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'HISTORY
OF THE
LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS
AND
LETTERS OF MARQUE
WITH AN ACCOUNT OF THE
LIVERPOOL SLAVE TRADE
BY
GOM ER WI LLI AMS
WITH ILL USTRA TIONS Q
LONDON
WILLIAM HEINEMANN
LIVERPOOL
EDWARD HOWELL CHURCH STREET
1897
Dfl
AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED
TO
HALL CAINE
BY HIS FRIEND, THE AUTHOR.
PREFA CE.
IN tracing the history of Liverpool privateering and
slave trading — upon which the greatness of "the
good old town " was suckled — the author has had
access to original sources of information never before
tapped, and gratefully acknowledges his indebtedness
to Sir Thomas Brocklebank, Bart., the Messrs.
Maclver, Mr. C. K. Lace, Mr. Thomas Hampson
(Ruabon), and Mr. T. H. Dixon (Gresford), for
permission to inspect and copy rare documents
in their possession, which greatly enhance the value
of the book, and to his friend, Mr. J. S. Arthur, for
his good offices in this direction. The other and
principal sources drawn upon are the files of old
newspapers, magazines, and other contemporary
records requiring no little patience and enthusiasm
to ransack. In a few instances, where informa-
tion on special points has been derived from other
authors, as in Professor Laughton's admirable-
account of Captain Fortunatus Wright, it is acknow-l
ledged either in the text or in a foot-note. To quote
the prospectus, "this work is not a mere compilation,
but the fruit of laborious and exhaustive original re-
search." The utmost pains have been taken to ensure
accuracy, and the reader will find the statements of
more than one authority corrected. To this cause, and
the sifting of much curious original matter so kindly
x. PREFACE.
placed at the author's disposal, is to be attributed the
delay in publication, by which the reader, and es-
pecially the original subscribers, gain considerably, the
promised 600 pages being largely extended, with illus-
trations thrown in.
In dealing with the delicate subject of the Liverpool
Slave Trade — a subject which, for reasons that may
be guessed, has been lightly touched upon by most
local writers — the author has endeavoured to confine
himself to a plain statement of facts — facts which
need no comment or exposition. He has directed his
indignation against the system, or national sin,
rather than against individuals, for many of the slave-
merchants and slave-captains of old Liverpool claim
our regard as patriots and worthies of no common
order.
Though we are on the threshold of the Twentieth
Century, with its tremendous possibilities, there are
indications that white men still exist who would gladly
revert to the iniquitous system of a bygone age, and
enslave the African in his own land. If anything in
this book should help to awaken the public conscience
to jealously watch that under no specious pretext
shall the bodies and souls of " African labourers" be
again handed over to the tender mercies of greedy
and unscrupulous adventurers, the author will rejoice.
LIVERPOOL,
November, 1897.
CONTENTS.
DEDICATION - - vn.
PREFACE ---------- ix.
PART I. —PRIVATEERING.
CHAPTER I.
PAGE.
A PEEP BEHIND THE SCENES — THE ANCIENT MARINER
AND THE ANCIENT MERCHANT i
CHAPTER II.
THE STORY OF CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS WRIGHT AND
SELIM, THE ARMENIAN CAPTIVE - 32
CHAPTER III.
PRIVATEERS OF THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR 79
CHAPTER IV.
PRIVATEERS OF THE AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE - 179
CHAPTER V.
LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS AND LETTERS OF MARQUE
SHIPS DURING THE WARS OF THE FRENCH
REVOLUTION - 303
CHAPTER VI.
LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS DURING THE SECOND WAR WITH
AMERICA 430
xii. CONTENTS.
PART II. —THE LIVERPOOL SLAVE
TRADE.
CHAPTER I".
PAGE.
THE LIVERPOOL SLAVE TRADE, HOW IT ORIGINATED AND
THRIVED- 465
CHAPTER II.
CAPTAIN JOHN NEWTON - 496
CHAPTER III.
THE MASSACRE AT OLD CALABAR - 529
CHAPTER IV.
THE ABOLITION MOVEMENT - 567
CHAPTER V.
HORRORS OF THE MIDDLE PASSAGE 582
CHAPTER VI.
EMOLUMENTS OF THE TRAFFIC - - A MILLIONAIRE'S
VENTURES - . 594
CHAPTER VII.
THE CORPORATION AND THE SLAVE TRADE - 609
CHAPTER VIII.
CAPTAIN HUGH CROW ----- 626
CONTENTS. xiii.
APPENDIX TO PRIVATEERS.
PAGE.
No. I. — List of Vessels trading to and from Liverpool,
captured by the Spaniards and French, in the War
of 1739-1748 - 659
No. II. — The Enterprise Privateer, Cost of Outfit, List of
Owners, Officers, etc. - 661
No. III. — List of Vessels trading- to and from Liverpool,
captured by the Enemy during the Seven Years'
War, 1756-1763 - 665
No. IV. — List of the principal Liverpool Privateers and
Letters of Marque, in the War with America,
France, Spain and Holland, 1775-1783 - 667
No. V. — Copy of the Letter of Marque against the
French, granted in 1796 to Captain John Maciver,
commander of the Swallow, private ship of war, of
Liverpool 670
APPENDIX TO SLAVE TRADE.
No. VI. — List of the Company of Merchants trading
to Africa, belonging to Liverpool, in the year 1752 - 674
No. VII. — List of Guineamen belonging to Liverpool,
in the year 1752, with Owners' and Commanders'
Names, and the number of Slaves carried by each - 675
No. VIII. — The number of Ships which cleared out from
the port of Liverpool, to the coast of Africa, from
the earliest date to the time of the trade being
abolished in May, 1807 - - 678
xiv. CONTENTS.
PAGE.
No. IX. — List of Houses that annually imported upwards
of looo Slaves, the Number of Ships employed, and
Slaves by them imported, from 1783 to 1793, showing
the proportion they held to all the slave-vessels that
annually sailed from the port of Liverpool during- that
period - 678
No. X.— List of the Company of Merchants trading to
Africa, belonging to Liverpool, in the year 1807 - 679
No. XI. — Comparative Statement of Ships cleared out
from the ports of London, Liverpool, and Bristol,
to the coast of Africa, from 1795 to 1804 680
No. XII. — Paid for a Negro man at Bonny, in 1801 680
No. XIII. — List of Guineamen belonging to the port of
Liverpool which sailed for Africa, from the 5th of
January, 1798, to the 5th of January, 1799, with
Owners' and Commanders' Names and the comple-
ment of Slaves allowed to each - 68 1
No. XIV. — Summary of the aggregate number of Liver-
pool ships employed in the Guinea trade, together
with the number and value of the Slaves imported
to the West Indies from 1783 to 1793 - 685
No. XV. — Extract from "A Log of the proceedings on
board the Brigg Mampookata, on a voyage to
Ambrize, on the coast of Angola," in the year 1787- 686
No. XVI. — Character of the Seamen in the Slave Trade 688
No. XVII.— Food of the Slaves ----- 689
Index to Names of Persons mentioned in this Work - 691
Index to Subjects - - 700
CONTENTS. xv.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
Facsimile from the original Letter of Marque, ( in the possession
of Sir Thomas Brocklebank, Bart., Liverpool) granted in
1779 to Captain Daniel Brocklebank, commander of the
Castor, private ship of war belonging to Whitehaven.
FRONTISPIECE.
Facsimile of an original sketch by Captain William Lace, of the
Palace and Stockade of an African king, who dealt in slaves.
Facsimile of list of Crew of a Privateer, from the original MS. in
possession of Mr. C. K. Lace.
Facsimile of the Private Signal Code of a Slave-ship, from the
original MS. in possession of Mr C. K. Lace.
HISTORY
OF THE
LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS
AND
LETTERS OF MARQUE, &c.
CHAPTER I.
A PEEP BEHIND THE SCENES — THE ANCIENT MARINER
AND THE ANCIENT MERCHANT.
WE assume, for the sake of illustration, that the reader
wishes to become practically acquainted with the method of
fitting out, arming, manning, and manoeuvring privateers
and letter-of-marque ships in ancient Liverpool. We
cannot do better than follow the advice of Captain William
Hutchinson, an experienced privateer commander, origin-
ally trained in that finest of all nurseries for seamen, the
Newcastle colliers, who afterwards became dockmaster at
Liverpool. "Safety as well as success, in my opinion,"
he says, "depends greatly on the manner these ships are
fitted out. Trading ships, designed more for defence than
offence, I would recommend to be made to look as big,
powerful, and warlike as possible, in order to intimidate ;
but privateers the contrary, to look as little and defenceless
and conceal their power as much as possible, till there is a
A
THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
real occasion for it, and then as suddenly as possible to
make it known to give the greater surprise, which I can
say from experience may often give great advantages. As
to the size and number of great guns, the dimensions,
strength, and properties of the ship should point out what
she will be able to bear without being too crank for a sailing
and fighting ship ; and though it must be allowed that the
advantages in a sea fight are greatly in favour of the
heaviest shot, yet the many storms a ship may have to
contend with in a winter's passage, or a cruise in a turbu-
lent ocean, where the great guns may be often rendered a
useless and dangerous incumbrance by the waves running
so high, that nothing but small arms can be used against
the enemy, so a ship should not be overcrowded or over-
burdened with too heavy cannon." With regard to shot,
"the first and principal," he observes, " both for quantity
and quality, is the round iron cannon ball, because it will
go and penetrate farther and with greater velocity than any
other to do execution when engaging with a superior force ;
but when come to a close fight with a ship of inferior force,
expecting to make her a prize, then the endeavours should
be not to destroy the ship if it can possibly be avoided, but
to distress them to make submission ; therefore, some suitable
shot that will answer that purpose best should be provided.
And I would recommend round tin cases, to fit the bore of
the guns, filled with musket ball ; and square bar iron, cut
about fourteen inches long, tied in bundles with rope yarns
just to fit the guns; or cast iron bars about the same length,
a square one about an inch diameter in the middle and four
others quartering, rounded on the outside, to fit the bore of
the guns, when tied with rope yarns." These rude missiles
will doubtless make the naval heroes of the present day
laugh scornfully, but the persons upon whom Captain
Hutchinson experimented with similar preparations appear
to have been perfectly satisfied with their efficacy.
THE ANCIENT MARINER. 3
The following is a Quarter Bill for a privateer of twenty
guns, 9-pounders, and four 3-pounders on the quarter-deck
and forecastle : —
ON THE QUARTER-DECK.
The Captain to command the whole i
The Master to assist and work the ship accord-
ing to orders - i
A Midshipman to pass the word of command
fore and aft i
A Quarter-master at the gun and another at the
helm 2
The First Marine Officer with 24 musketeers - 25
Three men for the two 3-pounders and a boy to
fetch powder - 4
ON THE MAIN DECK.
The First Lieutenant to command the ten fore-
most guns i
The Second Lieutenant to command the ten
aftermost guns i
The Gunner to assist and attend all the great
guns fore and aft i
The two Master's Mates to attend the fore-top-
sail braces, and work the ship forward,
according to orders - 2
The Boatswain's Mate, with two seamen, to
assist in working the ship and to repair
the main rigging 3
The Carpenter and his crew to attend the pumps
and the wings about the water's edge, fore
and aft, with shot plugs, &c. - 4
Six men to each of the ten guns on a side and
its opposite, and a boy to fetch powder - 70
ON THE FORECASTLE.
The Boatswain to command, with two seamen
to work the ship and repair the fore rigging 3
THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
Three men and a boy to fetch powder for the
two 3-pounders - 4
The Second Marine Officer with nine musketeers 10
In the barge upon the booms, the Third Marine
Officer with eight musketeers - 9
In the maintop, five men with a Midshipman at
small arms, and to observe the conduct
and condition of the enemy 6
In the foretop, five men at small arms, and to
repair the rigging - 5
In the mizentop, three men at small arms, and
to repair the rigging 3
In the powder room, the Gunner's Mate with
an assistant to fill and hand powder to the
boys, carriers - 2
In the cockpit, the Doctor and his mate - 2
1 60
"The people," observes Captain Hutchinson, "should be
quartered to fight nearest to where they are stationed to
work the ship, that is, the afterguard on the quarter deck,
the waisters in the waist, forecastlemen that are necessary
on the forecastle, &c. The quarter bill and discipline of the
crew should be kept from disorder as long as possible,
and when occasional duty requires people to be let go from
their quarters, it should not be done at random, but with
judgment, such as will suit the occasion, from the mus-
keteers, or a man from each great gun, &c., where they
can be best spared to continue in, or be brought to action in
the most regular order that is possible."
But what of the men who formed the crews of these
vessels? "An Old Stager," speaking of privateers from
personal observation, as a genuine "Dicky Sam" says:
"Liverpool was famous for this kind of craft. The fastest
THE ANCIENT MARINER. 5
sailing vessels were, of course, selected for this service, and
as the men shipped on board of them were safe, in virtue of
the letter of marque, from impressment, the most dashing
and daring of the sailors came out of their hiding holes to
take service in them. On the day when such a vessel left
the dock, the captain or owner generally gave a grand
dinner to his friends, and it was a great treat to be of the
party. While the good things were being discussed in the
cabin, toasts given, speeches made, and all the rest of it,
she continued to cruise in the river, with music playing,
colours flying, the centre of attraction and admiration, ' the
observed of all observers ' as she dashed like a flying fish
through the water. And then the crew ! The captain was
always some brave, daring man, who had fought his way
to his position. The officers were selected for the same
qualities ; and the men — what a reckless, dreadnought,
dare-devil collection of human beings, half-disciplined, but
yet ready to obey every order, the more desperate the
better. Your true privateersman was a sort of half-horse,
half-alligator, with a streak of lightning in his composi-
tion— something like a man-of-war's man, but much more
like a pirate — generally with a super-abundance of whisker,
as if he held with Sampson that his strength was in the
quantity of his hair. And how they would cheer, and be
cheered, as we passed any other vessel in the river ; and
when the eating and drinking and speaking and toasting
were over, and the boat was lowered, and the guests were in
it, how they would cheer again, more lustily than ever, as
the rope was cast off, and, as the landsmen were got rid of,
put about their own vessel, with fortune and the world
before them, and French West Indiamen and Spanish
galleons in hope and "prospect. Those were jolly days to
some people, but we trust we may never see the like of them
again. The dashing man-of-war and the daring privateer
dazzled the eyes of the understanding, and kindled wild and
6 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
fierce enthusiasm on all sides. The "Park and Tower guns
and the extraordinary Gazette confirmed the madness, and
kept up a constant fever of excitement. But count the cost.
Lift up the veil, and peep at the hideous features of
the demon of war. Look at the mouldering corruption
beneath the whited sepulchre of glory ! But no sermons, if
you please."
Having got our ship, and her crew of dare-devils on
board, let us consult Captain Hutchinson as to the best way
of managing both ship and men. "As soon as the ship
has got to sea," he tells us, "take the first opportunity to
have all hands called to quarters ; the officers in their stations
to have everything made properly ready and fit for action ;
to have a general exercise, not only of the great guns and
small arms, but the method of working and managing the
ship, to take the advantage of the openings that often occur
in attacking and being attacked by another single ship ; and
the designed manoeuvres should be taught the people in
their general exercise that they may know how to act with-
out confusion. When a ship of nearly equal force brought
to with a design to fight us, my intention was not to run
directly alongside and lie to like a log, and depend upon
mere battering with one side only, nor upon the stern chase
guns. When it is found that there is no choice of running
from a ship of much superior force chasing us, and when
their best sailing is upon a wind, it is a common practice for
them to run up and bring to under the lee in a triumphant
manner, depending on their superior power, and commonly
demanding immediate submission without expecting any
resistance. The designed manner of resisting or attacking
I always endeavoured to conceal as long as possible,
and these two cases give all the advantages desired by my
method.
" Begin the attack upon the weather quarter, shooting
the ship upon the wind with the helm a-lee, till the after-
THE ANCIENT MARINER. 1
lee gun, with which we begin, can be pointed upon the
enemy's stern ; then fire, the lee broadside, as it may be
called. The ship begins the attack upon the enemy when the
topsails are thrown aback, with the helm a-lee, boxing the
ship round on her heels, so as to bring the wind so far aft
that the ship may immediately be steered close under the
enemy's stern, with particular orders to begin with the
foremost gun, to rake them right fore and aft with the great
guns, as they pass in that line of direction, all aiming and
firing to break the neck or cheeks of the rudder head, the
tiller' ropes, blocks, &c., so as, if possible, to destroy the
steerage tackle, which design, if it proves successful, takes
the management of their ship from them, so that she must
lie helpless for a time, in spite of their endeavours. When
the aftermost gun is fired, put the helm hard-a-weather to
bring the ship by the wind ; and then stand off on the
other tack, to keep clear of their lee broadside and act
according to their motions, and the experience of the effect
your attack has had upon them. If they continue to lie-to,
either renew the attack again in the same manner as soon
as the ship will fetch the weather quarter again, or make sail
off to escape, if it is found that the great inequality of their
superior force admits of no possible chance of conquering
them. And although this manoeuvre may not have given
this advantage (which in my opinion ought always to be
attempted, and not to submit tamely, though a ship is
above double the force), yet the power of their broadsides
may be chiefly avoided by it.
" But when the inequality of force is not so great, but
there is a possibility of conquering, and if the success of
the first attack is perceived to oblige the enemy to continue
lying-to, in order to repair the damage done their rudder
or tiller, &c., then the blow should be followed by renewing
the attack again with all possible expedition, in the same
manner which gives the opening, not only to fire the whole
THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
round of great guns to advantage, but also to the marines
and topmen to fire their small arms at the same time to
great advantage, so as to do the most execution possible by
firing and raking them fore and aft through their most open
and tender part, the stern, with the least risk possible from
the enemy's guns, and, therefore, gives the greatest possible
chance that I know of to make an easy conquest, especially
if so lucky as to destroy and prevent the recovery of their
steerage. A ship of much superior force may be brought
to such a distressed condition as to be obliged to make a
submission for want of the helm to command her.
" But suppose the enemy, laid to as above mentioned,
find themselves not much hurt by this manosuvre, and that
you had not succeeded in destroying their steerage, and
therefore you may expect that they will immediately tack,
or ware ship, and stand after you, depending on their
advantages of sailing faster and superior force, shall run
up along your lee side, expecting by making a general
discharge of their small arms and great guns (charged with
suitable shot) on your deck, which lies open to them by
the ship's heeling, to destroy your people and to make you
submit? When this is likely to be their design, orders
should be given to your people to keep themselves as snug
under shelter as possible from their small shot, till their
general discharge is over ; then if the ship is found not so
disabled, but that the topsails can be thrown aback, make
a general discharge from the lee side, and the great guns,
loaded with round shot only, pointed to the weather-side of
the enemy's bottom, amidships to one point, at the water-
edge, and box-haul the ship to run close under their stern,
aiming at raking and destroying their steerage with the
other broadside ; then stand off on the other tack, as
before mentioned, and act according to the circumstance
and the condition you find yourselves in. Compare with
the appearance of that of the enemy and their motions,
THE ANCIENT MARINER. 9
who may be obliged to continue on the other tack to repair
damages about their rudder, or to stop their leaks in the
weather-side of their bottom, if your aim has proved
successful.
"But when an enemy's ship of force makes only a run-
ning fight, if there is no necessity to cut them off from the
shore or from the shelter of other ships, etc., and you have
the advantage of sailing faster, the most sure and likely
method to make an easy conquest with the least hurt to
yourselves or their ship (your expected prize) is to run close
up and shoot or sheer your ship across their stern each way,
making a general discharge of all your force, first with one
broadside, then the other, always aiming with the great
guns at the rudder-head and steerage tackling, for the
reasons given — that if the shots miss the rudder, etc., by
raking the ship fore and aft through the stern, they may do
the greatest execution possible to distress them so as to
make a submission. On this occasion, when it blows fresh
and obliges to carry a pressing sail large, or before the
wind, to make the great guns as ready as possible, and pre-
vent their being fired too low, all their breeches should be
laid quite down in the carriage, and if your ship is crank,
the yards should be braced so as to shiver the sails at the
time each broadside is fired. In all these manoeuvres, when
the whole round of great guns are designed to be fired, care
should be always taken to leave two or more men, as it may
require, to charge each gun again when fired on one side,
whilst the others move over to fire the guns on the opposite
side, that neither side may be left unguarded ; all which, with
every other advantageous manoeuvre that may be designed
to be put in practice in action, should be taught the people
along with the general exercise of great guns and small
arms, by throwing a light, empty beef-cask overboard,
making it the object of attack, for all the guns to be pointed
at, when performing the above-described or other intended
10 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
manoeuvres about it ; first, by running a little way large
from it, then haul the wind, tack ship, and stand towards
it, keeping it about three points on the lee bow till within
a half-cable's length or musket shot of it ; then put the
helm a-lee and shoot the ship up in the wind with the top-
sails aback, till the after gun can be pointed to the cask;
then give the word of command to fire when there is a fair
opening to make a general discharge, both below and aloft
on that side. When you have box-hauled your ship, and
run close past the cask to make a general discharge from
the other side, then bear round away from it, ware, and haul
the wind on the other tack till you can tack and fetch up to
it again to repeat this, or perform any other manoeuvres
that may give an advantage to attack or defend a ship laid
to or sailing upon a wind, as above mentioned.
"To perform the manoeuvres of attacking an enemy to
make a running fight large, or before the wind, you have
only to turn far enough to windward of the cask to give
room in sailing down to it to bring the ship's broadside to
point to it each way. But to perform this manoeuvre to the
greatest advantage, with the least loss of time, and the ship's
way through the water (which may be of great importance
on this occasion to keep close up with the enemy), all the
great guns should be run out close to the after part of
the ports, that they may be pointed as far forward as the
sides of the ports will admit, and elevated as the heeling of
the ship, when brought to, to fire, may require, as above
mentioned ; and particular orders should be given for the
aftermost guns on each side to be fired first, as soon as they
can be brought to bear upon the enemy, because then the
ship need not be brought any more to, but steered in that
direction till the other guns are fired; then shift the helm to
ware, to bring the other broadside to bear, etc.
" After the people have been thus disciplined, it is neces-
sary to let them smell powder, as it is termed, and a little
THE ANCIENT MARINER. 11
ammunition spent in exercise, it is allowed, may be the
means to save a great deal expended to little or no purpose
in action ; therefore, I used to allow a small charge of
powder for the round of great guns, with stone ballast for
shot, and the musketeers two charges with balls each, and
give them a fair chance by these manoeuvres to fire both
broadsides and small arms at the cask. If they sunk it,
all hands to have an allowance of grog, as it is called,
but if they did not sink it, to have the trouble and morti-
fication to hoist out the boat and fetch it on board to serve
another time."
In his observations on preparing for exercise or action,
Captain Hutchinson says : "When all hands are called to
quarters, every man should bring his hammock, well lashed
up, and stow it to the greatest advantage, to give shelter from
small arms, nearest to his own quarters ; or to give them to
some of his messmates where they are the most wanted, that
they may know readily where to find them when exercise or
action is over. When the hammocks are properly stowed,
the officers, according to their stations and duties, are to see
the ship effectually cleared of all incumbrances, and every-
thing prepared, so that nothing may be wanting that is
necessary for exercise or action. The lieutenants or mates,
with the gunner on the gun deck, are to get all the hatches
laid, except that where the powder is to be handed up. A
match-tub, half filled with water, and four matches in the
notches, placed as near midship as possible, to serve two guns
and their opposites ; also swabs to wet the decks, to pre-
vent the fatal consequences that may attend the scattered and
blown powder from the priming of the guns making a train
fore and aft, which I have known take fire from the firing
of the guns and do great damage, and which, in my opinion,
has often been the cause of blowing ships up ; and they
should see that the captain of each gun has his men,
powder-horn, rope, sponge, rammer, crows, handspikes,
12 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
and train tackles all ready in their proper places. The
boatswain must get the yards slung, the topsail sheets
stoppered, and marline-spikes ready to repair the standing
and running rigging that may be damaged. The carpenters
are to get the pumps rigged, and shot plugs with all that is
necessary ready in their proper places to stop leaks and
repair damages. The gunner, when preparing for action,
is to see that the charges in the guns are dry, and that there
is a sufficient quantity of wads and shot of all sorts and
cartridges ready filled. The marine officers are to see all
the musketeers at their quarters, with their arms and ammu-
nition in good order for exercise or action."
The reader, doubtless, feels that Captain Hutchinson was
a thorough master of his profession, and observant of the
minutest details. He was in truth a man of a very practical
and scientific turn of mind, claiming our respect on many
grounds, and that of sailors in particular, as the father of
the Liverpool Marine Society. But we have not finished
our lessons yet in the School of Privateering. Speaking
of fortifying the quarter deck, Captain Hutchinson says :
u Whatever may contribute to shelter and save the people
must be allowed to deserve notice. Various methods and
things have been tried for this purpose. I was in a ship
that had bags of ox-hair that were said to resist even
cannon shot ; but in fighting with a French frigate I
saw one of her shot go through eighteen inches of hair,
through the middle of an eighteen-inch mast, and a
long way over our ship afterwards ; which proves no
fence can be made about a ship against cannon shot ;
but against small and musket shots a fence may be
made many ways. However, this fence or breastwork
may be made to shelter the people from small shot ; in
common they are no more than breast-high, so that the
musketeers can fire fairly over them upon the enemy. But
from experience in fighting I have observed among new
THE ANCIENT MARINER. 13
fighting men there will always be something to show that
natural instinct of self-preservation ; and in order to keep
their heads under shelter of the breastwork from the
enemy's shot, they fire their muskets at random up into the
air. Seeing this, and to prevent the bad effect of such
examples in fighting, I have made a feigned lunge at a
man's breast with my drawn sword, and have been
obliged to threaten death to any man that should show
such a bad example ; though it must be allowed to
be only a failing and not a fault among new undis-
ciplined landsmen first coming into action, who, at
seeing a man shot through the head above the breast-
work, may show a little fear, but by practice may
prove brave afterwards. Therefore, to remedy this defect
which I perceived in fighting the small arms, in fitting out
a privateer afterwards, we had a rail, as in common, breast-
high on each side the quarter deck, and on the rails were
fixed light iron crutches, with the arms about a foot square,
and a shoulder to keep the bottom of the crutches about six
inches above the rails, and thin boards about six inches
broad, laid upon the bottom of the crutches ; and netting
with large square meshes were formed just to hold a
hammock with its bedding longways; and from the gunnel
to the rail was boarded up on each side of the stanchions,
and filled up with rope shakings, cork shavings, etc., which
are found sufficient proof against musket ball, which made
so ready and good a fence for the quarter-deck musketeers
that the most timorous could point his piece with the utmost
confidence between the rail and the netting, and fire right
upon the enemy, by having his head, as well as his body,
under such secure shelter. For the same reasons, in clearing
and preparing the ship for fighting, I used to make the
forecastle and top-men lash the hammocks, to shelter them,
horizontally on the outside of the fore and topmast shrouds,
close to one another, breast high, and then a single
14 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
hammock above, leaving a little vacancy to point and fire
their muskets through, which guards that tender and most
important seat of knowledge, the head, as well as the other
parts of the body which it governs, from the enemy's small
shot."
The commander of a privateer was not free to roam the
wide ocean at his own sweet will in search of prey. He
usually had his station allotted to him by his owners, and
in any case his self-interest would lead him to select a
"beat" frequented by passing vessels. Discoursing on a
ship cruising on her station, Captain Hutchinson reveals
the tactics pursued by himself and Captain Fortunatus
Wright in the War with Spain and France (1739-1748).
" Cruising," he says, " the war before last, in the employ of
that great but unfortunate hero, Fortunatus Wright, in the
Mediterranean Sea, where the wind blows generally either
easterly or westerly — that is, either up or down the Straits —
it was planned, with either of these winds that blew, to steer
up or down the common channels, the common course,
large or before the wind in the day-time without any sail set,
that the enemy's trading ships astern, crowding sail with
this fair wind, might come up in sight, or we come in sight
of those ships ahead that might be turning to windward ;
and at sunset, if nothing appeared to an officer at the mast-
head, we continued to run five or six leagues as far as
could then be seen before we laid the ship to for the night,
to prevent the ships astern coming up and passing out of
sight before the morning, or our passing those ships that
might be turning to windward ; and if nothing appeared to
an officer at the mast-head at sunrise, we bore away and
steered as before. And when the wind blew across the
channels that ships could sail their course either up or
down, then to keep the ship in a fair way ; in the day-time
to steer the common course under the courses and lower stay-
sails ; and in the night, under topsails with the courses in
THE ANCIENT MARINER. 15
the brails, with all things as ready as possible for action,
and to take or leave what we might fall in with in the night.
" Many other advantages attend cruising without any, or
but with low sails set. As above mentioned, in the day-time
and fine weather, when other ships are crowding with all
their lofty sails set, they may be seen at twice the distance
that you can, which gives you the opportunity to see them
a long time before they can see you, and to take their
bearing by the compass, and observe how they alter, by
which it may be perceivable how they are steering, and you
may consult what is best to be done, if it is too late in the
day to give chase, which should always be considered.
For, three-mast ships, in fine weather, with all their lofty
sails set, may be seen from each other's mast-heads seven
leagues distance, which must make a seven-hours chase, at
three miles an hour difference in the ships' sailing, which is
a great deal with a leading wind ; and if the chase happens
to be to windward, must make it still longer in proportion
of time to come up with her ; and when they perceive they
are chased, and think themselves in danger of being taken,
they will naturally use all possible means to escape out of
sight by altering their course in the dark, if they cannot be
got near enough for you to keep sight of them in the night.
For these reasons, without the time, situations, circum-
stances and appearance require you immediately to give
chase with all your sail at the first sight of a vessel, it often
happens that you may stand a much better chance to speak
with the vessel by endeavouring to waylay and conceal
your design and ship from them ; which may be done
even in the day-time, with all the sails furled as before
mentioned, till within four leagues' distance, when it is
computed a ship's hull, in a clear horizon, begins to appear
above it. When this concealment can be made, and all is
ready prepared to take or leave, and you can fall in with
the expected enemy in the night or early next morning, if
16 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
they are found unprepared for action it must give you a
great advantage over them. But when you cannot be
concealed from the enemy's vessels in sight that may be
coming with a fair wind towards you, then it should be
considered whether, instead of giving chase with all your
sail set in fine weather, it may not be better to disguise
your ship, to appear as an inoffensive neutral ship, by
getting your fore and mizen-top-gallant yards down, and
the masts struck with only their heads above the caps, and
either stand upon the wind with the main-top-gallant sail
set, if not noticed, till by tacking you can fetch near the
intended chase, or to steer near the same course with them,
with stop-waters towed in the water, which I have seen
done with success to make the ship sail so comparatively
slow as to induce an enemy to come faster up with you,
than you could with them, by chasing."
The reader has now been primed with sufficient nautical
information to enable him to assume command — in imagina-
tion, at least— of the largest privateer afloat. The subject of
cartridges was an important one to all engaged in warfare.
The old-fashioned cartridges were almost as dangerous
to friends as to foes, and at the commencement of the
Seven Years War in 1756 we find Mr. Robert Williamson,
the printer, publisher, and editor of Williamson's Adver-
tiser, announcing in his paper that he sold " prepared
cartridges of all sizes for the use of privateers and other
ships of war. This preparation," says the advertisement,
"prevents any spark from remaining in the gun after its
discharge, and thereby not only secures the life of the
person who re-loads the gun, but increases its execution, by
saving much time ; for it may be instantly re-charged with-
out sponging — advantages always experienced in the use
of these cartridges, and too important in time of action to
be neglected by any sea commander. The great demand
for these cartridges in the late war was a sufficient proof of
THE ANCIENT MARINER. 17
their utility ; and no other recommendation of them is
necessary than appeal to those commanders who then used
them." Some very sad and horrible accidents resulted from
the use of the old-fashioned cartridges, and many a fine
fellow was blown to eternity, or maimed for life, while in
the act of re-loading a gun in which the remains of an old
cartridge still smouldered. Mr. Williamson, whose por-
trait hangs in the Liverpool Free Public Library, William
Brown Street, was a most enterprising man, combining
with his printing and bookselling business, that of a broker
and keeper of an employment registry. He also sold
"ransom bills (French and English), and an abridgment
of the Articles of War, designed for the use of privateers
and vessels that carry letters of marque."
The first newspaper ever published in Liverpool was the
Leverpoole Courant, printed in 1711-12 by S. Terry, in Dale
Street ; but to Robert Williamson belongs the credit of
publishing the first Liverpool newspaper that attained a
venerable age. Started on the 28th of May, 1756, as
Williamson's Liverpool Advertiser and Mercantile Register,
its title was changed on January 6, 1794, to Billinge's
Liverpool Advertiser, Mr. Billinge being then editor. Its
name was again changed to that of the Liverpool Times,
which it retained until 1856, when it ceased to appear. A
second Liverpool newspaper, called the Chronicle,* was
started in 1756-7, but was discontinued in less than three
years. In December, 1765, Mr. John Gore published the
first number of the Liverpool General Advertiser, or the
Commercial Register, the title of which was afterwards
changed to the General Advertiser.
* Williamson'1 s Advertiser of November 25, 1757, says: "Mr. Robert Fleetwood,
bookseller, and Mr. Sadler, printer, have declined being any longer concerned in
publishing the Chronicle, or any other newspaper." The Chronicle, jealous of the
advertisements in Williamson's paper, charged him with inserting too many pufts
of quack medicines.
B
IS THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
The reader will pardon this digression, for it is to the
enterprise of these two men, Robert Williamson and John
Gore, every historian of Liverpool is indebted for much
valuable matter. The name of Gore suggests an employ-
ment in connection with privateering which we have not
yet noticed, that of linguist or " linguister." In 1780 the
following advertisement appeared in the papers: — "Wanted
a person who understands perfectly the Dutch language, to
go linguist in a good stout privateer. Such a person (if
sober and well recommended) will meet with good encour-
agement by applying to John Gore." In the slave ships
the position of linguist was often held by "ladies of
colour."
Let us now enquire into the cost of fitting out a privateer.
Fortunately, we are not obliged to resort to mere estimates
or guess-work, having before us the original accounts of
the Enterprise privateer, of Liverpool ; Captain James
Haslam, commander. She sailed on her first cruise in
September, 1779, with a crew of 106, composed as follows :—
Captain, first, second, and third lieutenants, sailing master,
2 master's mates, 2 prize-masters, surgeon, captain of
marines and his mate, carpenter and his mate, boatswain
and his 2 mates, gunner and 3 mates (the fourth absconded),
cook, cooper and his mate, 4 quartermasters, armourer,
captain's clerk, ship's steward, 2 cabin stewards, sail-
maker, 20 seamen, 6 " three-quarter " seamen, 13 "half"
seamen, 9 "quarter" seamen, 18 landsmen, 3 boys, and 3
apprentices. The amount of wages advanced to the sea-
men was £645 8s. 5^d., each officer and man receiving
two months' pay in advance. The disbursements made
to tradesmen and others in connection with the outfit
amounted to ,£1,388 55. 3d.; making a total expenditure
of £2,033 I3S- 8^d. This sum was debited to the
owners of the privateer in the following proportions,
according to the amount of their shares : —
THE ANCIENT MARINER. 19
Thomas Earle 3/16 - - ^381 6 4
Edgar Corrie 2/16 - 254 4 2>2
Francis Ingram 2/16 - 254 4 2^
William Earle 2/16 ~ 254 4 2K
Dillon and Leyland- 2/16 ~ 254 4 2X
Peter Freeland - Vie ~ I27 2 l/i
Thomas Eagles - 1/10 - 127 2 i^{
Edward Chaffers - Vie ~ 127 2 i}£
James Carruthers - Vie ~ 127 2 i*^
William Denison - Vic ~ I27 2 1Y\
^"2033 13
For the rate of wages paid to the commander, officers,
and crew; the names of the tradesmen supplying the outfit,
together with the amount of their respective accounts, and
other curious matter connected with the first, second, and
third cruise of the Enterprise, the reader is referred to the
appendix. It is worth noting here, however, that the
French and Spanish commissions or letters of marque cost
^41 i/s. 4d., and that a considerable expenditure appears
to have been incurred in bringing seamen from Whitehaven
and Chester to Liverpool, due probably to the extraordinary
number of privateers despatched from Liverpool about this
period, and the consequent difficulty of procuring crews.
The amounts which are set down for clothes, etc., for the
French prisoners, and the present of £21 to the dispensary,
prove that the owners of this privateer were generous and
humane men. The name of Mr. Egerton Smith, father of
the founder of the Liverpool Mercury, appears as supplying
stationery to the privateer for each cruise. He was a
schoolmaster and printer, at one time in Redcross Street,
and afterwards in Pool Lane (now South Castle Street),
where the future editor of the Mercury was born in 1774.
The total amount expended on the Enterprise in her
20 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
three cruises, together with the value of the ship, was as
follows : —
Outfit for first cruise - - ^2033 13
Outfit for second cruise 568 17 2
Outfit for third cruise - 24T3 4 2
5015 15 0
Value of the ship - 2050 o o
£7065 15
The Enterprise captured several prizes, the proceeds of
one or two of which, probably, more than covered the
above outlay. When it is borne in mind that in the year
1779 there belonged to the port of Liverpool a fleet of
1 20 privateers, whose aggregate tonnage was 31,385,
carrying 1,986 guns, and 8,754 men '•> some idea of the
benefits accruing to the tradesmen of the town, as well
as to the merchants and the ship owners, may be
formed. The value of the prizes taken by these privateers
has been put down at upwards of one million sterling.
Judging by the amount expended upon the Enterprise,
the fitting out of the 120 privateers must have imparted
a wonderful activity to all branches of trade. But the
mere fitting-out of private ships of war carrying no cargo,
could not compensate for the sad falling away of the
lucrative slave traffic, owing to the war ; and it is
extremely doubtful whether the patriotism of the town
would have borne the strain of so many privateers, if more
ships could have been profitably employed in the African
slave trade. The testimony of the Rev. Gilbert Wakefield
is pretty clear on this head : " The principal cause of the
multitude of privateers from Liverpool during the French
and American War," he says, " was the impediment
which this event had put in the way of the African slave
trade, whose head-quarters, as I have observed, are fixed
at this place."
THE ANCIENT MARINER. 21
The following are copies of the instructions given to
Captain Haslam by Messrs. Francis Ingram & Co.: —
" LIVERPOOL, i6th September, 1779.
" CAPTAIN JAMES HASLAM,
"SiR, — You being appointed commander of our ship
Enterprise, and being compleatly fitted for a cruise of six
months, are by the first oppertunity to sail from hence and
make the best of your way to sea by the North or South
Channel, as the wind may offer most favourable, but we prefer
the former if to be effected without any extraordinary Risque,
as being a path less liable to meet with any of the enemy's
Cruizers, and having a chance to meet with American
vessels bound to Sweden, etc. In this case don't keep too
near the coast of Ireland, and be sure to gain the longitude
of 20 West from London before you go to the southward of
the latitude of 53, but shoud you go through the South
Channel, a true W.S.W. course, 180 or 200 leagues from
Tusker, would be the most likely to lead you clear and
obtain the longitude of 20, as aforesaid, by the time you
would get into latitude of 48 ; in either case, when the
westing is gain'd you are to cross the latitudes under an
easy sail to the Island of St. Mary's, then to cruise about
five degrees to the westward of it, now and then stretching
half a degree to the southward, as vessels may run in that
path to see it and yet avoid coming too near for fear of
being captured.
" If in the course of three weeks you meet with no success,
you are to proceed to the westward of the longitude of
Corvo, and stand across north and south from half a degree
to the northward of Corvo to half a degree to the southward
of St. Mary's. The whole of your cruize in these stations
we remit to three months from the time of your being the
length of St. Mary's, unless some extraordinary intelligence
may be had, in which case it is left to your discretion,
hoping that you will at all times weigh every circumstance
22 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
maturely for and against, aided by the sentiments of such
of your officers as may be depended upon.
" Shoud you be so fortunate as to take any prize
or prizes in those stations of the value of ,£10,000 or
upwards, you are to see them safe into some good port in
Ireland, running down in the latitude 52, gaining that
paralell in longitude of 15 west from London at least, then
taking the North or South Channel as wind and weather
may offer ; but if not of that value, dispatch them with a
trusty officer, taking care not to put too many of the enemy
in proportion to your own men on board, giving the
directions for his proceeding as aforesaid, with caution not
to trust many of his own people aloft at a time on any
account whatever, as many prizes have been retaken by the
prisoners for want of such Precaution.
"Shoud you meet with no success, you are then to
proceed to the latitude of Ushant, coming no farther to the
eastward than 16 west from London, and cruize between
that station and Corvo, and shoud you have no success in a
reasonable time, finish your cruize between the latitude
37 and 48^, taking care as you increase your latitude to
make easting in proportion, and on the contrary as you
make southing, to increase your westing, either to the
eastward or westward of the Western Islands, likewise as
may be thought most eligible ; and should you take any
prize or prizes of the aforesaid value, you are to act accord-
ingly, and take or send them for the North or South
Channel as circumstances may offer, and shoud you loose
company with any prize or prizes when conducting them, you
are then to regain your station with all convenient speed, and
let them take their chance, and for fear such an accident may
happen, be sure to give such orders to the prize-master, and
put people and necessarys on board as may best insure safety.
" You are strictly order'd not to meddle with any neutral
vessel whatever unless you are certain by her papers or
THE ANCIENT MARINER. 23
other indisputable information (freely given without bribery,
promised gratuities, or Force) that she has taken in her
loading in North America, therefore you are not to pay any
regard to the Giddy solicitations of your Crew, so as to be
misled by them, but act upon your own Reason, and for
that purpose we desire you will read your printed Instruc-
tions from the Admiralty, given with your Commissions,
with the utmost attention, and you cannot err.
"In case of your taking a prize, let every Paper, Letter,
etc., be immediately secured and sent home with her, all
Money and Valuables that can be easily removed to be
taken on board your ship, and on you or your prize
arrival at any port in Ireland, let an express be sent imme-
diately with a Letter to Mr. Fras. Ingram to the first post
Town, by a carefull hand, and repeated a post or two after
for fear of Miscarriage, and the greatest care taken not to
break Bulk, as the lower class of people in Ireland make
use of every scheme to mislead and defraud.
" We order that upon any capture being made that your
Lieutenant, with two trusty officers, do, as soon as possible,
examine the Trunks, Chests, etc., of the officers, passengers,
and crew, and that they take from them all Letters, Invoices,
Papers, etc., and other valuables, delivering them to you,
with a particular account of the same, signed by them in
order to obviate any jealousy or misunderstandings. You
will likewise examine the prisoners separately with great
attention touching the destination of any ship or ships they
may have been in company with, or of the destination of
any vessel within their knowledge, and likewise gain all
the information as to the Destination of Fleets, etc., and if
anything of consequence as to national matters be obtained,
communicate it to the first King's ship you meet, taking
care at all times to compare the different Informations, so
that you may not be deceived, to do which you may be
assured every artifice will be used.
24 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
" We particularly recommend that the prisoners be not
plundered of their Cloths and Bedding, but that they may
be used with all tenderness and Humanity consistent with
your own safety, which must be strictly attended to ; and
as true Courage and Humanity are held to be inseparable,
we hope your crew will not be wanting in doing that
Honour to their Country, the contrary of which is disgrace-
full to a civilized nation.
"You will take particular care that your crew be treated
humanely, that every one be made to do their duty with
Good Temper ; as Harmony, a good look-out, and steady
attention to the main point are all absolutely necessary to
be attended to, the success of the Cruise greatly Depending
upon it.
" Herewith you have sundry letters of credit, and shoud
you have occasion to draw upon London, you must draw
upon Messrs. Jos. Denison & Co.
"In case of your Death, which God forbid, your first
Lieutenant is to succeed you in the command, and so in
succession, and to follow these orders. Wishing you a
successfull cruise,
" We remain,
"Your assured Friends,
"F. INGRAM & CO.
" Messrs. HORN & SILL, Lisbon.
" Messrs. PEDDAK & Co., Cork.
"Messrs. SCOTT, PRINGLE & SCOTT, Madeira."
" LIVERPOOL, 13^ Septr, 1779.
" MESSRS. SCOTT, PRIXGLE AND SCOTT,
"GENTLEMEN, — In case Captain Haslam of the Enterprise
Privateer shoud put into Madeira, you will please to supply
him with what necessaries he may want, and for the amount
THE ANCIENT MARINER. 25
of which you are to value upon Messrs. Joseph Denison & Co. ,
London. — I am Gent"
" Your most obd. Servt.
" FRA. INGRAM, FOR SELF & Co."
" Copys of the above wrote to
"MESSRS. JNO. PEDDER & Co.,] [
"Copied the above 12
Cork. , .
June, 1780, and given
" MESSRS. HORN & SILL,
to Captn. Haslam.
Lisbon. J ^
On the 22nd of October, 1779, the Enterprise returned to
Liverpool, bringing in with her a valuable prize called
L? Aventurier, of 22 guns and 50 men, bound from Martinico
to Bordeaux with a cargo of cotton, tobacco, sugar, coffee,
cocoa, and cassia fistula. There appears to have been some
insubordination on board the privateer, and from the tenor
of the following letter, we gather that the owners were not
altogether satisfied with the commander.
' ' LIVERPOOL, 1 7 Nov. , 1 779.
"CAP: HASLAM,
" SIR, — It is our positive orders that in case of your taking
another prize, that you do not return to Liverpool on any account
or pretence, but that on your taking a capital prize of not [less]
than ten thousand pounds, you are to convoy her into the first
port in Great Britain or Ireland. And further, you are
expressly ordered to continue your cruise for five months from
your departure now from the Rock, as by the Custom of the
Port the detention in the River is not included in the time
allowed for the cruize. We depend on the conduct of you and
your officers to carry a proper command on board the vessel
and to prevent any Disobedience or further attempts to Mutiny.
"We remain, &c.,
"FRAS INGRAM & COMY."
At the commencement of the second cruise the muster
roll had dwindled to 88, notwithstanding the introduction of
26 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
new blood, and the amount advanced for wages was only
^"63 45.
On the I5th of June, 1780, Messrs. Francis Ingram and
Co. handed to Captain Haslam the following orders, which,
in point of dignity, clearness, and shrewdness, are surely
not unworthy of a fine old British merchant, one of the
olden time :—
" CAPTAIN HASLAM,
" SIR, — Our ship Enterprise^ of which you are at
present commander, being compleatly equipped and
Manned for a six-months cruise, you are by the first favour-
able oppertunity to sail from hence and make the best of
your way for the latitude of Belleisle, and run down that
paralel until you make it, as it is the place where all
vessels bound for Nantz and Bordeaux take in their Pilots.
You are to remain in that station one or two weeks, stand-
ing off and on in such direction and at such distance as you
may think proper. If no success in that time, you are to
stand across the Bay under an easy sail, making free with
the land (if the wind and weather will permit), so as to fall
in with the Spanish coast about Bilboa, and from thence
coast it up by slow movements to Cape Finisterre, and when
there stand off N.N.W. by the Compas about 40 or 50
Leagues Distance, and so in again S.S.E., spending two or
three weeks in that manner, as it seems to be an Eligible
track to catch both outward and homeward-bound French
and Spaniards.
" If no success, range back again towards Bilboa, and from
thence cross over for the mouth of the River of Bordeaux,
taking all prudent libertys with the French and Spanish
coasts and so on to the Island of Belleisle. This method we
woud have you to pursue for the first three months, and if
no material success in that time we suppose your water will
be nearly expended, and in that case you are to proceed to
the Western Islands and do the needfull there with all
THE ANCIENT MARINER. 27
Expedition, and as no profit accrues to a vessel lying long
in Harbour, you are to proceed from thence to Cape
Finisterre and finish your cruise between that and the
latitude of Ushant, as far to the westward as you may think
prudent, and no more, as the odds is considerably against
rambling in the wide ocean, whereas Headlands and Islands
usually run down by vessels are the surest places to find
prizes.
"Notwithstanding the particular directions we have given
above, we woud have it perfectly understood that the
Execution of them as to Winds and Weather is left entirely
to the good conduct of yourself and the officers (you are
desired to consult). Upon all matters of consequence we
wish you to consult with Mr. Cotter and him only, and to
follow your joint opinions, and as your ship is a prime
sailer you may make free with the enemy's coast without
danger, shewing at all times a true british spirit to your
Crew, with whom we hope you will cultivate the greatest
Harmony and treat them with the greatest tenderness and
Humanity, at the same time preserving the most strict
discipline and command.
" You must by no means detain any Dutch or neutral
ship unless bound from an Enemy's port to an Enemy's port
with French, Spanish, or America property on board, and
that to appear by their regular papers and not from any
hearsay Information from the crews, as great Expences
have been incurred by such imprudence. But shoud it
appear by a clear examination of the Papers as aforesaid
that the Goods on board are the property of an Enemy, you
are to make a prize of them, in which momentous business
take every precaution not to be misled or overawed by the
Impropriety [importunity?] of your crew. You are particu-
larly to observe that by an Act of Parliament passed lately
the cargoes of any neutral ships bound from the Islands of
Grenada, St. Vincents, and Dominica to a neutral port,
28 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
having certificates on board signed by two English
merchants or planters residing there, signifying that the
entire cargoe is the produce of that island and was taken on
board there, are exempted from capture and therefore are
not to be molested.
" If you take a prize or prizes to the value of ten thousand
pounds or upwards, put Mr. Cotter in command and see her
safe into Milford, Cork, or Kinsale, as the winds and
weather may be, and when there put some other trusty
officer on board instead of Mr. Cotter, who is then to return
to his station in the Enterprise. Give notice to us of the
arrival of such prize immediately by Post, and order that
letter may be repeated three or four times afterwards the
following days, adding any new matter that may occur in
the intervals. On such return into port keep a strict
command over your people, and proceed again with all
possible dispatch upon your cruise, as heavy Wages,
Provisions, and Premiums of Insurances are constantly
going on.
"Shoud you take a vessel belonging to a scattered Fleet,
we direct you to pursue them or continue your Cruize for
the stragling ships so long as you have a man to board
with. If the prizes you may take are of less value than
ten thousand pounds, dispatch them with a trusty officer,
taking care not to put too many of the enemy in proportion
to your own men on board, giving directions for his pro-
ceeding as aforesaid, with caution not to trust many of his
people aloft at a time on any account whatever.
" Upon taking a prize, secure all the papers immediately
and remove all valuables, as money, etc., into your own
ship, or let them remain on board the prize as you may
think proper. Mr. Cotter and two other officers to examine
the Trunks of the Officers, Passengers, etc., and direct them
to deliver all papers found therein to you with a particular
acct. signed by them of any Money or valuables which must
THE ANCIENT MARINER. 29
be delivered to you for safety. Examine the prisoners
separately, with great attention as to the destination of any
ship, ships or Fleets they may have been in company with,
or of which they have knowledge, and compare their informa-
tions to prevent you from being deceived by false intelligence.
"We desire you to be carefull to prevent the prisoners
from being plunder'd of any article whatever, to prevent
any insult to the meanest of them, that you treat them with
Humanity and all the Tenderness that is consistent with the
Security of your ship, or your prizes, which must be strictly
attended to.
-" Keep a good look-out on all occasions, and make short
work of any action you have by runing close alongside
before you open your fire, for depend upon this that by
engageing them very close the officers opposed to you will
be unable to keep their Men to their Guns. Improve this
advantage therefore to the utmost, which the Discipline on
board your ship, and the courage of your people, will
indisputably give you.
"If you fall in with any British man-of-war and the
Captain attempts to impress any of your people, represent
to them respectfully the injury you and We sustained by
Cap. Phipps interrupting you last cruise, and produce the
Memorial to the Admiralty and Mr. Gascoyn's letter upon
that subject, which will certainly prevent any worthy british
officer from Empressing any of your people a second time at
sea.
" Herewith you have Sundry Letters of Credit, and in case
of your death (which God forbid) your first Lieutenant is to
succeed you in Command, and so on in succession, and to
follow these orders.
" To Conclude, this is the last cruize the ship is to make
as a privateer, and our motives for fitting her on this cruise
have been a dependance on her sailing, with a Confidance
in your making the most of that advantage, and of the
30 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
stations we have pointed out for your cruise, in which you
will be well supported hy Mr. Cotter. As it is the last
cruise, make the most of it, and be assured of this, that you
and Mr. Cotter in Consequence of such Conduct, will meet
with every degree of regard, favor, and attention to your
future Interests from us, Who are very truly
" Your assur'd friends,
" FRAS INGRAM & C°"
"To Hoist a White Flag- at the main top Gallant mast
Head — wch Richd- Wilding- will answer on his own Pole to
the southward of the Lighthouse.
" CAPT. HASLAM.
"On your coming- in (or a prize) you are to make the
above signal, wch will be answered by Richd- Willding. Success
attend you.
"FRAS INGRAM."
The gallant commander would doubtless read the follow-
ing considerate note with mixed feelings :—
" LIVERPOOL, ^th June, 1780.
"CAPT. HASLAM.
" SIR, — In case you shoud be so unfortunate as to be
taken, the owners have agreed to allow you six pounds a
month during- your captivity.
" I am sir your most Hume Servrt
"FRAS INGRAM & C°"
Owing to their manner of life and reckless habits,
captivity, and especially captivity in a French prison,
meant certain death to hundreds of seamen. Perhaps
none fought more desperately during the war than those
men who had once experienced the horrors of a French
gaol. The next and last document with which we shall
trouble the reader, in connection with this ship, runs as
follows : —
THE ANCIENT MARINER. 31
' ' LIVERPOOL, 1 2th June, 1 780.
"To ANY OF His MAJESTY'S CONSULS,
"SiR, — In case the Enterprise Privateer, Capt. Haslam,
shoud put into Port for Provisions, &c. , &c. , must beg the
favor you woud supply him with what he may want to the
amount of Five Hundred pounds and your Bill shall be
punctually honored for the amount. We are, &c. ,
" FRA. INGRAM & C°"*
On her third cruise the Enterprise carried 105 men.
Her surgeon on the first cruise was Henry Barr ; on the
third cruise, Edward Lowndes. It is worthy of note that
after the lapse of more than a century the names of Barr and
Lowndes are honourably represented in the medical pro-
fession in Liverpool ; but we are not aware that there is any
connection between the surgeons of old Liverpool and those
of greater Liverpool. In this final cruise the commander,
officers, and men appear to have been shareholders, Captain
Haslam having 16 shares, first lieutenant 8, second lieu-
tenant, sailing master, surgeon, and carpenter 6 each, petty
officers in proportion, seamen 2 shares each, "three-quarter"
seamen i^ shares each, and so on down to the boys, each
of whom had half a share. The total number of shares thus
allotted was 212. The second lieutenant, sailing master,
surgeon, gunner, and boatswain received ^4 ics. per month
wages; the carpenter, ^£5 per month; four sailing mates,
,£4 55. each ; boatswain's mates, ^4 each ; quartermasters
and the gunner's mate, 75s.; surgeon's mate, cooper, cook,
steward, armourer, and full seamen, 705. per month; "three-
quarter " and "half" seamen from 405. 10655.; landsmen
from 2os. to 465. per month.
*From the original account books in the possession of T. H. Dixon, Esq., The
Clappers, Gresford, and kindly lent by him to the author. The penmanship of
the above instructions, and of the accounts, is remarkably neat, but the ortho-
graphy, as the reader sees, is conceived on a free and easy scale in keeping w ith
the subject and the times.
32
CHAPTER II.
THE STORY OF CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS WRIGHT AND
SELIM THE ARMENIAN CAPTIVE.
THE " Spacious days of great Elizabeth " were the golden
age of privateering, in the sense that the profession was
carried on by men cast in the heroic mould, who disdained
to draw too nice a distinction between privateering and
piracy. Elizabeth was the sailor's friend, "the restorer of
the glory of shipping, and the Queen of the North Sea."
Camden tells us that "the wealthier inhabitants of the sea-
coast, in imitation of their princess, built ships of war,
striving who should exceed, insomuch that the Queen's
navy, joined with her subjects' shipping, was, in short time,
so puissant that it was able to bring forth 20,000 fighting
men for sea service." The ships so benevolently provided
by the wealthier inhabitants of the sea coast were, of course,
privateers, but Liverpool was at that time too insignificant
and poor a place to indulge in the romantic and fashionable
patriotism of the age.
It is in this reign we find privateering first mentioned in
connection with Liverpool. In 1563 a privateer, fitted
out by Sir Thomas Stanley, of Hooton, son of the Earl
of Derby, brought a prize into the river Mersey "with
great rejoicings." Another privateer, fitted out by the
licensed victuallers of Chester, brought in a French prize,
whereupon the " shipping shot off so noble a peal of guns,
so quick and fast one upon another, that the like was never
heard in these parts of England and Wales." In the year
1566 two prizes arrived, one of which was subsequently
ransomed. It is now impossible to say when the first
CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS WRIGHT. 33
private armed ship left the port of Liverpool, but as the
Tower in Water Street was for many ages the seaside
residence and place of embarkation of the Derby family, it
is probable that their ships, armed, of course, against
corsairs, or for naval warfare, were among the earliest that
set out. The ships of the Stanleys, in fact, are mentioned
in our old poetry. In the ballad of "Lady Bessie" Lord
Stanley promises Elizabeth of York to send her messenger
Humphrey Brereton, to Henry VII.
" I have a gude shippe of mine owne
Shall carry Humfrey ;
If any man aske whoes is the shippe ?
Saye it is the Earle's of Derbye.
Without all doubt at Liverpoole
He tooke shipping upon the sea."
Nearly five hundred years have flown since Isabel of
Lathom gave her hand — and, let us hope, her heart — to the
gallant Sir John Stanley, who received from his father-
in-law the site upon which he erected the Tower in
Water Street. The close connection thus begun between
the Stanleys and the citizens of Liverpool has grown and
strengthened with the years, and while these lines are being
penned, the sixteenth Earl of Derby sits in his official
residence as Lord Mayor of Greater Liverpool, within
bow-shot of the site of the ancient fortress and town house of
his ancestors. Though he may not possess "a gude shippe"
of his own to carry Humfrey, he has but to telephone down
the street to the' neighbourhood of the Tower, and floating
palaces, surpassing in splendour the happiest dreams of
"Lady Bessie," will be placed at his disposal — for a
consideration — to take shipping upon the sea.
About the time of the sailing of the Spanish Armada, the
Town Council providentially laid in 300 pounds of gun-
powder, and ordered "a gun" to be set up at Nabbe
c
34 777^ LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS
(afterwards Pluckington) Point, above the pool. It was
the good fortune of a Liverpool captain and shipowner, how-
ever, to render a more important service to his Queen and
country at that exciting time. Worthy Master Humfraye
Brooke brought to England the first intelligence of the
Armada being at sea. He was outward bound from
Liverpool to the Canaries when he espied the Biscayan
division of the Spanish fleet in the distance, sailing north.
Suspecting its errand, he put ship about and made all haste
to Plymouth, whence he despatched couriers, or perhaps
went himself, to London. He received substantial marks
of favour from the Government for his foresight, prudence,
and activity. Liverpool was not then able to add much to
the fleet of upwards of a hundred merchantmen, which
joined the twenty ships of the Royal Navy and took so
distinguished a part in baffling, defeating, and dispersing
the "invincible" Armada.
In 1634 tne memorable levy of ship money took place.
The whole county was assessed at the sum of ^475, of
which Liverpool was required to pay ^15, raised in the
following year to ^25. During the Civil War, the Tower
in Water Street was garrisoned by the retainers of Lord
Derby, the castle being held by Lord Molyneux. We
cannot linger over this period of Liverpool history in which
the fiery Prince Rupert found that the men of Liverpool
were foemen worthy of his steel, for the "crow's nest"
which he despised was not taken without an incessant
cannonade carried on for eighteen days, and numerous
assaults, in which he lost 1,500 men. It is sufficient for
our present purpose to observe that the capture of the town
by the Parliamentary forces was a serious blow to the royal
cause, as it gave Parliament and its partisans the power of
fitting out vessels of war in the Mersey, and of thus
interrupting the communications with Ireland, whence the
Lord-lieutenant of the King, the Marquis of Ormonde, was
CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS WRIGHT. 35
preparing to send supplies and reinforcements to the Royal
party. Several frigates, or small vessels, were fitted out
at Liverpool — one of them by Colonel John Moore. A
number of Liverpool frigates, under the command of
Captain Banks, cruised in the Irish Channel, sometimes
blockading Dublin, and cutting off the supplies of provi-
sions, coal, and other necessaries, which that city previously
obtained from England. The cruisers also added much to
the difficulty of sending over reinforcements to England.
So great was the inconvenience produced by the Liverpool
Squadron that the Marquis of Ormonde strongly urged the
royalists in Chester to attack Liverpool by sea.
The Marquis, writing to Lord Byron, January 16, 1643,
says : " When they (the Royal fleet) are gone, it is too
probable the Liverpool ships will look out again, if that town
be not in the meantime reduced, which I most earnestly
recommend your lordship to think of and attempt as
soon as you possibly can, there being no service that, to my
apprehension, can at once so much advantage this place
(Dublin) and Chester, and make them so useful to each
other."
The merchants of Liverpool have always been a shrewd,
far-seeing race, and an instance of their readiness to make
the most of their opportunities turns up in an unexpected
quarter. In the recently published Kenyon MSS. we
find, under date 1702, "Reasons humbly offered by Henry
Jones, Esquire, for building a mould or harbour in Whit-
sand Bay, at the Land's End, in Cornwall." The tenth
reason adduced is as follows :
" By all the above it is likewise further manifest that
even in times of peace there hath not nor can be secure
trading 'twixt St. George's and the British Channels, or
anywhere to the westward of the Land's End, without this
proposed mould, and that for want of it there hath been
and may be more ships lost (yearly, besides the men's lives)
3G THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
than three times the value of what would erect the same.
Hence, the Leverpoole merchants, during all the last war,
possessed those who trade from London that their ships
might come safer north about Ireland, unload their effects at
Leverpoole, and be at charge of land-carriage from thence
to London, rather than run the hazard of having their ships
taken by the enemy, or wreckt, by reason of the great
dangers of Scilly, the Land's End, Mount's Bay, Lizzard,
and all the South Channell to London, which hath proved
an unspeakable detriment to all the trading seaport towns
that border upon the British Channell ; which evills would
effectually be prevented were there an harbour and light-
house at the Land's End of England."
In the reign of George II. Liverpool ships, in common
with those belonging to other British seaports, were plun-
dered, and their crews maltreated by the Spanish Guarda
Costas, whose depredations, carried on with impunity for
several years, aroused at length the indignation of the
whole country. In 1728, while the fate of Europe continued
in suspense, while the English fleet lay inactive and rotting
in the West Indies, the sailors perishing miserably without
daring to avenge their country's wrongs, the merchants of
Liverpool, London, Bristol, and other places petitioned the
House of Commons for redress. The House instituted
inquiries, and passed resolutions accusing the Spaniards
of violating the treaty between the two crowns, and with
having treated with inhumanity the masters and crews of
British ships. The King, in reply to the address of the
Commons, promised to procure satisfaction. The outrages
went on and grew in number and daring until, in 1737*
the whole nation cried for vengeance, and petitions from
merchants in all parts of the country poured into the House
of Commons, which, at length, in Grand Committee, pro-
ceeded to hear counsel for the merchants, and examine
evidence, by which it appeared that amazing acts of wanton
CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS WRIGHT. 37
cruelty and injustice had been perpetrated by Spaniards on
the subjects of Great Britain. In the following year the
King informed Parliament that a Convention with Spain
had been ratified. When the terms of the Convention
became known, many merchants, planters, and others
trading to America, the cities of London and Bristol, the
merchants of Liverpool, and the owners of ships which
had been seized by the Spaniards presented petitions
against it. In a great debate in the Commons, Mr. Pitt
denounced the Convention as dishonourable to Great
Britain, but, in spite of strong opposition, the Convention
received the approval of both houses. In 1739, Spain,
having failed to pay the money stipulated in the Convention
as compensation to those who had suffered by the depreda-
tions, letters of marque and reprisal were granted against
the Spaniards. The British Minister at Madrid politely
explained to the Court of Spain that his master, although
he had permitted his subjects to make reprisals, would not
be understood to have broken the peace, and that this per-
mission would be recalled as soon as his Catholic Majesty
should be disposed to make satisfaction. The King of
Spain failed to appreciate the nicety of the distinction per-
ceived by the British monarch, and proceeded to defend
himself by vigorous words and actions. A declaration of
war on both sides soon followed, and in 1744 France
declared war against England. Referring to this period,
the author of " Williamson's Liverpool Memorandum
Book," published in 1753, advanced the remarkable theory
that the town flourished more in war than in peace.
"In the last war, 1739 to 1748," he says, "trade flourished
and spread her golden wing's so extensively that, if they had
possessed it seven years longer, it would have enlarged the size
and riches of the town to a prodigious degree. The harbour
being situated so near the mouth of the North Channel,
between Ireland and Scotland (a passage very little known to
38
THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
or frequented by the enemy) afforded many conveniences to
the merchants here, untasted by those of other ports, which
invited numbers of strangers from different parts to beg-in
trade and settle here, finding it so advantageous a mart.
Trade since the late peace has not been so brisk as formerly,
but it appears by the Custom House books to be much
revived. The chief manufactures carried on here are blue and
white earthenware, which at present almost vie with China
(large quantities are exported for the Colonies abroad), and
watches, which are not to be excelled in Europe. All the
different branches are manufactured in and about the town, to
supply the London and foreign markets."
It is true that in this war the commerce of Liverpool
suffered much less than that of London, Bristol, and Hull
from the privateers of the enemy, but the prosperity had prob-
ably more to do with black than golden wings, the number
of slave ships having grown from one vessel of 30 tons in
1709, to 72 ships of 7547 tons in 1753. The progress made
during the first half of the eighteenth century, long before
cotton had been added to tobacco, sugar, rum, and slaves,
as the commercial deities of Liverpool, will be seen from
the following tables :
A comparative statement of the number of ships that
arrived at, or sailed from the Port of Liverpool for six years
preceding the year 1751 :
The number of ships that arrived at, or sailed
from the Port of Liverpool for six years.
Ships belonging to the Port
for the same time.
Inwards.
Outwards.
Years.
Ships.
Tons.
Ships.
Tons.
Ships.
Tons.
Men.
1709
1716
1723
1730
1737
1744
374
370
4.13
412
402
403
14,574
17,870
18,840
18,070
17,493
22,072
334
409
390
440
435
425
12.636
18,872
18,373
19,058
22,350
20,937
84
"3
131
1 66
171
1 88
5,789
8,386
8,070
9,766
12,016
13,772
936
1,370
1. 114
IJIO
1,981
2,621
CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS WRIGHT. 39
In 1749 the total tonnage of vessels that entered the port
was 28,250 tons. In 1751 the number of ships that entered
was 543, with a tonnage of 31,731. For the next hundred
years Liverpool went on steadily, doubling her trade about
every sixteen years.
In the year 1744, Liverpool appears to have possessed
four privateers, namely, the Old Noll, of 22 guns and 180
men, Captain Powell ; the Terrible, of 22 guns and 180
men, Captain Cole ; the Thurloe, of 12 guns and 100 men,
Captain Dugdale ; and the Admiral Blake, whose arma-
ment is not stated, commanded by Captain Edmondson.
The Terrible recaptured, and sent into Waterford, the
Joseph, of Bristol, laden with logwood, tar, etc., which had
been taken on the homeward passage from Boston by a
Bilbao privateer. The Terrible also recaptured the Brom-
field, of Bristol, Captain Sharp, which had been taken by
the French on the passage from St. Kitts to Bristol. The
L' Amiable Martha, from St. Domingo for Bordeaux, was
taken and carried into Cork by the Terrible. The prize
cargo consisted of 370 hogsheads and 44 barrels of sugar,
57 casks of coffee, 1 1 hogsheads of indigo, one hogshead
white sugar, 1,270 pieces of eight, and five cobs of gold.
In 1746 the Terrible captured a Martinico ship and sent her
into Liverpool. In July, 1744, we read that the Thurloe
had captured a vessel with wine ; and about the same time
that the Vulture privateer, of Bayonne, 14 carriage guns
and 118 men, had been taken and carried into Cork by
the Thurloe and the Blake privateers of Liverpool. The
Admiral Blake took a Martinico ship, and, in company
with the Thurloe, carried into Cork the Admiral, a rich
French ship from Martinico for Bordeaux. In the capture
list of August, 1744, we read that the Thurloe privateer of
Liverpool, and her prize, a Martinicoman, were taken by a
French privateer, but afterwards retaken by the Thurloe's
consort, the Old Noll, with the Frenchmen on board, and
40 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
carried into Cork. After a smart engagement, the French
privateer, of 36 guns and 300 men, sheered off. The Old
Noll took the Providence, from Bordeaux for Martinico, and
carried her into Kinsale ; and recaptured the Hannah,
Captain Fowler, from Jamaica, which she sent into Cork.
The Old AW/ also took a prize off the Start, and a fishing
vessel with 30 men, "three of them Irish," and the City of
Nantz, a very large ship from St. Domingo for Nantz,
which she convoyed to Liverpool. Finally, the Old Noll
recaptured and carried to Liverpool the Sarah, from
Carolina for London, which had been taken by a French
privateer called the Count de Maurepas, who had captured
five prizes. In November, 1745, the sad intelligence
reached Liverpool that the Old Noll had been sunk, with
all her crew, by the Brest squadron. In June, 1748, the
capture lists recorded that "a Dutch ship, from Bordeaux
to Dunkirk, with bale goods and spices, and a French
sloop from Cape Francois, coming express with the account
of the English taking Port Louis," had been captured by
the Warren privateer, of Liverpool. Early in the same
year a vessel called L'Amitie, bound for St. Domingo, was
taken and carried to Antigua by a Captain Johnson, of
Liverpool. Liverpool commerce suffered heavily from the
privateers of the enemy, and the few captures recorded
above offer a sad contrast to .the long list of Liverpool
vessels taken during the war.*
Captain Fortunatus Wright was undoubtedly the most
famous British privateer commander of his time, and
Liverpool's favourite hero during the first half of the
eighteenth century. In the few memorials of his life and
character which we have gathered together he strikes the
imagination as the ideal and ever-victorious captain,
around whose name and fate clings the halo of mystery
* See Appendix No. I.
CA PTA IN FOR TUNA TUS WRIGHT. 4 1
and romance. Smollett, the historian, has paid the follow-
ing tribute to his memory: "Sir Edward Hawke, being-
disappointed in his hope of encountering la Galissoniere,
and relieving the English garrison of St. Philip's, at least
asserted the empire of Great Britain in the Mediterranean,
by annoying the commerce of the enemy and blocking up
their squadron in the harbour of Toulon. Understanding
that the Austrian government at Leghorn had detained an
English privateer and imprisoned the captain on pretence
that he had violated the neutrality of the port, he detached
two ships of war to insist in a peremptory manner on the
release of the ship, effects, crew, and captain ; and they
thought proper to comply with his demand, even without
waiting for orders from the Court of Vienna. The person
in whose behalf the Admiral thus interposed was one
Fortunatus Wright, a native of Liverpool, who though a
stranger to a sea-life, had in the last war* equipped a
privateer, and distinguished himself in such a manner by
his uncommon vigilance and valour, that if he had been
indulged with a command suitable to his genius, he would
have deserved as honourable a place in the annals of the
navy as that which the French have bestowed upon their
boasted Gue Trouin, Du Bart, and Thurot. An uncommon
exertion of spirit was the occasion of his being detained at
this juncture. While he lay at anchor in the harbour
of Leghorn, commander of the St. George Privateer of
Liverpool, a small ship of 12 guns and 80 men, a large
French xebeque, mounted with 16 cannon and nearly three
times the number of his complement, chose her station in view
of the harbour, in order to interrupt the British commerce.
The gallant Wright could not endure this insult ; notwith-
standing the enemy's superiority in metal and number of
men, he weighed anchor, hoisted his sails, engaged him
*War of the Austrian Succession.
42 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
within sight of the shore, and after a very obstinate dispute,
in which the Captain, lieutenant, and above three score of
the men belonging to the xebeque were killed on the spot,
he obliged them to sheer off, and returned to the harbour
in triumph. This brave corsair would, no doubt, have
signalised himself by many other exploits, had not he, in
the sequel, been overtaken in the midst of his career by a
dreadful storm, in which the ship foundering, he and all his
crew perished."*
Professor Laughton, in his "Studies in Naval History,"
very properly doubts whether Smollett is entirely correct in
his statements regarding Wright's early life. " His father,"
he says, ' ' who was of Cheshire origin, was a master mariner
and shipowner, and I have little doubt that Wright himself
followed the sea in his youth probably as his father's appren-
tice, or afterwards in command of one of his father's ships.
The evidence is indeed very strong that he was far from a
stranger to a sea life. William Hutchinson, for many years
dockmaster at Liverpool, and who, on the title-page of his
'Treatise on Practical Seamanship,' styles himself as dis-
tinctively 'Mariner' — the sort of man who, in the last century,
would have divided the human race into seamen and land-
lubbers— speaks with evident pride of having served under
Fortunatus Wright, and frequently refers to the practice of
'that great,' 'that worthy hero,' as illustrating different
points of seamanship. He had, however, retired from the
sea, and settled down as a merchant and shipowner. Beyond
that, little is known, but it is believed that he became
involved in a tedious and costly lawsuit on account of one
of his ships with letters of marque detaining a vessel in
which the Turkey Company had an interest. In this there
is possibly some confusion with a later incident, the circum-
stances of which are before us ; but at any rate we may
*Smollett's "History of England," vol. I, page 337.
CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS WRIGHT. 43
accept the statement that, consequent on this lawsuit, and
not caring to abide another with which he was threatened,
he realised his property and left Liverpool." For these
personal details, Professor Laughton was indebted to the
kindness of Mr. Fortunatus Evelyn Wright, Consul for
Sweden and Norway at Christchurch, New Zealand. Mr.
F. E. Wright, or rather his elder brother, Mr. Sydney
Evelyn Wright, formerly a paymaster in the navy, is the
lineal representative of our privateer captain, as well as of
John Evelyn, the author of " Sylva," and the first treasurer
of Greenwich Hospital.*
According to Smithers' History of Liverpool, Fortunatus
Wright was the son of Captain John Wright, mariner, who
died in April, 1717, and who gallantly defended his ship for
several hours against two vessels of superior force, as is
recorded on a plain tombstone in St. Peter's churchyard ;
which records also that 4i Fortunatus Wright, his son, was
always victorious, and humane to the vanquished. He
was a constant terror to the enemies of his king and
country." After giving the substance of Smollett's
account, Mr. Smithers adds, "but tradition tells that he
became a victim to political interests. The tombstone is
silent as to the cause of his death." It is to be regretted
that so little is known of the early life of a brave man, of
whom Liverpool has reason to be proud.
In June, 1742, Captain Fortunatus Wright was travel-
ling in Italy, where he met with an adventure which is
thus related in a letter from Horace Mann, the British
Resident, to his friend Horace Walpole : —
"Captain Wright's daughter, Philippa, married Charles, the grandson of John
Evelyn, of Wottun, whose daughter, Susanna, married her first cousin once
removed, John Ell worthy Fortunatus Wright, who served as a lieutenant in the
navy during the war of American Independence, and retired after the peace of
1783. He was subsequently appointed master of the George's Dock, Liverpool,
where he was accidental!}' killed in the year 1798. Some of his descendants,
doubtless, still reside in Liverpool, though the elder branch of the hero's family
emigrated many years ago to New Zealand.
44 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
"For this last week I have had Complaints made to me
which were brought by an Express, of an Englishman, one
Wright's design to storm the Town and Republick of
Lucca, which horrid design was manifested by his obstinate
refusal to deliver a couple of Pistols to the Guards at the
Gate, and his presenting one of them cocked at the
Corporal, and twenty soldiers that demanded them of him,
threatening to kill them if they persisted. Much mischief
might have ensued had not a Colonel with thirty more
soldiers taken this valiant Squire Prisoner. He was con-
ducted with the above attendants to his Inn, where he
found another Guard, and two were placed in his bed-
chamber, till one of the Lucchese noblemen to whom our
Countryman had recommendations, found means to persuade
the Republick that no mischief should ensue. He was
kept three days prisoner, when at four o'clock in the
morning, just as his Servant was setting out post to tell me,
he received a message from the Gonfaloniere, by an officer
who speaks English, 'that since he had been so daring as
to endeavour to enter the Town by force of Arms, it was
therefore ordered that he should forthwith leave the State —
never presume to enter it again without leave from the
Republick ; and that there were post horses at the door of
his house, as well as a Guard of Soldiers, to see him out of
the Territories of the Republick ! ' He answered a great
deal not much to the purpose. However, his compliance
with the orders put an end to what had made a great
noise, and for three days had put their Excellencies in an
uproar."*
It is supposed that after this remarkable adventure
Captain Wright lived with his wife and family either at
Leghorn or Florence for about four years. His connection
with John Evelyn, and his letters of introduction to the
* " Mann and Manners at the Court of Florence," vol. I, pp 72-73.
CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS WRIGHT. 45
Lucchese nobleman, show that he was a man of good
social position. Professor Laughton, who has seen speci-
mens of his handwriting, pronounces it to be that of a
man of culture and education. "The hand," he says,
" is not of a commercial character, still less is it the
hand of a rude seaman, more familiar with the marling-
spike than the pen."
Soon after the outbreak of war with France in 1744,
Wright conjointly, probably, with the English merchants
in Leghorn, fitted out the brigantine Fame "to cruise
against the enemies of Great Britain." In the "Gentleman's
Magazine" for January, 1744, it is recorded that the
Swallow, Captain Wright, from Lisbon for London, had
been taken by the Begonia and ransomed at sea, her former
captain, Mr. Hutchinson, being detained as security. We
have no means of knowing whether the Swallow belonged
to our Captain Wright or not, but it is scarcely conceivable
that with Fortunatus Wright and William Hutchinson on
board either the Swalloiv or any other vessel would have
struck. We know, however, that it is to this period of
Wright's romantic career that Captain Hutchinson refers in
his observations on a ship cruising on her station, which we
have quoted in a previous chapter as illustrating the tactics
of these two daring and successful commanders.
In the "Gentleman's Magazine" for November, 1746,
we read that two French ships from Smyrna for Marseilles
were taken "by the Fame privateer, Captain Wright,
fitted out by the merchants at Leghorn, and carried into
Messina ; " and a month later the same publication stated
that the Fame had captured 16 French ships in the Levant,
worth ,£400,000 sterling; also that 18 of our West India and
other ships were carried into French ports. The " London
Gazette" reported the captures as follows: — "Sixteen
French ships, taken by the Fame Privateer, Captain
Fortunatus Wright, in the Mediterranean ; two of them
46 777^ LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
about 200 tons each, brought into Messina on October 13,
and the others sent into Leghorn. The largest of the two
ships was fitted out by the French factories on the coast of
Caramania with 20 guns and 150 men ; but after a smart
engagement of three hours with the Fame off the isle of
Cyprus, the Frenchmen ran their ship ashore and escaped,
while the English took possession of the ship, and got her
afloat again."
On the i Qth of December, 1746, the Fame captured a
French ship, bound from Marseilles for Naples, with the
Prince of Campo Florida's baggage on board, and carried
her into Leghorn, notwithstanding that the French vessel
had a pass from his "Sacred majesty, King George the
Second." This was a most irregular, not to say irreverent,
action, the only excuse offered being the omission of the
vessel's name in the pass. She was sent into Leghorn to
be condemned in the usual way; and, no doubt, the Prince
of Campo Florida used very sulphurous language when he
heard the fate of his equipage and baggage ; so did Mr.
Goldsworthy, the English Consul at Leghorn, who was
aghast at the "insult" offered to his Majesty's pass. We
are not sure that Wright himself was in command of the
Fame when this "outrage" on majesty was committed, but
he speedily received a very strongly-worded exhortation
from the consul to set the prize at liberty. The captain
would not give way to the consul, but afterwards, on the
representation of the British Minister, he agreed to refer the
affair to the naval commander-in-chief on the station, who
decided against him, and the prize wras released.
A far more serious international dispute next claimed his
attention. Early in 1747 the Ottoman Porte complained
that Turkish property on board French ships had been
seized by English privateers, and especially by Captain
Fortunatus Wright, in the Fame. Mr. Goldsworthy, the
English Consul at Leghorn, who had been instructed to
CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS WRIGHT. 47
enquire into the matter, wrote to Captain Wright for an
explanation, and received a reply which was the reverse of
satisfactory to the Turkish merchants whose property had
been confiscated. " The two ships named," wrote Captain
Wright, "had each of them a French pass, and both of them
belonged to Marseilles. They also hoisted French colours
and struck them to me ; nay, the latter engaged me for a
considerable time under these colours. For these reasons
I brought them to Leghorn, and have had them legally
condemned in the Admiralty Court, by virtue of which
sentence I have disposed of them and distributed the
money."*
The fact that the prize money had been realized, distri-
buted, and probably spent by the captors, though grievous
to the Turkish mind, was not permitted to end the matter.
The influence of the Turkey Company was strong enough
to procure from the British Government fresh instructions
dated March 30, 1747, for the Privateers and Admiralty
Courts in the Mediterranean, to the effect that Turkish
property on board even French vessels was not prize.
Captain Wright naturally refused to allow the order in his
case to be retrospective, and as he positively declined to
disgorge, an order was sent from England to have him
arrested and sent home. On December nth, 1747, the
Tuscan authorities obligingly clapped him into prison, but
refused to deliver him up to Consul Goldsworthy, who
vainly argued that as commander of an English private
ship he was subject to consular jurisdiction. Captain
Wright remained a prisoner in the fortress of Leghorn for
about six months ; then an order came from Vienna to
hand him over to the English Consul. Whilst Goldsworthy
was waiting for an opportunity to send the stubborn hero to
England, a new command bade him set him at liberty on
*Goklsworthy to the Deputy-Governor of the Turkey Company, Feb. aoth, 1747.
48 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS
the ground that Wright had " given bail in the High
Court of Admiralty to answer the action commenced
against him." This was done on or about June loth, 1748.
The special ground of this action, which ran on in a
manner highly pleasing to the legal mind and profitable to
the legal pocket, was the seizure of Turkish property on
board the Hermione, a French ship taken by the Fame on
February 26th, 1747, the proceeds from which Captain
Wright refused to give up. The suit was still pending in
June, 1749, a year after the captain's release, for on the 4th
of June he sent a long statement of his case to Consul
Goldsworthy, concluding in these characteristic words : —
" The cargo was all sold at public auction, for which I
have proper vouchers ; therefore, I am surprised at the
manner the Turkey Company have represented this affair,
or that they should trouble his Grace, after they have
prosecuted me, after they had caused me to be confined near
six months at their instance, and have since found their
libel totally rejected, and that I am acquitted from the
charge. They attacked me at law ; to that law I must
appeal ; if I have acted contrary to it, to it I must be
responsible ; for I do not apprehend I am so to any agent
of the Grand Signior, to the Grand Signior himself, or to
any other power, seeing I am an Englishman and acted
under a commission from my prince."
The correspondence about the Hermione was still going
on in 1750, when Wright entered into partnership with
Captain William Hutchinson. It seems that Wright did
not disgorge after all, but how the lawsuit ended — whether
it was nursed to death by the lawyers, or merged in some
diplomatic settlement with the " Grand Signior," is not
known. It might be supposed that Wright having in 1746
taken 16 ships, valued at ,£400,000, was in a position to
recoup the losses of the Turkish litigants. Professor
Laughton thinks the value of those prizes was a gross
CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS WRIGHT. 49
exaggeration. " Wright," he says, "was owner as well as
captain of the brigantine, and her ship's company must
have been small ; his share of such a sum would have
rendered him wealthy ; but he does not come before us in
the after years as a wealthy man." It is, however, expressly
stated in the "Gentleman's Magazine" for 1746, that the
Fame was fitted out by the merchants of Leghorn, therefore
Wright was not the owner, though he may have had a
share in the venture. To capture so many important
prizes, and make himself the terror of the French in the
Mediterranean, required not only a daring commander, but
a considerable crew, both for fighting the enemy and
manning the prizes. In a list of British privateers in
1745 we find the Fame, fitted out in London, carrying 50
guns and 380 men, and commanded by Captain Comyn.
She surpassed all the other privateers — numbering 98 — in
the number of her men and guns, and yet we can trace
none of her exploits. It is very probable that Captain
Comyn was succeeded by Fortunatus Wright, who immedi-
ately made the vessel justify her name and superior
armament. This, however, is purely conjecture.
The Fame was not idle while Captain Wright was
cooling his heels in the fortress of Leghorn ; for in the
"Gentleman's Magazine" for January, 1748, it is recorded
that a French ship from Alexandria to Marseilles had been
carried into Leghorn by the Fame privateer.
In 1750 Captain Wright joined with Captain William
Hutchinson in purchasing and fitting out as a merchant
ship the old 2o-gun frigate of war, Leostoff, which made
several trading voyages to the West Indies, under the
command, probably, of Hutchinson, while Wright settled
down with his wife and family at Leghorn.
When the speedy renewal of the war between England
and France became apparent in 1755 and early in 1756,
Captain Fortunatus Wright set about building a small
D
50 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
vessel at Leghorn, to cruise against the "hereditary
enemy " of Great Britain. This was the St. George
privateer, destined to be as famous, but not so fortunate
for its gallant commander, as the Fame. On the declaration
of war, the Tuscan government, whose interests were
closely bound up with those of France, and whose neutrality
was in practice only a thinly-veiled partiality, took measures
to prevent the English ships in port from increasing their
crews or armament, either for defence as merchant ships or
for privateering purposes. Captain Wright was too well-
known for the destination of his vessel to be a matter of
doubt to the government officials, and he was compelled to
resort to stratagem in order to have her properly equipped
for her intended cruise. It was with an air "childlike and
bland " that he applied to the authorities to know what
force they would permit him to carry out of the port as a
merchant ship. This was ultimately fixed at four small
guns and 25 men, every precaution being taken by the
officials to ensure that the limit was not exceeded. Wright
gravely urged them to have guard boats rowing round him
to make more certain, and so conducted the whole affair
that in taking leave of the governor, he obtained from him
a written certificate that he had complied with the limitation.
He sailed out of the port of Leghorn on the 25th of July,
1756, in company with three or four merchant vessels
homeward bound to England, which, amongst other things,
carried an efficient armament and ship's company for the
St. George. The enemies of England at Leghorn secretly
rejoiced, no doubt, thinking that Wright and his convoy
were sailing into the lion's mouth, for they must have known
that a French privateer had been cruising for the past month
off the harbour, expecting to make a rich but easy capture
of the poorly armed little St. George and her convoy. The
captain of the French privateer had asked in Leghorn,
"Pray when does Wright intend to come out? He has
CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS WRIGHT. 51
already made me lose too much time." The French
commander had indeed very substantial reasons for desiring
a meeting. His vessel, a xebec (carrying lateen sails on
three masts) had 280 men on board, and mounted 16
carriage guns, besides swivels and a great number of small
arms. She "had been fitted out with a particular view to
take Captain Wright, who, having done the French much
damage during the last war, had been marked out by the
French King, who promised the honour of knighthood, a
pension of 3,000 livres per annum for life, and the com-
mand of a ship of war, to whoever should bring him into
France alive or dead. The merchants of Marseilles had
also promised a reward, double the value of Wright's
vessel, in a writing pasted up on their Exchange."*
The subsequent proceedings of Wright and the French
candidate for knighthood at his expense are given in a
letter from Leghorn to a merchant in Liverpool, dated
July 30, 1756 :—
" Your brave townsman Capt. Fortunatus Wright's late
gallant action is at present the topic of conversation here ;
the heads of which are as follow : Capt. Wright sailed the
25th inst. with three other small vessels under convoy of
Capt. Wright, who engaged to see them safe as low as
Gibraltar. The Government here would not allow him to
carry more than four guns and 25 men, not intending to
infringe on the privileges of this neutral port. When he
got clear of the harbour, he bought eight guns more from
some commanders of vessels and prevailed on 55 of their
men to enter on board his ship; so that he had 12 guns and
80 men with him. About 8 o'clock next morning, a French
privateer of 16 guns, with above 200 men on board, who
had been cruising a month off of our harbour, in order to
intercept the English ships, bore down upon them. Capt.
*" Gentleman's Magazine,' August, 1756.
52 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
Wright made a signal for his convoy to run and save
themselves, whilst he boldly lay by for the enemy ; about
twelve the engagement began in sight of above ten thousand
of the well-wishers to the French, but in three-quarters-
of-an-hour he silenced the xebeck, who made off, (ill
shattered) with her oars ; had there been any wind, Capt.
Wright would easily have taken her. Two other priva-
teers appearing in sight and attempting to cut off his
convoy, hindered his continuing the chase, he choosing
rather to protect them than to run the risque of their
being taken. Next morning he brought them safe back
into this port. He lost his lieutenant and four men, and
had 8 others wounded ; but the xebeck suffered very much,
a lucky shot having carried away her prow, on which were
30 men attempting to board him ; he so maltreated her, that
it is generally believed they lost above 80 men, besides
their captain and lieutenant.
" There has been an edict published at Marseilles by the
French King's order, offering a reward of double the value
of Captain Wright's ship, a pension of 3,000 livres per
annum, besides being honoured with the Order of St. Lewis
and having the command of a king's ship, for any person
who will take him.
" Capt. Wright, for his gallant behaviour and protection
of the merchantmen agreeable to his promise has had a
present given him of £120 sterling, collected by the
English Factory ; the foreigners are going to make a purse
for him, and it is to be hoped his townsmen will not be
backward with you, for his gallant behaviour in disabling a
French privateer, and to enable him to support himself
under some difficulties. This State having (though very
imprudent) thought proper to stop him since his return,
alledging that his ship was armed out of this place ; but the
whole Factory can prove to the contrary, he having suffered
his ship to be searched by the first and second captains of
CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS WRIGHT. 53
this port, who went on board by the Governor's order, and
two guard-boats attended him to hinder any arms or
ammunition coming off shore. The French here daily ship
off ammunition for Marseilles, and our States say 'tis no
more than common merchandise ; though they will not
permit any Englishman the same privilege.
"Our Consul here has sent an account of the affair to
Sir Horace Mann, the Resident at Florence,* and we are
in hopes, through his means and the whole Factory's, who
are all hearty in the cause, that the British Government
will take notice of him ; especially as the French have set
so high a price on his head, and think him so dangerous
an enemy to them ; they having not yet forgot his brave
actions last war."f
This was an astonishing victory, gained over an enemy
of double his force, who had had ample time to put his
crew in efficient order, while Wright's hastily-gathered
reinforcement of 55 men, composed of Slavonians, Vene-
tians, Italians, Swiss, and a few English, were called upon
to fight at a moment's notice. In the " Gentleman's
Magazine" the xebeck is said to have "received much
damage, and lost her captain, lieutenant, the lieutenant of
marines, and 88 men, 70 more being wounded ; she bore
away and left Capt. Wright the honour of having preserved
four vessels, some richly laden, which had put themselves
under his protection for convoy, after having in vain
waited for a ship of war."
* 1756. — " Day by day, meanwhile, our Minister at Florence was in extreme
agony at the dark hour which had fallen upon old England. His Florentine friends
told him that Minorca would be given to Spain, and probably Gibraltar would be
restored to her. When he heard that the Genoese had joined France, Mann
recognised the old saying of them as people Senza fede. ' What an opportunity
has been lost ' (July 2Oth) ; ' at present two privateers of 1 6 guns and of 24, that are
between Corsica and Leghorn, prevent any of our Merchantmen leaving that
port.' The partiality of the Florentine Regency for the French enraged him. It-
is so great, he writes, in August, that there is no bearing it." — Mann and Manners,
vol. i, p. 389.
t Williamson s Advertiser, August 2Oth, 1756.
54: THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
Instead of a knighthood, a pension for life, and a higher
command, the French captain met with defeat, death, and
the attendant disgrace of being vanquished by an "inferior
force." The Tuscan authorities, exasperated at the Tartar
caught by their French friend, soon showed their leaning.
Wright had no sooner anchored than the governor ordered
him to bring his vessel within the Mole under pain of
being brought in by force. As an officer holding his
Britannic Majesty's commission he refused to obey; where-
upon two snows anchored alongside the St. George and
took charge of him. This high-handed proceeding roused
the indignation of the captains of the English ships in the
Mole, who offered to haul out and make common cause
with him. Wright, however, chose in this instance a
peaceful course, placing himself in the hands of the British
Resident at Florence, who immediately demanded satisfac-
tion from the Regency. What likelihood there was of get-
ting it in the then state of public feeling may be gathered from
the following extract of a letter received in Liverpool from
a merchant residing at Leghorn, dated August 3Oth, 1756.*
" The loss of Mahon hath exposed us to the most
insulting sneers ; and it has been very mortifying to see a
rabble — though of boys— go about for several nights with
white cockades, crying ^Viva Franchia ; burn the English ; '
which cry has again been renewed on occasion of the
holiday of St. Lewis, kept here with great rejoicing. We
were in hopes that Captain Wright's (late of Liverpool)
gallant behaviour — which we were all spectators of — in
defeating a strong French privateer off the port, would
have restored our credit a little ; but it has served only to
exasperate these Italians against us the more, because
disappointed of a fresh triumph over us, as they made full
account of seeing Captain Wright fall a sacrifice to the
* Williamson s Advertiser, September 24, 1756-
CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS WRIGHT. 55
enemy, whom they encouraged to cruise off, on purpose, and
furnished with intelligence of Captain Wright's motions,
which were watched narrowly."
The Regency, in fact, declined to redress the wrong done,
and turned the tables by complaining that they were the
injured parties, Captain Wright having deceived them by
going out with a greater number of men and arms than
had been authorised, or seen by the examining officers, who
boarded the St. George by the governors orders. They
further charged him with violating the neutrality of the
port, making improper use of the emperor's colours, and
repeatedly disobeying their orders to come within the Mole.
The British Resident replied, denying the alleged decep-
tion, and pointing out that the men and arms went out of
the port on board other vessels ; that the engagement had
taken place twelve miles off, the Frenchman being the
aggressor. As to their orders to Wright to come within the
Mole, they had no business to give them. Before sailing
he was within their jurisdiction, had complied with their
instructions, and received the governor's certificate to that
effect ; but since he had sailed under the English flag, and
now held the King's commission, he owed no obedience to
the authorities of Leghorn, whose action was a gross
injustice and a breach of neutrality. This polite inter-
change of views went on for two months, when the affair
was unexpectedly taken out of the hands of scribes and
diplomatists by a man of action — Sir Edward Hawke, who
had just superseded Admiral Byng as Naval Commander-in-
Chief in the Mediterranean. In the Liverpool Advertiser of
October 8th, 1756, we read the following significant extract
of a letter from Leghorn : —
" Admiral Hawke has sent the Jersey of 60 guns, and the
Is is of 50 guns, to Leghorn to demand from the Magistrates
Capt. Fortunatus Wright, of your port, whom they have
detained, and has only given them three days to consider of
56 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS
it." A week later the editor published another letter from
Leghorn, dated September 28 :—
4 'Agreeable to my last on the 23rd inst., the men of
war arrived from Sir Edward Hawke demanded Capt.
Fortunatus Wright. The express sent to the Regency of
Florence brought for answer, that they must submit and
deliver up Capt. Wright, for there was no repelling force ;
accordingly the guards delivered him. On the 25th the
men of war carried him off in triumph, in company with a
number of merchantmen that were lying here waiting for a
convoy ; Capt. Wright has got 150 brave fellows on board
his ship, with whom it's presumed, he will revenge himself
if opportunity offers. The fort fired by way of disappro-
bation at parting with him, three guns, but not with any
design to do any damage."
Professor Laughton in his " Naval Studies," referring to
this affair, states that Sir Edward Hawke sent Sir William
Burnaby with the above-named ships "to convoy what
merchant ships were waiting, and to bring the St. George
away, maugre the captain of the port, the governor of
Leghorn, the regency, or the Emperor himself. The
Governor protested ; but Sir William put it, without undue
periphrasis, 'that his orders were to take Captain Wright
away under his protection ; and in case either the barks or
the forts fired, he would be sorry to see himself under the
indispensable necessity of returning shot for shot.' The
governor preferred dealing with the men of the pen, and
sought comfort from Mr. Dick, the consul, who, however,
had none to give him, and told him he had heard Sir
William Burnaby say he would take her away. ' Well
then,' said the governor piteously, ' there's an end of it ;
what can we do? the French will see it's not our fault.'
And so on 23 September the Jersey and Isis departed,
the St. George accompanying them, and sixteen rich
merchant ships, homeward bound."
CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS WRIGHT. 57
Our next information regarding this ever-victorious com-
mander is derived from the public prints for November
1 9th, 1756, which state : " There are letters in town by the
last mail, which mention Capt. Fortunatus Wright having
been engaged by two French men-of-war, which he fought
for several hours, and at last got clear off." And again :
" Capt. Fortunatus Wright has taken and sent into Malta
two French prizes, viz., the Immaculate Conception, Kamp-
bell, from St. John D'Acre, and the Esperance, Richards,
from Salonica, both bound to Marseilles, reputed to be
worth ,£15,000 at least."
Ere the news of these captures had reached his native
town, Captain Wright had put into Malta, where he found
partiality for the French as strong as at Leghorn, the
English ships in the harbour being kept under close sur-
veillance. Writing from on board the ship Lark, at Malta,
to Consul Dick, at Leghorn, on November 3rd, Captain
Robert Miller feelingly complained that, " Our ships,
persons and colours are treated with the utmost scandal,
shame and indignity, even to the highest degree, and with
such cruel severity that it is almost impossible for anybody
to believe it that have not been eye-witnesses of it. ...
Capt. Fortunatus Wright, of the St. George privateer, has
been used here in a most barbarous manner."
The authorities certainly treated Wright in a most
unfriendly and arbitrary fashion, refusing to allow him to
buy the slops and bedding which his men sorely needed,
and ordering him to send ashore a number of English
sailors whom he had received on board the St. George.
These men had been put ashore there from prizes taken by
French privateers. As an officer holding the king's
commission, Wright scorned to deliver up British subjects
who had taken refuge under the British flag. His contu-
macy brought a galley royal alongside, whose captain told
him his orders were to sink him if he offered to stir an
58 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
anchor, and if he made any resistance "to board him and
cut every soul to pieces." The seamen were accordingly
forcibly taken out of the privateer and landed, their visions
of rich captures under the famous and fortunate commander
shattered, for they could scarcely have gone aboard as
simple passengers and non-combatants. The St. George
put to sea on the 22nd of October without the stores she
needed, and twenty-four hours later she was followed by
an enemy who had been abiding his opportunity. In the
words of Captain Robert Miller, ''the large French priva-
teer of thirty-eight guns and upwards of 300 men,
commanded by Captain Arnoux, was in this port at the
same time, and sailed just twenty-four hours after Wright,
to take him, as Wright was still in sight of the port. But
when the great beast of a French privateer came out,
Wright played with him, by sailing round him and viewing
him, &c., just to aggravate him, as Wright sailed twice as
fast as him ; and indeed she is a prodigious dull sailer for
a privateer, and very crank."
Williamson's Advertiser for December 3rd, 1756, stated :
" We have advice by the way of Marseilles that Capt.
Fortunatus Wright has taken and sent to Malta another
French ship bound from Sydon to Marseilles, esteemed
very rich, being laden chiefly with silks, Burdetts, and
cottons. Great rewards and honours are promised to any of
the French privateers who shall take him. He is a brave,
prudent man, and the only scourge the French feel in those
seas."
On the loth December the same journal published the
following, dated Florence, November 20 : " On the loth
inst. anchored at Leghorn a French prize, laden with
cotton, wool, and other goods from the Levant, valued at
about 8,000 dollars, taken by Capt. Wright, of the St.
George privateer, being the fifth capture he has made since
his departure from Leghorn." The losses inflicted by this
CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS WRIGHT. 50
single privateer upon the commerce of France were so great
that the French King resolved to take extreme measures
for Wright's destruction. Williamson's Advertiser of
December 17, 1756, contained the following " extract of a
letter from a house at Leghorn to a gentleman concerned in
the St. George privateer, commanded by Capt. Fortunatus
Wright, "dated November 22 :—
" The news we have to communicate to you, relating" to
Capt. Wright, is of his further success in the capture of another
prize which he has sent into Cagliari ; we got the notice the
day before yesterday, by a vessel from thence, particularising
her cargo to consist of 4,000 or 5,000 sacks of wheat, which
we compute to be worth ^9,000. Pray God continue his
prosperity and preserve him from his cruel enemies ; may we
use this phrase, as we have advice from Marseilles that two
ships of 20 guns, and a settee of equal force, and all well-
manned, are there fitting out purposely for him, with orders
to give him no quarter, but burn him on board. We are
sorry to give you this alarm, but a French gentleman, a friend
of ours, is now in our house, and confirms every particular.
We have to add, the disgraceful situation we are all in, and
the miserable state of our trade, the French Privateers in
these seas being innumerable. P.S. — Since writing the above
our partner is returned from the Consul, who has acquainted
him of the equipment against Capt. Wright with this addition,
that the two ships are fitting out by the King of France, and
the Settee by the Chamber of Commerce of Marseilles ; and
that they have orders to set him on fire in any road where they
may find him."
Early in 1757 Wright seems to have had more than one
ship under his command. Among the captures mentioned
in the "Gentleman's Magazine " for February is a French
snow, taken by the King George, Wright, letter of marque,
and carried to Lisbon. In the Liverpool paper for March
25th, it is said that "a large privateer is fitting out for
Captain Fortunatus Wright, which is to be sent to him as
60 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
soon as ready, and then he will be commodore of three
ships."
One of the French vessels, fitted out especially for
Wright's capture, or rather for his utter destruction, was
the Hirondelle, of Toulon. Mr. Tatem, the British Consul
at Messina, writing on the iQth of January, 1757, gives the
following account of her reception by Wright, then in the
King George : —
"The King George, Captain Fortunatus Wright, has
lately had two smart engagements in the Channel of Malta,
of three hours each (one in the night, the other by day),
with the Le Hirondelle, a French polacca of 26 guns and
283 men ; but notwithstanding the great inequality in men,
o-uns, and weight of metal, yet Captain Wright obliged
nun to »neer off, and they both put into Malta the 2nd of
January to refit. But poor Wright has met with worse
treatment there than he did before, for although he had
several shot under water, which made it absolutely necessary
to heave down, yet, by the interest of the French faction,
he was denied that liberty ; and afterwards, upon account
of two slaves having taken refuge on board him, he has
been sequestered in port, and cut off from all daily
provisions, and even water, till he restores them. But as
the Jersey was hourly expected in Malta, we hope Sir
William Burnaby will obtain his release. The Hirondelle
is one of the vessels fitted out from Toulon expressly to
seek him."
On January 22nd Horace Mann, the British Minister at
Florence, wrote to Mr. Pitt that the Regency had been
lamenting the decay of the Leghorn trade ; that he had
pointed out that their gross partiality, and their violent
action in the matter of Fortunatus Wright, were two of the
causes of this decay ; that, yielding to these representa-
tions, they had assured him of their intention to observe a
strict neutrality ; and that, on the strength of this, he had
CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS WRIGHT. 61
written to Captain Wright "that he might send all the
French prizes he had made to Leghorn, as, at my request,
he had kept them in deposit till he should hear from me
that he might do it with safety."*
Two months later he writes again, showing the kind of
welcome Wright would meet with if he attempted to enter
the port of Leghorn : —
"The Council sent a gentleman belonging to the secretary's
office to me, earnestly to desire that, in order to avoid any
further inconveniences with regard to him, I would order
Captain Wright to keep at such a distance from the Port as
would not oblige the Government to take any notice of his
being there. . . . Finding that they thought themselves
tied up by the orders they received lately from Vienna with
regard to Captain Wright, I thought it my duty, purely for the
sake of avoiding any new disputes, to write to the Consul in
the manner they desired. The estafette was immediately sent
back to Leghorn with my letter, in order that, as soon as
Captain Wright's vessel appears in sight of the port, a bark
may be sent off to him, with the Consul's directions not to
enter into the harbour."
In Williamson's Advertiser for April ist, 1757, we read
that " letters from Leghorn, brought by the Flanders mail
yesterday, advise that Capt. Fortunatus Wright, who, after
a hard engagement with a French ship of superior force
followed her to Malta, has been relieved by the Jersey man
of war, and were both sailed from thence, and were expected
daily to arrive in Leghorn. The Jersey is to convoy from
thence to England, four rich ships that are armed, which
have been detained a considerable time on account of a
French man of war and a frigate hovering off that port."
There is a reference to the detention of these merchant-
men, and to Wright and his prizes in an interesting letter,
dated March 25th, 1/57, from Sir Horace Mann, to Horace
* Naval Studies, p 222.
<>2 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS,
Walpole. He alludes to the misery and misfortune of
Admiral Byng, but he looked on the sentence of death as
an act of vigorous justice. Without implying Voltaire's
phrase that the Admiral was shot "pour encourager les
autres" Mann hoped that it would give, courage to others.
He had seen much of our sea captains during his official
residence at Florence, and he says: — " Let us hope
that the sentence may produce for the future some refor-
mation in the conduct of our sea officers, which was so
publickly criticised in the last war. I wish we could see a
Fleet in these parts now. Something must be done to
recover our maritime reputation. The sea swarms with
French Privateers, who daily take all the merchant ships
that venture out. I have dissuaded the people at Leghorn
from sending many ships away that are laden for above a
Million sterling, which, we know, the French have stationed
several Privateers and Ships of War to wait for. They have
advice boats continually going backwards and forwards,
and others are at anchor at Porto (illegible), to be ready to
follow Captain Wright and his prizes that had taken refuge
at Port Ferrajo, from whence, if they can escape, we daily
expect them at Leghorn. A plan has been agreed upon to
indemnify the Captains of the Merchant Ships, who are
ruined by laying, at a vast expense, in port, by making
a small average on the goods they have on board, other-
wise they would have ventured out at all hazards."*
But Captain Wright was never more to enter the port of
Leghorn. Williamson's Advertiser, in its London corres-
pondence, dated May 19, 1757, contained the following
intelligence, which must have been received with universal
sorrow in the good old town in which the hero was born
and bred, and of whose brave and adventurous, yet prudent
spirit, he was the shining personification : —
*Mann and Manners, vol. 1, p. 402.
CAPTAIN FORTUNA TUS WRIGHT. 63
"A private letter from Leghorn brings advice that
Captain Fortunatus Wright, of the King George, a Letter
of Marque ship, having sailed from Malta with a French
prize for the said port, met with a great storm on the i6th
of March, during which the officer that had charge of the
prize went down into the cabin or under the hatches to
bring up certain colours to hoist as signals of distress or
danger, as there was then a French Privateer in sight ; but
when he came upon deck again the King George was no
longer to be seen ; so that there is room to fear this gallant
officer, with 60 stout fellows, are all gone to the bottom.
The prize made the port of Leghorn, and gave there this
account."
There was, however, just one ray of hope left. In
another corner of the paper was printed a letter from a
merchant in Leghorn to the owners of the Anson and
Blakeney privateers, dated May Qth, stating "that five
English sailors, belonging to Capt. Fortunatus Wright,
who left Cagliari on the loth ult., and came up in a vessel
belonging to Genoa, inform me that the Blakeney, Capt.
Fowler, and Anson, Capt. Speers, were then in Cagliari."
Commenting on this, the editor remarks : "his mentioning
Capt. Wright's sailors gives us some hopes that the
account of the loss of that brave man, mentioned in the
first page of this paper, is premature." To cast further
doubt on the news of Wright's death on the i6th of March,
there came a letter from Leghorn to a merchant in
Liverpool, dated May i6th, which ran as follows : —
"I have the pleasure to acquaint you that I have just
received from our Consul at Messina an account dated the 26th
of April " — nearly a month after the supposed catastrophe —
" of Capt. Fortunatus Wright being very well, and has taken
another prize since his departure from Malta. And as this
so exactly tallies with the account I had from the master of a
Maltese vessel arrived here last week (whom I mentioned in my
64 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
last to have seen him in the Vere of Messina), we have no room
to doubt of the truth of his safety, which has given inexpressible
pleasure to me, and a general satisfaction to all in this place.
A Danish ship, just now arrived here from Tunis in eight
days, was visited six days ago, between Sardinia and Sicily,
by the King of Prussia privateer, of your port, Capt.
Maccaffee, all well and in high spirits. We are in great hopes
that he and other vessels on the same station will meet with
great success, as the Smyrna French fleet, consisting of 16 or
1 8 ships, only convoyed by a polacca, who was dispatched
some time ago in pursuit of Capt. Fortunatus Wright, and
engaged him off Malta, but was bravely repulsed, is soon
expected to sail for Marseilles, for which place is also bound a
French polacca from Alexandretta, valued at twenty-five
thousand pounds sterling."
Another Liverpool newspaper, the Chronicle and Marine
Gazetteer, of June 3rd, 1757, also published a letter almost
identical with the above in substance, and of the same date,
but apparently emanating from another correspondent at
Leghorn, which ran as follows : "I have just now received
a letter from the Consul at Messina, of the 26th ult., with
the agreeable news that Capt. Fortunatus Wright was
arrived in that port and had brought in with him a brig
richly laden. A Danish vessel this day arrived from Tunis,
was visited six days ago by the King of Prussia privateer
of your place, betwixt the Islands of Sicily and Sardinia ;
all well on board and in high spirits. The Ambuscade
man of war has taken six prizes bound from the Levant to
Marseilles, and sent them to Malta and Messina, from
whence they are daily expected here to be sold. She has
also taken a French ship, and carried her into Tunis, which
the captain sold for ,£12,000 sterling ; which being arrived
here in safety will sell for one third more than she cost. I
have letters from Smyrna of a fresh date, which mention 16
or 18 sail of French ships being ready to sail under convoy
CAPTAIN FOR TUNATUS WRIGHT. 65
of the polacca who some time ago attacked and was bravely
repulsed by Captain Fortunatus Wright off Malta. There is
likewise a polacca on her departure from Alexandretta for
Marseilles, deemed worth ,£30,000 sterling; which I am
in hopes will fall into the hands of some of our cruisers in
these seas."
"Captain Fortunatus Wright," adds the editor of the
Chronicle, " a gentleman of this town who in the last and
present war, in a small privateer, gained immortal honour,
and the universal esteem of his country, by distressing the
enemy, and defending himself in a surprising manner
against superior force, at sundry times set out on purpose to
take him, was lately reported to be lost in a hard gale of
wind ; but by this day's post we have certain accounts of
his being safe in the Bay of Messina with a prize. This
joyful news gives every true Briton a sensible pleasure, and
must certainly animate every heroic soul with a noble
spirit of emulation ; that should adverse fortune crush them
in the service of their country, their fall may be justly
lamented, as his supposed one was — which we are glad to
say was premature."
Then follow these lines, which we reproduce more as a
curiosity than as a model for future Dibdins and Bennetts :—
" O.\ THE UNIVERSALLY-ACCEPTED AND AGREEABLE NEWS OF THE
ARRIVAL OF THE BRAVE CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS WRIGHT AT
MESSINA, IN SICILY.
" He lives, he lives ! in spite of all his foes —
Celestial Pow'rs were pleas'd to interpose ;
He lives to conquer — lift the Flag- on high,
And let the joyful cannon greet the sky.
" Through ev'ry part of Britain, let the joy
Touch ev'ry Briton — ev'ry Gaul annoy ;
To ev'ry heart, as on th' electric mass
The quick pervading joy shall sudden pass ;
66 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
All feel at once the permeating stroke,
The pleasing- shock, for this their Heart of Oak.
" At the masthead, see ev'ry streamer flies,
To recompense the streamers of our eyes.
Britannia wept ! reverse of tears, she smiles ;
Her son is safe, the glory of her isles !
" Her tears encreased old Ocean's briny tide ;
Her heaving sighs the tempest's breath supply'd ;
Her sighs and tears had rais'd the tempest high,
And raging winds had sung his elegy ;
When Neptune from the hoary billows rais'd
His awful head — the storm was all appeas'd ;
The rocking winds, in deep attention's form
Bend forward — and he thus harangues the storm :
<( Britannia is my bride— ye winds obey ;
Be still thou tempest — be at rest thou sea :
This is my son — convey him to yon coast
And let Britannia know, He is not lost.
Bid her suspend her tears — her darling Wright,
Her Fortunatus still survives to — Fight.
What, tho' a price on his devoted head
Was set by France, who wish'd, and thought him dead ;
For why ? His arm was equal to a Fleet !
Tell her no wave shall be his winding-sheet ;
That—Y\\ prevent — If war has doomed his fall,
It must be, shall be — from a Cannon Ball. "
Notwithstanding the above statements that Wright was
quite well and active, and had been actually seen in the
neighbourhood of Messina when he was supposed to be at
the bottom of the sea, and in spite of the fact that both
"Lloyd's List" and the "Gentleman's Magazine" for June,
1757, state that "the St. George Privateer, Capt. Fortunatus
Wright, has carried into Messina a French brig, richly
loaded," the fate of the hero remains a mystery to this day.
CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS WRIGHT. 67
There may have been good grounds for the local tradition
mentioned by Smithers, that Wright fell a victim to
political interests. He had plenty of powerful enemies
ashore, and was always safer on the high seas, whatever
might be the odds against him. With British oak beneath
his foot, the British flag aloft, and a sprinkling of English
seamen among his crew, he was afraid of nothing afloat.
Sir Horace Mann, writing on the 2nd of July, 1757, says :
"The trade of Leghorn, upon which the .wealth of this
whole state chiefly depends, is reduced to the lowest ebb,
insomuch that the arrival in the port of a single prize a few
days ago, was looked upon as an object of such importance,
and exaggerated by the Italians in terms that sufficiently
showed that they are now convinced how much their
welfare depends upon the navigation of the English
merchant ships not being interrupted. The French have
many tartans disguised, but well armed, that cruise between
Leghorn and Porto Ferrajo, ready on all occasions to
intercept such as are of no force, at the [same] time that
they can run near the shore when a ship of any strength
appears. A few stout privateers, as in the last war, would
totally prevent this, and they would enrich themselves by
the French vessels from Marseilles that would fall into
their hands. Captain Wright, of the St. George privateer,
did great service of this kind in the beginning of the war ;
but it is feared by some circumstances, and by his not
having been heard of for some months, that he foundered
at sea. Several prizes made by him have lain some months
at Cagliari in Sardinia, waiting for an opportunity to get
with safety to Leghorn."
The English prestige in the Mediterranean had been
reduced to a low ebb through the incompetence of the
Government at home and the lethargy of the naval
commander-in-chief on the station, and the only English-
man whose name was a terror to the French had mysteriously
68 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
disappeared from the seas. But the power of England was
going to be felt in those quarters where it was most despised
and hated. A merchant in Leghorn, writing on the i8th
of July, 1757, to a house in Liverpool, said, "Last night
arrived here Admiral Osborne with seven sail of men of war,
who has instructions to demand satisfaction of the Maltese
for their cruel behaviour towards the brave Capt. Fortunatus
Wright, whom we have great reason to fear is no more,
and we are in hopes he will see justice done to the other
privateers who have had the misfortune to carry their prizes
into their ports."
Again, in Williamson's Advertiser of August 27th, we
read that " there are letters from Leghorn which mention
that Admiral Osborne, who arrived there with seven men
of war on the i7th, was fitting for sea with all expedition,
having received advice that five French men of war were
preparing to sail from Malta for Toulon, whom he expected
to meet with in their passage ; after which he was going to
Malta, to demand satisfaction of the Maltese, for their
injurious behaviour to the captains of several of our priva-
teers, particularly to the brave Captain Fortunatus Wright."
We cannot close this account of one whose career has
been justly described as " more romantic than any
romance," and as "a succession of romances," in a more
appropriate manner than by quoting the following character-
istic stories, both relating to the period when Wright was
cruising in the neighbourhood of Malta. The first is
related by the author of " Naval Studies," " on the authority
of the first Earl of Charlemont,* who says it came to his
knowledge during his residence at Malta, about 1750, and
was told to him ' by the most credible eye-witnesses.' No
names are mentioned, but there is scarcely room for doubt
that the hero of it was Fortunatus Wright. He is described
* Memoirs of James Caulfield, Earl of Charlemont, by Francis Hardy, vol ir
p. 47, etc. Laughton's "Naval Studies," p. 212.
CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS WRIGHT 69
by Lord Charlemont as a captain commanding an English
privateer of some force, and 'of such skill and bravery
that he reigned paramount in the Mediterranean, daily
sending into the port of Malta French prizes of considerable
value.' In a society such as then ruled in Valetta, this
stirred up much angry feeling, the Austrians and Pied-
montese jeering the French or Spaniards, and many duels
took place in consequence. At length the French knights,
irritated beyond measure by the taunts of their adversaries,
and the continued success of the English captain, deter-
mined to put a summary stop to both, and sent urgent
representations to Marseilles, in consequence of which an
armed vessel, of force almost double that of the Englishman,
was specially equipped and sent to Malta under the com-
mand of ' an officer of the highest character for courage and
naval knowledge.' After being duly feted by the French
party he sailed out of harbour to look for the Englishman,
as to a certain victory. Days passed by ; both parties were
aglow with expectation, and the ramparts on the sea front
were constantly thronged with anxious crowds. Two ships
at last appeared in sight. As they came nearer it was seen
that the one was towing the other ; that the one was the
French ship for wThich they were looking ; that the other
was much shattered. They hoisted French colours, and
who so jubilant as the French knights ! Amid exulting
cheers they turned into the harbour, between St. Elmo and
Ricasoli. All Valetta, Senglea, and II Borgo were called
to witness the triumph of the French ; when — O cruel
disappointment ! — the white flag suddenly disappeared,
giving place to the victorious flag of England. The
Marseilles ship was a prize to the English privateer."
The second story, entitled "The History of Selim, from
the Armenian's Letters," represents Captain Wright as
acting a very noble part. Though extremely romantic, the
incidents are neither impossible nor improbable. The
70 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
French privateer mentioned in the story appears to fit in
very well with the Hirondelle, sent out from Toulon to
seek Wright, and whom he fought in the Channel of Malta.
THE HISTORY OF SELIM, FROM THE ARMENIAN'S
LETTERS.*
AGAINST the inclination, yet not without consent of my
parents, I quitted Armenia, and embarked on board a
Genoese trading vessel, proposing to study the civil and
military discipline of Emanuel Victor, the great Prince of
Sardinia. While I was in daily expectation of seeing
Genoa, our ship was taken by a Spanish vessel navigated
by corsairs. We were soon loaded with irons; and though
I was treated more favourably than others on a religious
account, yet I was robbed of the money which I had
designed for the expenses of travelling, excepting a few
sequins that lay concealed in my clothes. As soon as we
arrived at Oran we were thrown into a loathsome dungeon,
guarded by Spaniards ; and the little lenity that appeared
was now shown to the Christians. Their clothes were
restored, while I was stripped of my outer garment ; their
allowance of victuals was usually greater, and I was often
compelled to labour, while my fellow prisoners were
indulged with ease. In this state I continued seven
months, and then I was, with five others, sold to a young
Moor, and conveyed with my companions to a spacious
house two miles distant from Oran, near a little village
called Arzew, where the uncle of this young Moor had laid
out a plan of spacious gardens, the labour of which was
reserved for me and my companions. As soon as we
arrived our fetters were removed, for our escape was
impossible, the house and intended garden being enclosed
* The "Gentleman's Magazine," for the year 1757, pp 367-9.
CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS WRIGHT. 71
in some places by a wall 20 feet high, and in others by a
broad trench, and keepers were constantly employed to
watch us. Here I continued labouring three months,
without any hopes of redemption, sometimes amusing
myself with the flowers and fruit trees, and at others
conversing in the Arabic tongue, of which, from the know-
ledge I had before my captivity, and my intercourse with
some captives in the prison, I had now attained an easy
pronunciation. My country dress being permitted to me,
the native slaves were kinder to me than to the Christians ;
and becoming an interpreter among them, I acquired a
sort of pre-eminence that gave me opportunities of doing
my fellow captives little offices, which society in distress
will extort from the most savage. But the severe labour to
which we were daily confined began to waste my strength.
Our keepers remitted nothing of their watchfulness over
us, nor the young Moor of his care over them. Not an
hour of the day passed wherein his eye was not upon our
labour. He delighted in seeing us faint beneath our loads;
and once when I tottered beneath a heavy burthen he
ordered fifty lashes to a Christian who ran to support me.
After three months' toil in the midst of an inclement
winter, the spring began to open, and brought with it a
sweetness and beauty that would have relieved any but
slaves, who had once been happy, and now, by no crime,
were condemned to misery. Sometimes I had thoughts of
telling the Moor who I was, and exciting his pity by a
recital of my misfortunes ; but he appeared so avaricious
that should he know that I was the son of a Turkish Aga
his demands would be greater than my friends could satisfy ;
wherefore, I resolved to bear my afflictions in silence, and
leave the event to God. As soon as the year began to
blossom, news was brought me by the native slaves that
the uncle of the young Moor and his family were arrived
at his country seat, and that in three days the young Moor
72 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
would set out for Oran to inspect the affairs of his uncle in
that city. The joy which I felt for a few moments was
little short of what freedom would have given ; but the
natives soon informed me that the uncle was more avari-
cious, cruel, and perfidious than his nephew ; that having
no sons, he had preferred his nephew to the inheritance of
his large possessions, and that he had one favourite daughter
whom he designed for his wife. The hopes conceived
from a change of masters now vanished, and I considered
myself as one of those unfortunate wretches destined to walk
through peril and toil, without any ray of comfort to cheer
them in their passage. Two days passed and the uncle
had not set his foot in the garden, being troubled with a
disorder common in that country to many of his age and
sedentary life ; yet he was carried to a window, where, as
our keeper said, he constantly observed us ; and indeed the
keeper often raised his voice, and exercised the lash, to
demonstrate his strict attendance of us. Four days after,
the old man's disorder so increased, that being no longer
able to approach his window, he was confined to his bed.
During this time the severity of our keepers somewhat
abated; the daughter of the Moor also, who came at her
father's request to oversee the garden, would often bring
fruits and other pleasing refreshments to the native slaves,
of whom she enquired concerning us, and frequently would
recommend to them to treat us tenderly. As the Moors
rise early, no morning passed whereon she did not visit the
house of the native slaves, and never went unprovided, so
that she became their idol. When she had visited the
natives, she was often seen to pass through a shady walk
into a greenhouse near the dwelling of the captives, where
some conjectured she paid her devotions, and others that
she watched the labourers. But whatever might be the
cause, it was observed that when the natives carried no
part of their extraordinary provisions to us unhappy
CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS WRIGHT. 73
captives, the next day she omitted her kindness to them ;
thus our captivity was lightened. I once more indulged
hopes of escape, and laboured more cheerfully than ever.
On the 2Oth March, just as our labour was begun, our
young benefactress surveyed the whole garden, and having
passed the Moors, approached where the captives were
employed; drawing her veil entirely down, and wrapping
herself in a hyke of blue satin, she spoke to them as she
passed, and coming near to me, who was last in the lot of
ground, and then had a heavy burthen on my shoulders, she
turned her face, still covered, towards mine, and laying her
right hand on her breast — which is the Moorish salutation,—
said, in a gentle tone, "Holy Alia relieve thee, stranger.""
Many days passed, and some of my fellow captives became
so reconciled to captivity, that if the uncle and nephew had
been removed they would have been easily persuaded to
serve Zaida while they lived. But the indulgence we
received only gave me more time to reflect on my hard
fortune, and one night, while I was stretched on a grass
plot along the side of the Moor's palace, singing a
mournful history of my misfortunes, I was surprised by a
loud knocking at the gate and the neighing of horses ;
and instantly a soft, disordered voice from a window
above said trembling and hastily: "70 thy apartment,
stranger; Morat ! Morat ! Alia guard thee." I fled,
blessing the voice that warned me, and spent a tedious
night in broken dreams and waking expectations of
cruelty from Morat, by whom such expectations were
never disappointed. In the morning, long before the
sun, he had surveyed the garden, and finding our labour
had not equalled his desire, with his first salutation he
struck me to the ground, and, before I recovered, three of
my companions were lying speechless. While he was
proceeding in his cruelty, a slave came pale and breathless
from the house, and faltering could only pronounce :
74 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
" Zaida, Zaida no more" Morat persevered, and having
given each captive his blow, returned to the house.
Bruised and dejected we groaned through the day's fatigue ;
but neither the bruises nor the toil preyed on my mind so
much as a fear and desire to know what had befallen our
young benefactress. Weariness brought with it no rest.
I lay all night sleepless, and before daybreak heard our
keepers relating that Zaida, having beheld the first mark
of her cousin's cruelty to the captives, had fainted and
continued some moments lifeless; that a cry that she was
dead had reached Zelebin's — her father's — ear, and so
afflicted him, that even her recovery added little to his, the
sudden joy rather oppressing him the more ; and, lastly,
that Morat was gone to Oran, being called thither by
sudden business. I rose overjoyed, and informed my fellow-
prisoners that the storm was over. The next day Zaida
walked twice through the garden, carefully observing us
through her veil, and as she passed by me twice repeated
the Aslemash, pressing her hand more closely to her
breast, and saying, " Alia guard thee." Zelebin's disorder
increased, and the fright had occasioned a fever, which was
likely to prove fatal. On the 28th of March it was my
lot to be employed under the greenhouse to which Zaida
usually paid her morning visit; nor did she fail that day ;
for I had scarce taken the spade in my hand when I saw
her veiled at the window. When the course of my spade
had brought me under the window, she dropped a tulip,
with which she had been playing, at my feet ; I took it up,
and ran round the building to present it to her, but before
I could reach the entrance she was gone. I returned,
admiring the largeness and colour of the flower, and was
struck by characters like letters in the inside. Examining
more attentively, I found the tulip lined with two folds of
fine paper, which I took out, and hardly had conveyed to
my pocket when one of the keepers approached and took
CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS WRIGHT. 75
the flower from me. With what impatience did I labour
through the day ! Evening came, and being- alone in my
cell, I read the following letter :—
" Holy Alia protect thee, stranger ; I have enquired much
concerning thee, and feel a sharp pain when I see thee
treated cruelly. If thou seekest thy freedom, I will contrive
to give it, for I am loved by my father's servants, who will
not betray me. I have provided for thee a Moorish turban,
and a rich hyke, in which thou mayest pass concealed.
There is another present which I would give thee, but thou
shalt see it first, for it may be burthensome to thee. If
thou wilt be early with thy spade at the greenhouse, I will
shew thee what I would give thee. Be cheerful, stranger,
for if Alia will permit, I will do thee much good."
All the impatience of the day equalled not the restlessness
of the night. I was up before the birds, and at day-break
the spade was in the earth ; Zaida came with the sun, and
observing none near but me she threw back her veil, and
looking on me with a sweet confusion, dropped another
tulip and retired. It was the first time I had seen her face,
and some moments passed before I could take my eyes from
the window. I conveyed the flower to my pocket-book, and
worked through the day in a hurry of joy that was painful to
support. The burthen of the tulip was this : —
" Stranger, thou hast now seen what I would give thee ;
but then I would have thee ask it. I will consent to be thy
wife if thou wilt take me with thee to thy own country.
There is a French ship now near Arzew, and the French
will carry us anywhere for money. But say not thou wilt
take me, if thou hatest me. Speak thy mind, for I will do
thee good in whatever way thou desirest. Holy Alia watch
over thee."
With my pencil I wrote the following answer at the back
of her letter :—
" Great Alia reward thee, gentle Moor ; I will not only
76 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
ask what them shewedst to me this morning ; but I call our
prophet to witness that I will have no other wife but thee.
Whatever thou desirest I will do ; but there is one captive
who hath been kind to me, and I would free him too."
This she received from the window, and retiring a few
minutes, returned and said in her native tongue : " Be thou
and thy captive friend at the garden door to-morrow at nine
of the night."
The wished-for evening came, and Zaida with her own
hands opened the door, attended by a faithful servant, and
informed me that her father could not live another night ;
that horses and dresses were ready, and she had sent by her
servant to a hut on the waterside all the money with which
her father had entrusted her ; and that a French privateer
was preparing to sail in less than two hours. I urged her
immediate departure, and she gave me a turban and a satin
hyke, and my fellow captive the coarse dress of a slave,
covering herself in the like garment, that all might pass as
my servants. Thus prepared, we walked silently from the
house before ten, and at a small distance mounting our
horses, arrived in a short time at the hut. The captive
Swede, whom I had released, immediately went on board
the privateer to learn her destination, and was informed
that she had orders to cruise near Malta, in order to take a
bold Englishman, called Fortunatus Wright ; and if the
winds would permit, we should be landed in that island.
In a few minutes we sailed, and the next morning were
many miles distant from Africa.
Ten days were passed before we obtained a sight of Malta,
and we had scarce dreamed of landing there when a signal
was made for standing out to sea in pursuit of a ship, which
upon a nearer view was found to be the very privateer which
the French captain had orders to take. Instantly I ran
down, took Zaida in my arms, and supported her courage
with all the animating words I was master of. Once she
CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS WRIGHT. 77
sunk upon my breast, and I had but just recovered her
when the signal was made for the engagement. The fire
became hot, and the conflict bloody. I continued com-
forting Zaida till the event became doubtful, when pretending
to her we were victorious, I sprung upon the deck, and
observing that the English endeavoured to board us ahead,
I slew the first who attempted our deck, and beckoning to
the French to follow me, leapt on board the enemy's
ship, unseconded by any, excepting my Swedish fellow-
captive, who seeing me overpowered, leapt back and
regained his ship. Thus I was made a prisoner, and my
fair Moor left a prey to all the wretchedness of despair.
After several vain attempts to board each other, the two
ships parted, the French steered towards France, and I was
carried into Malta. Good heaven ! how soon was changed
the gladsome prospect of happiness to the darkest view of
misery ! The good captain, whose prisoner I was, observing
my despondence, ordered me to be set free, though I had
killed one of his men ; and when I informed him, by a
Maltese interpreter, of my unhappy story, and my resolution
to go in quest .of Zaida, he gave me one hundred guineas,
and advised me to sail for England ; " where, though I am
unhappily exiled from it," said he, " you will be generously
treated, and will hear the fate of the French privateer." He
then informed me of her name, and the port from which she
was sent; "when you find that she is landed, you will
then be at liberty," said he, " to visit France, and if the
French captain be generous as he seems brave, he will
restore his passenger with all her possessions." He recom-
mended me to an English captain then at Malta, and having
kindly wished me good fortune, we parted.
Two long months I was tossed at sea ; on the loth of
August we arrived at our destined port, where the first
object that struck my eyes was the French vessel in which I
left the lovely Zaida. ; hope and fear almost deprived me of
78 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
reason ; with difficulty I told the captain all my story, and
he, with the readiness of friendship, sent his boat to enquire
whether any woman were taken prisoner on board the French
prize ; but we received no information, for the sailors who
then manned the ship were strangers to her captain. We
landed at a fair town,* on the banks of a small river called
Avon ; and the captain, who had not drowned his humanity
in the rough element on which he traded, conveyed me to
the prison, where after searching various apartments, at
last I found my fair afflicted Zaida lying on the ground
with her head on the lap of her woman, and the Swede
sitting near to guard her. As soon as she saw me her voice
failed her ; I had almost lost her by an agony of astonish-
ment and joy as soon as I had recovered her. Hours were
counted ere she would believe her senses, and even days
passed over us, in which she sat with a silent admiration,
and even still doubts whether all is real.
* Bristol.
79
CHAPTER III.
PRIVATEERS OF THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR.
IN 1745, Captain Robinson, who had put into the Isle of
Skye during his passage from the Baltic, brought the news
to Liverpool that the Young Pretender had landed in
Scotland. An express was immediately despatched to the
Secretary of State with this important intelligence, and
vigorous preparations were made to defend the town in
case of attack. The sum of ,£6,000 was quickly contributed
to defray expenses ; and a regiment called the "Liverpool
Blues," 900 strong, was raised from amongst the inhabi-
tants. The Jacobites passed within 16 miles of Liverpool,
but did not dare to risk an encounter with the local forces.
When the Duke of Cumberland pursued the retreating
insurgents, the Blues, thirsting for glory, joined his army
and assisted at the siege of Carlisle.
In 1746, one of the most gallant defences recorded in
naval annals was made by Captain Nehemiah Holland
and crew, of the Liverpool ship Ann Galley, bound for
Antigua. Her crew consisted of 14 men, with four guns
of one-and-a-half inch bore, six muskets, six pistols, and
six cutlasses. When in sight of Antigua, she was attacked
by a French privateer, mounting 10 six-pounders, with 100
men. The action was fought in view of the people on the
island. The French boarded the Ann Galley three several
times, but were driven back each time with considerable
loss, leaving, ultimately, 18 of their crew dead on the
English ship, and 50 to 60 wounded on their own vessel.
The Ann Galley did not lose a single man. The defence
SO THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
was conducted with considerable skill. Preparations had
been made by barricades to protect the crew against
boarding ; and trains of powder were laid to explode every
time the assault was made, which wrought havoc amongst
the boarders. The Ann Galley took fire twice during the
engagement. In a list of Liverpool ships, published in
1753, she appears as a Guineaman, owned by Messrs. Wm.
Whalley & Co., carrying 340 slaves, and still commanded
by the valiant Nehemiah.
On the ship's return to Liverpool, Captain Holland
was presented by his owners with a silver punch bowl,
containing two gallons, with the following inscription
engraved : —
"The gift of the owners, to Nehemiah Holland, Captain
of the Ann Galley, who, with inimitable bravery, preserved
and defended her against the infinitely superior force of a
French enemy, August 21, 1746."*
In 1749, a Liverpool privateer captured a French sloop
of war called Le Lion D'Or, which was subsequently con-
verted into a whaling vessel. As the Golden Lion, she
sailed from Liverpool in 1750 for the Greenland fishery,
being the first vessel from Liverpool to engage in the trade.
In the Mayer Collection in the Public Museum, William
Brown Street, is a noble punch bowl, seventeen and a-half
inches in diameter, presented in 1753 to Captain Metcalf, of
the ship Golden Lion,\yy his employers, on the completion
of her second successful voyage in the Greenland Whale
Fishery. It is painted in blue, with a representation of the
ship inside the bowl. The following is a copy of proposals,
in 1749, for the purchase of the vessel in shares, and for
fitting her out for the Greenland trade, with the names or
firms of the merchants who subscribed to them, and em-
barked in the concern, and of the shares which they
respectively took : —
*In Picton's Memorials of Liverpool the ship is incorrectly called the Ann Galkey.
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 81
44 PROPOSALS from GOORE and BULKELEY to all such
persons as shall become Subscribers hereto, for the
sale of the ship Golden Lion, now belonging to them,
and for fitting her out for the GREENLAND WHALE
FISHING TRADE for the next season.
" ist. — That they, the said Goore and Bulkeley, do con-
sent and agree to take the sum of Two Thousand Pounds
sterling for the Vessel and her Materials (the Great Guns
with their Tackle and Firearms only excepted), the Persons
subscribing hereto do oblige themselves respectively to pay
his or their proportion according to the amount of the share
subscribed for towards the Payment of the said sum of two
thousand Pounds in two months from the Date of the Bill
of sale.
44 2nd. — That the Joint Concern in the said Vessel shall
be divided into twenty or more equal shares, every Person
having the liberty of Subscribing one Share more or less,
so that none subscribe for less than half a^hare.
44 3rd. — That twenty shares being subscribed for, the
Bargain shall be valid, otherwise void.
44 4th. — That the Subscription being completed, every
Subscriber shall and is obliged to pay his or their Proportion
of the Outfit, Disbursements, Wages, or other Charges,
into the Hands of the Persons appointed Managers, when
and as often as by them the said Managers required.
44 5th. — That the Subscribers, or a Majority of them, do
immediately after the Completion hereof, appoint two or
more of the said Subscribers to be Agents for the directing
of the whole Proceedings of the Voyage and equipping the
Vessel.
" Lastly, the said Goore and Bulkeley agree on their Part
to hold one whole share. — In witness whereof, We the
Persons willing to be concerned have Subscribed our
Names and Shares this eighteenth Day of December, 1749."
82 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
SHARES.
Thos. & John Backhouse. — half a Share
John Nicholson & Co. — half a Share.
David Edie. — half a Share.
Joseph Jackson. — half a Share.
Jo: Manesty. — half a Share.
Richd. Nicholas. — half a Share.
Jas. Gordon. — half a Share.
Thos. Shaw. — half a Share.
John Atherton. — half a Share.
Heywood Benson & Co. — half a Share.
John Parke. — half a Share.
Richd. Golightly. — half a Share.
Owen Prichard. — half a Share.
Tho. Mears for Self, & John Okill.— half a Share.
Richard Savage. — half a Share.
Charles Goore for William Hurst. —half a Share.
Charles Goore for Nathl. Bassnett. — One Share.
Thomas Seel. — One Share.
Foster Cunliffe & Sons. — One Share.
Saml. Ogden. — One Share.
Edwd. Trafford. — One Share.
John Knight. — One Share.
John Brooks. — One Share.
John Hardman. — One Share.
Sam. Shaw. — half a Share.
Jam. Crosbie. — half a Share.
Chas. Lowndes. — half a Share.
Edwd. Cropper.- — half a Share.
John Tarleton. — half a Share.
Lawce Spencer. — half a Share.
Edward Lowndes. — half a Share.
Edward Parr. — half a Share.
Edwd. Roughsedge. — half a Share.
Joseph Bird. — half a Share.
John Seddon. — half a Share.
James Pardoe. — half a Share.
John Entwistle. — half a Share.*
*From the original in the possession of the late Mr. Samuel Staniforth, re-
printed in Brooke's History.
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 83
So catholic was the spirit of enterprise displayed by most
of these gentlemen, that their commercial operations em-
braced not only whales but negroes, and for one whale's
blubber melted by their agency, they might have counted
thousands of human hearts either stilled for ever, or crushed
by lifelong slavery. Messrs. John Okill & Co., were the
only African Merchants not engaged in the slave trade.
The vessel, after being commanded for a long time by
Captain Metcalf, was lost, whilst a full ship, as it was termed,
in coming out of the ice during one of her voyages. She
was accustomed, when in Liverpool, to lie near the south
west corner of the Old Dock; which, from that circumstance,
was called the Golden Lion berth. She ought not to be
confounded with another well-known but more modern
vessel, called after the former, also, the Golden Lion, which
was commanded by Captain Thompson. The latter was
employed in the same trade, and belonged to Messrs.
T. Staniforth & Sons. She was afterwards withdrawn from
the fishery, let out to the Government, and employed in
the victualling service, and whilst so employed, in coming
home from the Mediterranean, was captured by the French.
We shall have occasion to notice her later on. The first
ship built at Liverpool, and employed in the trade, was
launched in the year 1775, from Mr. Sutton's yard.
The Greenland Fishery was then of importance to
Liverpool, and one of the principal merchants concerned in
it was Mr. Thomas Staniforth, father of "Sulky Sam."
It fluctuated very much, but at one time there were
twenty-three ships from Liverpool employed in it.
The seamen engaged in it were, as an encouragement
to the Greenland trade, protected by Parliamentary
enactments against impressment. "Instances," says Brooke,
"were not unfrequent during the war, of a body of
seamen engaged in that trade, going to the Liverpool
Custom-house armed with harpoons and whaling knives to
84 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
defend themselves against the press-gang, until they could
reach the Custom-house, where lists of their names being
furnished, on oath, by the owners, the seamen gave security
to the satisfaction of the Commissioners of Customs, to
proceed in the vessels to which they belonged to the
Greenland Seas, or Davis' Straits, in the whale fishery, in
the following season ; and they then received a certificate of
protection, under the provisions of the Acts of Parliament,
1 3th George the Second, Chap. 28, Sec. 5; nth George
the Third, Chap. 38, Sec. 19 ; 26th George the Third,
Chap. 41, Sec. 17, and 3ist George the Third, Chap. 43,
Sec. 5 ; and they were then privileged from impressment
until after the expiration of the season of the fishery, and
until the termination of the voyage. Every harpooner, line
manager, or boat-steerer who had given such security as
above-mentioned, was allowed to sail in the colliery or
coasting trade, without being liable to be impressed during
the time of the year that they were not employed in the
fishery."
A building for extracting the oil from the fat or blubber
of whales, and provided with boilers for that purpose, was
erected by Mr. Nathan Kershaw at the south end of the
Queen's Dock, near the bottom of Greenland Street ; and
since the enlargment of the dock, the site of the building
now forms a part of it. Mr. Kershaw also endeavoured to
establish the manufacture of glue there, from the skin of
whales' tails, but the whole works wereafailure, and the odour
from them was anything but agreeable to the neighbourhood.
The Liverpool branch of the Greenland trade gradually
declined, until it ceased to exist. One of the last vessels
remaining in that trade was the Lton, Captain Hawkins,
belonging to Mr. Staniforth. He sold her to Mr. Hurry,
and she was afterwards lost in the ice in 1817, but the crew
were saved.
When the press-gangs came on shore the utmost confusion
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 85
and dismay took place among the denizens of Bridge Street,
Wapping, Little Bird Street, and thereabout. On the
3Oth of June, 1755, upon the arrival of the ship Upton in
the river, from Maryland, the Winchelsea man-of-war, then
lying at anchor off the town, sent her barge, under the
command of a lieutenant, to board her. On the Upton's
men finding the barge's intention, they seized their
captain and chief officer and fastened them in the cabin.
As the Winchelsea 's barge ran alongside, the Upton's men
swore that the man-of-war's men should not board them,
and if they did they would depress their guns and fire upon
them. At that time every merchantman was more or less
armed, and able to make a stout resistance in case of
attack. Seeing matters thus formidable, the Winchelsea's
barge sheered off to put back for a reinforcement. The
Upton's men, seeing this, lowered their yawl and pulled to
shore. They were, however, followed by the Winchelsed's
men, when a fierce encounter took place, shots being fired
on both sides, the struggle ending by the yawl being
upset. Two of the crew swam ashore, 15 others were
captured, and two were drowned. The officer commanding
the barge was shot in the cheek, the ball passing clean
through his mouth. Several seamen on both sides were
mortally wounded.*
In 1750, six convicts who had been transported for 14
years and shipped at Liverpool, rose at sea, shot the
captain, overcame and confined the seamen, and kept
possession of the vessel nineteen days. Coming in sight of
Cape Hatteras, they hoisted out the boat to go on shore,
when a boy whom they had not confined hailed a passing
vessel and attempted to make known the position of affairs,
but was prevented. The wretches then drove a spike up
through his under and upper jaws, and wound spun yarn
*In Storehouse's " Streets of Liverpool," the date of this incident is erroneously
given as May 3Oth, 1775.
86 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
round the end that came out near his nose, to prevent his
getting it out. They then cut away the sails from the
yards, left the ship and went on shore. "But," says the
Pennsylvania Gazette of August 1 1, "a New England sloop
coming by soon after, and seeing a ship driving in the sea
in that manner, boarded her, found things as described,
and carried her into North Carolina, from whence a hue and
cry went after the villains, who had strolled along to
Virginia. They were taken at Norfolk, and one of them
confessed the fact, upon which they were ordered up to
Williamsburg for trial as pirates."
In August, 1753, fourteen Danish ships, laden with
timber, were seized at Liverpool; "the reason whereof
was, "says the paper, "because it was of the growth of
Livonia, and Danish ships act contrary to treaty when they
bring other wood into England than that of the product of
their own country."
In May, 1756, the peaceful pursuits of commerce received
a rude shock in Liverpool and other parts of the country by
the commencement of another war with France. In the
previous wars the trade of Liverpool had suffered much less
than that of London, Hull and Bristol from the privateers of
the enemy, but at the outset of the Seven Years' War — " the
most glorious war in which England had ever been
engaged," as Lord Macaulay calls it, — swift and well armed
French privateers found their way into the North passage
and the Irish sea, and kept Liverpool blockaded for many
weeks. Great damage was inflicted on the commerce of the
port, and the town itself was threatened with attack by the
gallant Thurot. This war continued during the whole of
the remainder of the reign of George the Second, and during
the first and second years of George the Third. The early
part of the contest was marked by very humiliating disasters,
both on sea and land, but the latter part of it, carried on
under the vigorous administration of the first William
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 87
Pitt, was extremely successful, terminating gloriously for
England at the Peace of Paris, in 1763. Canada and all
the other French possessions in North America were
conquered by Wolfe and Amherst ; the rich province of
Bengal was captured by Clive ; and the French fleets, after
having been victorious over the unfortunate Byng, were in
their turn defeated by Hawke and Boscawen.
The spirited manner in which the French commenced
the war, and the superiority and activity of their privateers,
caused an immediate and enormous increase in the
premium for insurance against sea risks. The rates on
vessels from Liverpool to Jamaica rose to twelve guineas
per cent.; to North America to ten guineas ; from Carolina
to Cowes and a market to twenty guineas ; from North
America to Jamaica to twelve guineas ; from Liverpool to
Gibraltar to twenty guineas ; and from Newfoundland to
the Mediterranean twenty-five guineas ; rates almost
sufficient to put an end to commercial enterprise.
As trade no longer " flourished and spread her golden
wings so extensively," but had come almost to a standstill,
the Liverpool merchants took a leaf out of the enemy's
book, and forthwith began to fit out their ships as privateers
and, in some cases, to build new vessels for the specific
purpose of cruising against the enemies of Great Britain.
The Revenge, Mandrin, and Anson privateers sailed from
the port on the first of July, 1756, and the Brave Blakeney
followed in August. These vessels were very successful on
their first cruise, particularly the Anson, which returned in a
few weeks with a French West Indiaman worth ,£20,000 ;
and the Brave Blakeney, which brought in two other prizes
of great value, named La Gloire and Le Juste. Then the
whole community became mad after privateering, and
shares in these ventures were eagerly taken up.* Other
* Soon after war had been declared, Messrs. Edmund Rigby and Sons, iron-
mongers, advertised that they had contracted with the proprietors of Birsham
Foundry for the delivery of a large quantity of good swivel and carriage guns.
88 . THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
privateers were fitted out and sailed in the following order :
The Mercury, on November 2oth ; the Isaac, on the 2gth ;
the new Anson, on December 3rd ; and the Grand Buck,
on the 8th. In the following year two other privateers
sailed, the King of Prussia on January 2Qth, and the Liverpool
on June loth, 1757. In 1758, the Resolution and the Spy
were sent out to prey on the enemy's commerce. The
French, however, played at the same game, with equal, if
not greater vigour. It was calculated that at the beginning
of March, 1757, the French had at sea no less than 200
privateers, while many more were being built.
On the ist of July, 1756, the Anson privateer, Captain
Edward Fryer, a brigantine of 150 tons burthen, 16 carriage
guns (four, six, and nine-pounders), 24 swivels, and 100 men,
belonging to Mr. George Campbell, a member of the
Common Council, sailed on a cruise. A captain who spoke
her off the Tuskar, reported that she sailed very fast, and
that "the men were in great spirits, giving him three
cheers, with their cutlasses brandished over their heads," in
a very suggestive manner. Before the igth of July, the
Anson had taken four prizes, one being a storeship, bound
to Canada with a number of French officers, 300 cannon,
and other warlike material, as well as important despatches
on board. In the Bay of Biscay, the Anson encountered
La Juno, a Bayonne privateer of 12 guns and 108 men,
which she captured and carried into Kinsale, after an
They also sold iron balls, cast in moulds, and "much preferable to those cast in
sand." The guns had been proved by the Woolwich proof, but purchasers
were at liberty to prove them again. Would Messrs. Armstrong or Herr Krupp
have shown more enterprise, had they lived in 1756 ? Gunpowder was then
manufactured by Messrs. Cunliffe, Stanton and Craven, at their mills at Thelwall,
the powder being stored at the Black Rock Magazine, in Cheshire. Messrs.
Cunliffe & Co., advertised "damaged gunpowder wrought over again fit for service,
at 2os. per barrel." Prior to this date there was a powder-house on Brownlow-Hill,
opposite the spot which is now the north end of Clarence Street. The building
was used for the confinement of prisoners of war, during the American Revolu-
tionary struggle. The records of the mock Corporation of Sephton mention Mr.
John Stanton as holding the office of "contractor for gunpowder," while a Mr.
Matthews was "hooper, cooper, and powder-keg maker" to the same convivial,
but really influential body.
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR, 89
engagement of four hours and a half, in which the French
had four men killed and several wounded. The August
number of the u Gentleman's Magazine" stated that the
Anson had already made "above 5,000 per cent, of what
was expended in fitting her out."
On the 2oth of September, the Anson fell in with the frigate
Artabonetta, 320 tons burthen, 14 guns, from St. Domingo
for Nantz, and took her after an engagement of two hours,
in which the prize had three men killed and two wounded,
her rigging maltreated, and her sails shot to rags. " The
Anson 's people," piously observes the editor of Williamson 's
Advertiser, " have had particular marks of Providence
conferred on them this cruise ; for though they have taken
the Alexander, a prize of upwards of 400 tons, outward
bound, worth ^"5,000, and the Juno, a privateer of equal
force with themselves (besides the forementioned prize), yet
not one of their hands has received the least damage." The
cargo of the Artabonetta, consisting of sugar, coffee, indigo,
and "superfine St. Domingo cotton," was valued at
,£20,000. Both the Artabonetta and the Young Alexander
were sold by the candle at R. Williamson's shop, near the
Exchange. Captain Fryer did not sail again in the Anson,
but took command of the Hope (Letter of Marque), 300 tons
and 1 8 guns, besides swivels, which was advertised to sail
for Barbadoes, touching at the Cape de Verd Islands, and
which offered "good encouragement for seamen and able-
bodied landmen wishing to try their fortunes."
The new commander of the Anson was Captain Gersham
Speers, and on the 28th of January, 1757, she sailed on
another cruise, in consort with the Blakeney, Captain
George Fowler. On March nth, they passed through the
Straits of Gibraltar, and on May 28th boarded a French
polacca, freighted with Turks and their effects, from
Alexandria for Tripoli, whom they ransomed for 1,000
Barbary dollars. On June 3rd, they fell in with another
90 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
French polacca, which they ransomed for 600 Barbary
zequins. A few days later they saw four sail, and gave
chase to a snow, which hoisted Turkish colours and ran on
shore on the Barbary coast. The privateers then stood off
and gave chase to a large ship in the offing, which gave
them the slip. They pursued two sail to leeward, and
captured a French brig from Smyrna for Marseilles.
The French captain informed them that the large ship was
one of the convoy, and that the snow was his consort. They
then stood in shore, sent their boats on board her, soon
after got her afloat, and made sail with their two prizes for
Cagliari. They appear to have made three other captures
on the way to that port, one of which was re-taken by a
Maltese man-of-war. From Cagliari, they sailed for
Gibraltar, where they arrived safe, after beating off a stout
French privateer. Having got two of their prizes con-
demned there, they convoyed them to Liverpool, but were
parted from them in a gale of wind, one of the prizes, the
brig Union ) going on shore on the coast of Ireland. Some
of the cargo was saved and sold by auction in Liverpool, as
also was the other prize, the "good snow St. Nicholas"
and in March, 1758, the two fortunate privateers were also
brought under the hammer.
The Brave Blakeney privateer, Captain William Day, a
brigantine of 14 carriage-guns and 20 swivels, also belong-
ing to Mr. George Campbell, sailed from the Mersey in
August, 1756, and falling in with the Hawke privateer, of
Exeter, agreed to cruise in company. On the 6th of
October, Cape Finisterre bearing W.S.W. about 25
leagues, they chased and came up with two ships and two
snows from St. Domingo, which drew up in a line to
engage the privateers. The two ships were the Robuste, a
French Guineaman of 14 guns and about 40 men, and the
Le Juste, 450 tons, 22 guns (10 of which proved to be wooden
ones), 4 swivels and 27 men. The Blakeney being the fore-
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 91
most of the two privateers, shot ahead of the Robuste, and
attacked the Le Juste, who returned his fire very briskly,
aided by one of the snows that lay ahead of the privateer, and
the other upon his weather quarter. They all fought the
Blakeney two hours, the Hawke's metal not being heavy
enough to enable her to assist her consort, and then the Le
Juste struck. In the meantime the Hawke came up and
bravely boarded the Robuste, which was astern, the French-
men running from their quarters immediately on the
appearance of the boarders. Their captain was shot in his
thigh. When Captain Day had secured the Le Juste, he gave
chase to the snow, La Gloire, which had crowded away
while he lay by fishing his wounded masts, which caused
a delay of nearly an hour. In endeavouring to escape, the
snow threw overboard four guns, a sheet anchor and best
bower cable ; but the Blakeney got alongside of her, fought
her, and took her. In the engagement, a crossbar shot
broke the shank of one of the Blakeney's anchors, and a
piece of the bar passing between the thighs of one poor
fellow, took most part of the flesh away on each side. Two
other men were also wounded. The Hawke received con-
siderable damage, and had one man killed, while another
man had his arm shot off, and another a leg broken. As
soon as Captain Hewston, of the Hawke, had secured his
prize, he gave chase to the second snow, the Victoire, of 10
guns, which escaped under cover of night. When the
Blakeney engaged the four vessels, she had only 13 guns
(viz., 2 nine-pounders, i six-pounder, 2 four-pounders, 8
three-pounders), 20 swivels and 67 men and boys on board.
All the ships were much damaged in the action, and lay
some time to refit. After manning both his prizes, Captain
Day had only 45 men left on board his own ship, besides
Frenchmen, who were superior in number. The united
cargoes of the two prizes, which arrived safe in Liverpool,
consisted of the following : —
92 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
232 hogsheads 3 tierces 195 barrels White Sugar.
547 do. 28 do. 27 do. Muscovada Sugar.
288 do. — do. 218 do. Coffee.
15 do. do. 4 do. Indigo.
And some hundreds of hides.
In August, 1757, we find Captain Day in command of
the Prussian Hero (Letter of Marque), 400 tons burthen, 20
guns (six and nine-pounders) and 80 men, belonging to Mr.
Richard Savage, and engaged in the American and West
India trade. In March, 1758, on his outward voyage, he
fell in with five French privateers off Martinico, three of
whom engaged him at once, but after a smart fire he got
clear of them. Off the east end of Jamaica, he was attacked
by a privateer of 16 guns, full of men, who ran his jib-
boom into Captain Day's mizen shrouds, where it was
immediately lashed, and as fast as the Frenchmen boarded
the ship, they were as vigorously repulsed, the Captain
animating his men in a surprising manner, and killing ten
of the enemy with his own hand. The slaughter was so
great that the deck ran with blood. However, Captain
Day, finding there was no likelihood of overpowering them,
on account of the superiority of their number, cut the lash-
ings, and his mainsail filling, he soon left them. The
engagement lasted about two hours, and Captain Day had
only one man killed.
The names of two or three Liverpool estates are derived
from valuable prizes made by privateers belonging to the
port. The St. Domingo estate, in Everton, was so called
by Mr. George Campbell, who, in 1755, purchased the first
lot of land thereabouts from the Halsall family. In 1758,
he frequently added to it, and gave it the name it bears to
commemorate the capture of the rich St. Domingo ships
by his privateers. The mansion, erected by Mr. Campbell,
was a rather eccentric sort of place, resembling an ecclesi-
astical edifice. The history of this house is rather curious.
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 93
After Mr. Campbell's death, the property was purchased from
his executors by Mr. Crosbie for ,£3,800. Mr. Crosbie
having paid down ,£680 deposit, was unable to complete
his bargain, and became bankrupt. The estate was then
put up for sale at the Pontack, in Water Street, but no sale
was effected. Eventually Messrs. Gregson, Bridge and
Parke became the purchasers at the price Mr. Crosbie had
agreed to pay for it, in addition to his forfeit money. These
gentlemen, in 1773, resold the estate to Mr. John Sparling,
merchant, who was High Sheriff of Lancashire in 1785,
and Mayor of Liverpool in 1790, for ,£3,470, thus entailing
on the three speculators a loss. Mr. Sparling took down the
old house and erected a handsome mansion, into which he
removed from a large house in Duke Street, the second
below York Street on the south side. Mr. Sparling was
one of the old school, appearing on 'Change in knee
breeches, broad-flapped coat, gold laced waistcoat, broad
shoes with gold buckles, and wearing a three-cornered hat.
He left a proviso in his will that the St. Domingo estate
should be occupied by no other than a " Sparling" by
name. Finding it impossible to get a tenant under this
condition, the will was set aside, in 1810, by an Act of
Parliament to nullify the clause and enable the executors to
sell the property. Mr. Sparling was interred in Walton
Churchyard, where he erected, in his lifetime, a handsome
tomb, which he could see from the windows of his mansion.
He was the projector of the Queen's Dock, which he dis-
posed of to the Dock Trustees in 1783. In 1811, his
executors sold the St. Domingo estate for £20,295 to
Messrs. Ewart and Litt. Mr. Ewart next purchased Mr.
Litt's interest, and on the I3th September, 1812, re-sold the
estate to the Government, to be converted into barracks.
The price was £"26,383, subject to 195. 3d. lord's rent.
Prince William of Gloucester, resided at St. Domingo
House, when Commandant of the district, in 1803. The
94 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
Prince was very affable, and made himself exceedingly
popular in the neighbourhood. Scandal said that he was
often to be seen turning down Gloucester Place of an
evening, to visit a fair lady who dwelt therein. St.
Domingo estate was next sold in two lots, one lot, the
land, being bought by Mr. Atherton, and the other, the
mansion, by Mr. Macgregor. Soon after the purchase
had been completed, Mr. Atherton inquired of Mr. Mac-
gregor when he was going to take away his house. Mr.
Macgregor said he did not intend to do so. " What do you
mean to do with it?" "Why, I think I shall let it, or
perhaps live in it myself." "Well, but how will you get
to it, because I have bought all the land around it, and you
have no right of way?" Mr. Macgregor found that he
was at Mr. Atherton's mercy, and, it was said, sold him
the mansion at a great loss. After other mutations, St.
Domingo House became, as at present, St. Edward's
College.
But to return to Mr. Campbell. In 1745, he commanded
the " Liverpool Blues," about which a good story is told
by Stonehouse. The regiment started one November
morning, about three o'clock, to march to Warrington to
guard the bridge, and, if need be, destroy it, as the Earl
of Cholmondely, the commandant of the district, either
from scarcity of workmen or distrust of the many Jacobites
in the neighbourhood, felt himself in a position of difficulty.
On arriving near Penketh Common, the vanguard of the
" Blues" was seen hastily retreating, when the main body
came to a halt. The valorous vanguard reported that there
was a large body of the enemy ahead, occupying the road
and part of the common. A party of skirmishers was then
sent forward, when terrific screams and shouts were heard
through the darkness of the night. It was then proposed
at a council of war, called on the emergency, that the main
body should deploy into the fields, and endeavour to take
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 95
the enemy in flank ; however, before the movement could
be effected, the skirmishers had come in with each a
prisoner in the shape of a goose, whereupon the main body
of the gallant "Blues" charged en masse and completed
the victory their advance guard had commenced ; and it
was said in Warrington that so many geese were never
cooked in one night as there were on the occasion of the
arrival of the " Liverpool Blues" in the town.*
Messrs. Henry Hardwar & Co., merchants, fitted out a
privateer known as the new Anson, a ship of about 200 tons
burthen, 12 carriage guns (nine-pounders), 24 swivels, and
130 men. She was commanded by Captain Wm. Cuthbert,
who had been first lieutenant of the brig Anson, and all the
officers and most of the brig's crew sailed with him from the
Mersey, on December 3rd, 1756. Four days later they
recaptured the Rebecca, of Hull, which arrived safe in
Liverpool, but was again taken on her passage from
Liverpool to Hull, and carried into Boulogne. Mr. Robert
Williamson advertised that he had a letter in his hands from
part of the crew, then in a French gaol, containing informa-
tion advantageous to the insurers, but he adds — " no letters
answered unless post paid." In June, 1757, the new Anson
was taken by the French, and the affair is thus described by
Capt. Cuthbert in a letter to his owners, written from "St.
John the Angelick, 40 miles from Rochelle " :—
" On the 1 2th inst., I fell in with a large fleet, to which I
gave chase ; fell in about the middle of them, and as there
were three large ships to windward, which I took to be the
convoy, edged to leeward, attempting to cut some of them
out ; but there found the Amitie frigate, of 24 guns and 250
men, which we engaged from half-an-hour past four to three-
quarters past seven o'clock, and as my brave lads behaved like
Englishmen, I believe we should have carried her, had not the
War-wick of 60 guns, and two more frigates, bore down upon
* "The Streets of Liverpool," by James Storehouse, p. 211.
96 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
us. As soon as they steered alongside, they gave me their
broadsides both from their lower and upper decks. I gave
them one in return, and struck, after receiving three shot
between wind and water, and most of my rigging cut to pieces.
They have stripped all my people, and only left me two shirts
and two pair of stockings. I have at last prevailed on them
to permit Mr. Robinson (the first lieutenant) to come out of the
common jail in Rochelle, where all the rest of my brave boys
are confined, a French merchant having become surety for us ;
and I hear they are to be marched backwards into the country
100 miles, till a general cartel is settled. I am not permitted
to say more." The Captain died soon after.
The Revenge privateer, Captain John Gyles, and the
Mandrin, Commodore Mackaffee, two schooners or
wherries, about 35 tons burthen, prime sailers, mounting
2 two-pounders and 20 swivels, sailed on a cruise, in
company, on July ist, 1756. Though small of size and
armament, they were great in daring, and soon met with
success. In August, the Mandrin sent into Crookhaven a
brigantine laden with iron and cheese for Brest, and about
the same time the two privateers took two Dutch ships out
of the river at Bordeaux. On September ist, the Revenge
captured the dogger Maria Esther, from Rochelle for the
Mississippi, with flour, pork, lead shot, Spanish bar iron,
cotton, flannel, knives, velvet, linen, " Ozenbriggs," wine,
brandy, medicines, beaver hats, silk stockings, candles,
linen handkerchiefs, ruffled shirts, shifts, black pepper, and
other merchandise, which, together with the vessel, were
sold by auction at the Pontacks' and Merchants' Coffee-
houses. The Revenge returned from her cruise in October,
and the privateersmen, when they came on shore, " made
a handsome appearance, each man having a clean French
ruffled shirt on, which they had taken overboad a bark
bound to Bayonne. When the privateers boarded her
they found twenty-four Frenchmen hid below, and none
but Spaniards upon deck; however, they took care," says
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 97
the paper, "to ease them of their dollars, silver buckles,
private adventures, &c., and have brought in 732 ounces
of silver, 13 ounces of gold, five chests of India goods, two
tons of coffee, &c." The Mandrin having been blown on
shore in Bootle Bay, was sold by the candle at the shop
of the versatile Williamson.
In an age when charges of cowardice in face of the
enemy were freely made against admirals and commanders
in the Royal Navy, and courts martial were as common as
blackberries, it was not strange that a privateer captain
should fall under suspicion. The Advertiser of Nov. 5,
1756, contains "a vindication of Captain John Gyles'
character." The owners of the Mandrin and Revenge
privateers having appointed a meeting between Captain
Mackaffee and Captain Gyles, to hear a true statement of
the quarrel between the said captains, and to examine into
the cause of the report spread in the town, which had
defamed Captain Gyles by branding him with cowardice,
the parties met at Pontack's Coffee-house, when Captain
Mackaffee voluntarily signed a declaration completely
exonerating Captain Gyles, who, far from showing the
white feather, had single-handed attacked a French ship
before the Mandrin could come up.
The method of financing the brave but improvident
crews of the privateers was a curious one. In the paper
of Nov. 1 2th, a victualler named Edward Walker gives
notice that, having been appointed agent to the majority of
the companies of the Revenge and Mandrin privateers, lately
arrived from a cruise against the French, in which cruise
they took " several valuable prizes and private plunders from
the enemy," and having not only furnished many of the said
companies with meat, drink and lodging, but likewise upon
proper assignments procured Savil Wilson, merchant, of
Liverpool, to furnish them with money and apparel, which
they were in great need of, therefore he naturally desired
98 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
all payments and settlements of the said prizes and private
plunders, which concerned his clients, to be made to him ;
and no doubt Messrs. Savil Wilson and Edward Walker
made their own little private plunder out of the necessities
and recklessness of " poor Jack."
Prior to the publication of the "vindication" of his
character, Captain Gyles had been appointed commander of
the Mercury privateer, of 16 guns (six and nine-pounders),
24 swivels, and 130 men, belonging to Messrs. John
Hulton and Co., which sailed on a cruise the end of
November. On December 2ist, Captain Gyles wrote to his
owners, from Castlehaven, as follows : —
"On the 1 6th of December, we gave chase to a French
ship of 22 guns, in latitude 43° 40', longitude n° 10', which
we came up with about 12 o'clock at noon (after having fired
10 rounds of our bow-chase guns, nine-pounders, which they
answered with their stern-chase), and engaged broadside and
broadside for five glasses.* They shot away all our standing
rigging, wounded both our lower masts, and carried away our
Troysail mast ; hulled us in several places between wind and
water, and an unlucky shot struck us four feet under water.
We very soon had seven feet water in the hold, and expected
to sink every minute, the water being level with our platform,
and all our water casks afloat in the hold, which hindered us
from plugging the hole in the inside ; upon which we struck,
and called out for quarter, but the enemy kept a continued
fire into us, which determined us to throw all our guns over-
board, whilst part of our people were baling the water out of
the hatchway. Soon after the Frenchmen hove out a signal of
distress, but we could not assist one another, and I believe
never two ships were in a more shattered condition, for they
appeared to be as much disabled as ourselves. If it had not
been for that unfortunate shot, I believe we should have taken
her. Four of my men are killed and thirteen wounded. I
have received a shot in both legs, and have not been able to turn
* Two hours and a-half.
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 99
myself in my hammock since. I am more concerned for the
loss of my cruise than my own wounds ; and if it please God
to spare my life, and one leg-, I will have the other knock at
the French. As soon as the ship is in condition I shall return
to Liverpool."
A merchant at Kinsale, writing five days later, informs
the owners that the Mercury was in a very shattered con-
dition. The crew, in their distress, had thrown overboard
12 carriage guns and most of the swivels, two anchors and
cables, and other articles. Their powder, bread, and most
of their stores were "ill damaged," three more of the
wounded men were dead, and two, besides the captain,
were dangerously ill on shore. Captain Gyles had been
wounded in both legs, two of the four wounds he received
in his left leg being very dangerous. The gallant
behaviour of Captain Gyles and his ship's company had
recommended them to Colonel Townshend and the gentry
of the neighbourhood, who were extremely kind to them.
It was supposed that the ship which engaged the Mercury*
was the Bristol, of Bordeaux, 22 guns, which on her arrival
at Rochelle, reported having fought an English privateer
of 16 guns, and left her sinking.
Captain Gyles arrived in Liverpool on January 2Oth,
1757, and in February a notice was inserted in the papers
*Some question of marine insurance appears to have arisen in connection with
this privateer, as the following letter on the subject was addressed to the publisher
of the Advertiser: — "Some disputes that have lately happened between the owners
and insurers of the Mercury privateer, if they have no other good effect, are at least
sufficient to show us that our present method of insurance upon privateers is
greatly defective ; and that though the insurers have, upon account of certain
exceptions, been induced to run the risk of the whole for a very small premium,
yet the property of the adventurers has not there! >y been truly secured. It is
therefore submitted to the consideration both of the adventurers and insurers,
whether it would not be more eligible to fix some premium, which should be
sufficient to pay all averages and losses whatsoever, except powder and shot ex-
pended in attacking or defending ; and also to insure for the whole cruise, for such
time as the crew are engaged, without any exception as to their coming into or
going out of port during such time ; and also to make a clause in the policy, that
in case the ship shall not he certainly seen in safety after the expiration of the
limited time, she shall after the expiration of months, be esteemed a lost
ship within the limits of the insurance and paid for accordingly."
100 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
calling upon the crew of the Mercury to repair on board to
finish her six months' cruise, on pain of forfeiting their
share of prizes, and of being prosecuted for the advance
money by them received. She sailed from the Mersey on
the nth of March, and on the 25th recaptured, off Cape
Penas, the ship Liverpool, from Jamaica for London, laden
with 247 hogsheads of sugar, 26 puncheons of rum, 8
hogsheads of ginger, 18 casks and 32 bags of pimento, i
bag of cotton, and 38 logs of mahogany, all of which were
duly sold by auction at the famous Merchants' Coffee-house.
On May i2th, they took possession of the brigantine Johny
of Greenock, laden with pickled salmon and iron hoops,
which was lying troy in the sea, without a soul on board,
and which they sent to Liverpool.
Little occurred to the Mercury, except daily speaking
neutral bottoms, and now and then an English privateer,
until May 25th, when they gave chase to a sail, which, as
soon as they came up with him, saluted them with a broad-
side, which they " returned freely." During the skirmish
he carried away the Mercury^s main top-sail yard, and
damaged her rigging. Night coming on, they parted, but
fell to it again at three in the morning. At five, Captain
Gyles determined to board, steered alongside, and received
the enemy's whole fire. The Mercury's top-men called out
that he was well provided with close quarters, and had
double their number at small arms, whereupon the experi-
ment of boarding was abandoned as too dangerous. " We
engaged him an hour-and-a-half close alongside," says
Captain Gyles, in his journal, "and they answered our fire
briskly, carrying away our stays, braces, topmast and
futlock shrouds, great part of our rigging, and riddled our
sails. At eight, set the men to work, to splice and knot our
rigging, etc. Finding them so well provided, and double
the number of our people on board, we agreed to leave him,
and I apprehend he is an outward bound Angolaman. None
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 101
of my people were hurt, except the gunner, who received a
musket ball in his right breast."
On Sunday, July loth, while the Mercury was lying in
Fayal harbour, they saw a large ship in the offing, and
immediately gave chase, only to find, however, that they
had "got the wrong sow by the ear," the ship being a
French privateer of 18 guns and 200 men. They stood
away from him, but he followed and soon gave them the
contents of his four bow chase guns. They then hove their
broadside to him, and at four o'clock an engagement began,
which was warmly maintained by both sides till half-past
eight. The Mercury received three shot between wind and
water, and was otherwise much damaged, but no one on
board was hurt. Night coming on, they lay till morning,
expecting a renewal of the engagement, but as soon as day-
light appeared, they saw the enemy six leagues off. They
were obliged to keep one pump going. At twelve o'clock,
they felt a great shock, like an earthquake, and returned to
Fayal harbour. On the I4th July, they left Fayal, and off
Port Pine, where the French privateer had put in, "gave
Monsieur three cheers, which he returned," but durst not
follow them. On the yth of August, in company with the
Bellona privateer, of London, they captured a Spanish snow,
laden with French goods, and sent her to England.
The snow Mary, Captain Richmond, in her passage from
Liverpool to America, was taken by the Le Roche privateer,
of 22 guns, and, nine days later, retaken by His Majesty's
ship Torbay, the captain of which, having taken all the
Frenchmen but two out of the prize, put eight Englishmen
on board to carry her into port. On the second night, after
they parted with the man-of-war, the two Frenchmen broke
into the cabin, where the master was sleeping, and killed
him, wounded most of the men, and confined them below
in the steerage for eight hours. One of the Englishmen,
by the glimpse of daylight, finding loopholes in the after
102 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
bulkhead, luckily met with a musket, knocked a plug out,
and shot one of the Frenchmen dead. The other Frenchman
immediately jumped overboard, and clung to the rudder
ring. The Englishmen, having got him on board again,
had the humanity to spare his life, and carried him prisoner
to Dale, near Mil ford haven. About the same time, the
Landovery, Captain Johnson, from Liverpool for Jamaica, in
company with two other ships, two days after leaving Cork,
fell in with a large French privateer, which chased the
Landovery, and took her after an engagement of an
hour-and-a-half. The John, Captain Peter Gibson, on her
passage to Virginia, was taken by a French frigate and
scuttled. The crew were carried to Dinan and close confined,
except the Captain and mate, who had liberty to walk the
town within the walls.
One Sunday afternoon in October, 1756, the impressed
men confined on board the Bolton tender at Hoylake
mutinied, and, after knocking down the sentinels and
securing their arms, took possession of the vessel. In
attempting to recover the ship, the mate was knocked down
with the butt end of a musket by one of the mutineers, and
while he was down, two others struck him with an iron bar
and a handspike, "though entreated to the contrary by
several who begged for his life." He was then forced into
a boat and put on shore, where he died of his wounds in
two hours. Several people were "ill hurt in the scuffle,"
and about forty of the impressed men made their escape
to Liverpool. On the following Wednesday afternoon, as
Lieut. Siddal was taking one of the captured mutineers
down to a boat, the man was rescued by a mob. In the
evening, having doubtless partaken liberally of refresh-
ments, they assembled again, broke open the watch-house,
where another of the deserters was confined, "used ill the
master of the watch, broke several of his ribs, and took
off the man in triumph."
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 103
The brig Jenny, Captain Brown (Letter of Marque),
belonging to Messrs. John Tarleton & Co., on her
passage to the Leeward Islands, took the Legere, 300 tons
burthen, 10 guns and 30 men, from St. Domingo for
Bordeaux, laden with a valuable cargo of sugar, coffee,
and indigo, which was sold by the candle at the Bath
Coffee-house, in Liverpool.
On the Qth of October, 1756, in the latitude of Tobago,
the Catherine (Letter of Marque), Captain Augustine Gwyn,
had a very close and sharp engagement for eight hours
with a large French snow, which struck to the Liverpool
vessel. Both ships had their rigging and sails shot to
pieces. The Catherine had only one man wounded, while
the enemy had three killed. The prize was subsequently
retaken, and run on shore, through the gross carelessness
of the prize-master. Soon after this affair, the Catherine
was chased by a French privateer of 10 guns, and full of
men, " who came up with us," says Captain Gwyn, "and
fought us three glasses, but my people behaved gallantly
and beat them off. They made attempts to board ; we
raked them with our stern chase, which made them glad to
sheer off. In this engagement none of our people were
hurt, but almost every rope was shot away, and our sails,
&c., greatly damaged." In 1757, while in command of the
Fame frigate, 350 tons burthen, 20 carriage guns (twelve,
nine, and six-pounders), and 80 men, a Letter of Marque,
belonging to Messrs. John Tarleton & Co., Captain Gwyn,
carried into Kingston, Jamaica, a French privateer of 8
guns and 80 men, which he took off Antigua. He also
fell in with three other privateers, at one of which he fired
30 shot, and in all probability would have taken her, if
night had not prevented him. He likewise brought in a
Dutch sloop, laden with French sugars; "but," says the
correspondent, "as the Dutch are artful traders, probably
they may evade our laws and escape with impunity, which
104 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
too many of them have done this war, notwithstanding
their being notorious carriers of contraband goods to our
natural enemy." On August 3ist, 1758, the Fame retook
the brig Truelove, of Lancaster, and the brig Jane, of
Sligo, which had been taken by the famous Marshal
Belleisle privateer, of St. Malo, commanded by the
gallant Captain Thurot.
The paper of November 5th, 1756, contains the following
advertisement : —
"All gentlemen seamen, and able-bodied landmen that are
willing" to fight the French and make their fortunes, may meet
with suitable encouragement by entering on board the The
Grand Buck Privateer, Captain John Coppell, Commander. A
ship of 300 tons burthen, frigate built, 6 feet between decks
fore and aft, mounting 20 carriage guns, twelve, nine and six-
pounders, 20 swivels, and 200 men. N.B. — The ship will be
ready for sea in a fortnight, and now lies in the South Dock.
Apply to the Captain ; or to Messrs. Robert Clay & Compy. ,
Merchants."
Alas for the vanity of human intentions ! Notwithstanding
this brave invitation, there is nothing to record of the doings
of this privateer, except that she sailed on her cruise on
December 8th. The ship Cunliffe, which arrived from
North Carolina, reported having passed a derelict rolling in
the Atlantic, which some of the Cunliffe's crew recognised
as the The Grand Buck.
The Isaac privateer, 16 guns, Captain David Clatworthy,
sailed from Liverpool on November 29th, 1756, and on the
8th of January, 1757, carried into Kinsale, the Le Victoire, of
Havre, bound for St. Domingo, with bale goods, gunpowder,
etc., valued at ,£6,000. She had on board 9 carriage guns,
6 swivels, and 50 men, who fired two broadsides before they
struck. Having returned to Liverpool to refit, the Isaac
sailed on another cruise in the following June, and on
July 1 5th, Captain Clatworthy wrote to his owners, from
Plymouth, as follows : —
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 105
" On July ist, in latitude 43°, longitude 10° 57' from London,
at six in the morning-, we, in company with the Shark privateer,
Captain Abraham Harman, chased a ship and a snow, which
proved to be Spaniards from Cadiz ; one bound to Ferrol, the
other to the Groyne. As soon as we had discharged them we
discovered a smoke right ahead, and in a short time heard the
firing of cannon, upon which we both stretched that way and
soon saw a large French ship engaged with three English
privateers. At half-an-hour past ten we gave her a gun, and
hoisted our English colours, which she answered with her
broadside. We returned the compliment, wore ship and
berthed ourselves upon her quarter, where we lay for two hours
and a half. She then struck. During the engagement, we
fired our bow chase 43 times, and broadsides as fast as they
could be repeated. The last shot fired was one of our nine-
pounders, which went in at her larboard quarter, and killed a
relation of the Captain's ; upon which they instantly struck,
and gave the victory to the Isaac, and have since declared that
had it not been for us, they would not have been taken. I
sent Mr. Valens (first lieutenant) and 20 men on board her.
She proved to be the Prince of Conti, from L'Orient in Old
France, bound to the East Indies, Capt. De La Motte,
Commander, her burthen 800 tons, mounts 50 guns, (18
twenty-four-pounders, the rest twelve and 'nine-pounders), and
had 195 men ; but as they threw their papers overboard, with
most of their small arms, we can give no other account of her
cargo, but that she has stores on board, and by all the
intelligence we can get, cash, and have reason to think it will
prove no inconsiderable sum. The privateers engaged with
her were the St. George, Robinson, Slack Prince, Creighton,
and Boscaiven, Harden, all of London ; the two first of 22 guns
each, the last of 16. After we had settled our affairs on board,
as well as the hurry and confusion would admit, it was agreed
to make for the first port we could reach ; as I had it not in
my power, against so many voices, to bring her to Liverpool.
Could I have done it, nothing would have given me so much
pleasure as the shewing you one of the finest vessels you
106 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
perhaps ever saw there. We had the misfortune to burst one of
our six-pounders, which killed one man, and wounded another,
who is since recovered. As soon as we get in, I shall enquire
out some gentleman of undoubted character to act for me in
case I should sail before I have the favour of your answer. I
make no doubt of your acting to our mutual interest. You
may depend on my using all diligence to serve my worthy
owners. Our vessel sails so incomparably well that they are
all courting me for a Consort ; nor would I have you think I
compliment myself when I inform you we have had the thanks
of the whole fleet for our behaviour in the action. Our officers
all acted with courage and discretion, and our men with the
greatest bravery ; and I believe that had we, in company with
a vessel equal to us seen the prize first, we should have needed
no farther assistance. If I should sail before I hear from you,
I shall leave an exact inventory with a proper officer, but
should be glad if you were here to act for me and crew, as the
concern is too considerable for any but trusty hands. I am,
&c., David Clatworthy. P.S. — The first day I was on my
station, I fell in with 8 sail of French Martinico ships, and two
frigates, which we lost in the night."
The Prince de Conti was reported to be worth ,£100,000,
exclusive of the cash on board, which must have been a
very large amount, as she was bound to Bengal to purchase
English merchandise.
This capture of a rich prize was not effected without
some heat and jealousy arising between the gallant com-
manders. Capt. Harden, of the Boscawen, felt aggrieved,
and wrote to one of his owners in these forcible terms :—
"Notwithstanding the many and villainous reports you
have heard of my being astern and out of gun shot when the
Frenchman struck, you yourself may judge of the truth of it,
as our boat was on board, brought off the captain and several
of his principal officers, and returned again on board long
before any of the other boats were there. It would have been
impossible for us to board her first had we been out of gunshot
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 107
or at a greater distance than the rest. All the men on board
our ship are ready to swear we were nearest when she struck,
and those that have spread this infamous report have not
souls to stand to it like men, for when they were charged with
it by myself and challenged, they meanly denied it and begged
pardon, and in everything relinquish those great feats they
boasted of in the papers."
In 1758, the Isaac, on her passage to Barbadoes, took
the L? Aimable Marie, from Nantz for St. Domingo, and
beat off a French privateer of 12 guns, after an engagement
of an hour and a half. Twenty years after, the Isaac
appeared in the Channel as the American privateer General
Mifflin, and played sad havoc with the commerce of her
former friends.
The following very remarkable letter, dated December
nth, 1756, was received from on board the Hibernia, Capt.
Watson, ''off Rogipore, a little to the southward of
Bombay": —
"This day about noon, we saw several calevats, or
rather, gallevats, or war-boats armed with swivel guns and
doubly manned. They were at a considerable distance, and
crowded about a ketch, which they seemed to tow along. The
captain and chief mate, who were both well acquainted with
the Malabar coast, immediately declared it was the Meelwan
fleet, which had made a prize of this ketch, and was towing
her in shore, to get out of our way. These Meelwans, or
Kemasants, as the Portuguese call them, are a nest of pirates,
a little to the southward of Gary, and formerly subjects to, or
allies of Angria, the grand pirate, on the Malabar Coast. The
chief mate was positive that it was Capt. Scott, of Blay's
ketch, and that it would be a piece of good service to retake
her from the pirates, whose calevats were twelve in number.
Accordingly we bore away likewise in shore, and endeavoured
by all means to come up with them, but there being little
wind, and we having a luggage boat of 70 or 80 tons to tow
after us, they lugged the ketch along, and kept at a consider-
108 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
able distance from us all the afternoon. However, about
half an hour after eight o'clock at night we came within gun-
shot of them, when firing only two nine-pounders among
them, the calevats abandoned their prey, and ran in shore into
shallow water, whither we could not follow them. Our chief
mate and twelve men went armed cap-a-pie, with their muskets
and cutlasses, and took possession of the ketch, which the
pirates had robbed of part of the cargo. It belonged to some
merchants of Calicut, and was bound for Muscat with Malabar
goods, as cassia, pepper, bottlenuts, cardamoms, sandal-
wood, &c.
"The vessel itself, with what is left of the cargo, I judge
will amount to 8,000 rupees, or ,£1,000 sterling, which we
shall divide among us, according to the rates of the navy.
The affecting part, however, of this affair is what follows : —
Our chief mate had orders to send all the prisoners on board
the Hibernta, and to keep possession of the ketch with our
men. But, good God ! when they came on board, what a
moving sight ! Out of 25 men, hardly any could walk, or
even stand, without being supported. Thrice had they sus-
tained the attack of 12 calevats, and as many times repulsed
them, partly with their swivel guns, and partly with stones,
spears, and cutlasses. This hot action lasted about two hours,
during which the ketch's people behaved exceeding well, and
the captain or Nokedy, as the country people here call him,
killed five of the assailants with his own hand. However, as
the pirates were twelve times more numerous than the ketch's
people, they got on board her a fourth time ; when the Nokedy
asking his men which of them would stand by him, two of
them only offered themselves, and were in a manner cut to
pieces along with their Captain, who fell fighting heroically,
if I may be allowed such a term, for his liberty and property.
He was the only man that was killed outright, but almost all
the rest were wounded in a most frightful manner, particularly
the two men who stood by their Captain to the last. Some of
them must have been stabbed as they retired, the wounds
being in the hinder parts of the body ; but the two brave men
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 109
already mentioned received all theirs in the fore parts. One
had a piece as large as the palm of the hand almost cut off
from the forehead, and a deep cut on the crown of his head,
which we imagine will prove mortal, as the skull is fractured.
Good God ! what a gash it is ! These two wounds, it seems,
laid him flat, sprawling upon the deck, and indeed any one of
them, especially the last, was sufficient to stun the most stout-
hearted. The other was cut and slashed all over the body.
He had received a frightful wound on the right side of his
face, which had cut off the lower half of his ear, and laid open
the jawbone quite to the chin, and even the integument of the
neck so deep, that the jugular vessels appeared. The patella,
or small bone of his left knee was divided in two by another
slash that reached four or five inches in length. Another gash
across the outside of the left thigh penetrated to the bone,
dividing asunder a large nerve as big as a man's finger. He
had received another wound between the elbow and wrist of
his left hand, which had cut asunder the nerves which serve to
move the fingers, and penetrated quite to the bone. All this
time he stood fighting the enemy with his right hand, till at
last a wound received athwart the fingers of his right hand,
whereby one finger was cut off and two others deeply wounded,
proved a finishing stroke, so that, no longer able to hold his
cutlass, he fell down upon the deck, bleeding at numerous and
also very deep wounds. And, indeed, it is surprising he could
have stood so long, considering the vast discharge of blood
from his wounds. Capt. Watson, whose humanity on this
occasion deserves particular praise, acting as Surgeon's assis-
tant, preparing bandages, tents, plegets, plaisters. &c. He
took a great deal of pains in washing, cleaning, and dressing
their wounds; and, besides the plaisters put up in the medicine
chest, made vise of Balm of Gilead,* which he poured plentifully
*The celebrated " Balm of Gilead " was prepared in Liverpool by two Hebrew
quacks, named Solomon, father and son. Dr. Solomon (the younger) made a large
fortune out of the Balm ; and died about 1819. He resided in his later years at
Gilead House, Kensington, and was a curious political and social character. In
1803, he started the first daily newspaper published out of London. — See "Historic
Notes on Medicine, Surgery and Quackery"; by the present writer, in the Lancet,
April-May, 1897, or the "Streets of Liverpool, " by Stonehouse.
110 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
in the wounds, securing all with tents and plegets dipt in the
same balsam, which he had purchased at Judah the last
summer. And the better to see them taken care of, they were
all brought on board the Hibernia till we should arrive at
Tillecherry, where the captain intends to put them all under
the care of Dr. Gill, the Company's Surgeon."
Williamson's Advertiser of December lyth, 1756, con-
tained the following spirited description of another private
ship of war : —
" Now fitting out for a cruise, and will be ready to sail
next week against the Enemy of Great Britain, the ship King
of Prussia privateer, under the command of William
Mackaffee. Burthen 250 tons, mounts 16 carriage guns (all
nine-pounders) 20 swivels, and 154 men. All gentlemen seamen
and ablebodied landmen, that are willing to imitate the brave
King whose name the ship bears, in curbing the insolence of
the French, and making their fortunes immediately, will meet
with suitable encouragement by applying to Messrs. Thomas
Parke & Stanhope Mason, Merchants, or the Commander. N.B.
This ship carried a commission the last war, met with great
success in taking many prizes, and is a remarkable prime sailor. "
She sailed from Liverpool "to curb the insolence of the
French," by capturing their property at sea, on January
29th, 1757. Captain Mackaffee, writing from Gibraltar on
the 22nd of April, gives the following account of his
movements : —
" After a long and tedious cruise, we arrived at Gibraltar.
The day after our arrival there was an engagement between
five English and four French men-of-war. Our ships were
superior by one gun. On hearing their fire we slipped and
made for the Gut, where we fell in with the outward bound
fleet and engaged them. Five sail struck to us, but the four
French men-of-war, which were their convoy, bearing down
upon us, I was obliged to quit, but soon joined the fleet, and
it being dark they could not discover us. I came alongside
the French Commodore, and boarded one of the fleet, without
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. Ill
the loss of a man. When the prisoners came on board, we
gave chase and fell in with a French privateer and one
merchant ship. We drove them both into Cadiz, and then
returned to Gibraltar. I have lost three men. Our ship's
company is in great spirits, we being extremely well manned.
The King of Prussia is a fine ship, and carries her metal well.
The prize, having the French King's Commission on board,
was easily condemned."
The prize so daringly captured was the snow La
Favourite, whose cargo was invoiced at 30,000 livres. The
French prisoners reported that she had 20,000 dollars on
board, and was the richest vessel* in the fleet. Admiral
Saunders and his squadron, having heard the firing of the
privateer, were entitled to a share of the capture, " but the
noble spirited Admiral gave up his claim in favour of the
captors, and the rest of the captains followed his example."
Writing from Candia in July, 1757, Captain Mackaffee
tells his owners that after leaving Gibraltar he was obliged
to abandon his proposed cruising station, being pestered by
English privateers. He proceeded up the Straits as far as
the Channel of Malta, where he took a Swedish ship of 22
guns, laden with French property, from Smyrna. She had
370 bags of cotton, and her hold full of wheat. Captain
Mackaffee instructed his first lieutenant to proceed with her
to Gibraltar, but the heating of the wheat, the number of
enemies swarming around, and the unruly conduct of the
Swedes on board, compelled the lieutenant to put into
Malta, where the cargo was condemned and the vessel dis-
charged. The captain then relates his own doings in the
King of Prussia, as follows : —
" I then proceeded farther up the Arches, having intelli-
*She was sold by auction in Liverpool on March 27th, 1758, with her entire
cargo, which consisted of the following curious assortment : Castile soap, tallow,
wax candles, sweetmeats, capers, bitter and sweet almonds, flour, cheese, cordial
drams, lavender and Hungary waters, caplier, shoes, " sallet oyl," kidney beans,
earthenware, nails, perfumed poma, etc., raisins, paving tiles, anchovies, writing
paper, claret (120 hogsheads), wood hoops and medicines.
112 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
gence of many French vessels passing-, where we fell in with
three English privateers. They informed me that the Anson
and Blakeney, of Liverpool, were not twelve leagues off us.
According to orders, would not engage to keep company with
any of them. I put into Zinda in Candia, watered and victualled
the ship at easy expense, having met with so much money
which belonged to the French merchants on board the Swedish
ship, which defrayed expenses. I stayed in there six days at
the first time, and put out, giving out I was bound to Con-
stantinople, immediately went round Candia, where we had
the good fortune to meet with a French ship with Turkish
passengers, and cargo on board. I ransomed her for three
hundred Turkish chequins, which was paid by the said mer-
chants before we parted with her. Four days after, I had the
good fortune to fall in with a French ship called La Murice,
mounting 12 guns, from Zinda, bound to Marseilles. After
seven hours' chase, she struck., without firing a gun. Her cargo
by the French Captain is valued at 225,000 French Livres.
Meeting with contrary winds, and having many prisoners on
board, was obliged to put in a second time into Candia.
During the time since I left this place, orders was sent from
the Grand Seignior, that all vessels, whether English or
French, that brought in any prizes, should not be condemned
until he was acquainted. I am very much afraid the condemna-
tion will be very expensive. The Governor of Candia this day
is to give me security for the prize, until he hears from the
Grand Seignior, for which reason have made him a very rich
present of a Turkish carpet, as there is nothing to be done
here unless by presents. I put into Zinda in Candia, being the
best port, and was detained at Candia as prisoner at large,
until the prize came in, for fear I should put out with my
prize, by their fort, but as the prize is now in their possession,
hope things will be easy. I have desired to go out on a cruise,
until the prize is condemned, and then call and bring her along
with me, having now remaining on board the brave King of
Prussia 100 men in perfect health, besides those with the prize
at Malta and Candia."
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 113
On the 3Oth of August, Captain Mackaffee writes again
to his owners, from Syracuse, in Sicily, in the following
pleasant vein : —
" I acquaint you with pleasure that we have taken another
large French ship, employed as a caravan to carry Turks and
their effects from one port to another, whom I ransomed for
i ,000 chequins ; there were about 100 Turkish gentlemen and
passengers on board, who immediately advanced the money.
We have a brave ship's company, and expect to eat a
Christmas dinner in Liverpool, having not less than 30 laced
hat gentry, and not one sick man on board. My expenses
have been so trifling that I expect to trouble the owners with
few bills ; and I shall do my endeavour to gain the respect of
my King, Country, and Owners.
"What we have had from neutral bottoms we have paid
for with French money ; and you will hear of no complaints,
except using the enemy too well, and not plundering their
clothes. I propose sailing on the remainder of our cruise the
first fair wind ; and as we met with six carriage guns and four
swivels, which the enemy was so civil to give us, I have lent
them to Capt. Benn, who mounts now 18 guns, &c., &c."
In November, the King of Prussia carried into Syracuse
a French polacca, richly laden, which they had taken off
the island of Candia. In February, 1758, the privateer
arrived at Gibraltar with a prize from Malta, and on the
yth of August the successful cruiser was sold by auction
at the Golden Fleece ', in Liverpool. In March, 1759, we
read that the Thames, laden with the valuable cargo of the
prize belonging to the King of Prussia had arrived in the
Downs from the Mediterranean. The reader may possibly
envy the owners of this gallant vessel, and wonder what
they did with all the plunder. One of them, at any rate,
did not prosper, for in the paper of December 8th, 1758,
we find the following : —
"On Tuesday night died Mrs. Dorothy Parke, widow of
the late Capt. Parke, formerly a commander in the West India
H
114 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
trade. It is said that the misfortune of her sons, Messrs. John
Parke, of London, merchant, and Thomas Parke, ironmonger,
here, being- both bankrupts, affected her so much that she
immediately took to her bed, and appeared to be broken-
hearted."
In the year 1757, the activity of the French privateers was
phenomenal. It was computed from the number of
Carolina ships taken that the French had got the year's
whole produce of indigo from that colony, excepting about
60,000 Ibs. brought in one or two ships that escaped the
enemy. "Much to the honour of a nation possessed of
above 200 men of war ! " observes the newspaper. " Happy
if the trade from Carolina had put into Ireland and waited
for convoy ; but though we have been unfortunate with
respect to several merchant ships, we have taken above
fifty French privateers, whereas we can't learn that they
have taken more than three of ours." This, of course,
refers to the whole kingdom. A month later, the number of
French privateers taken had risen to 78, but we read that
the account "of the increase of the French privateers upon
all our coasts are most shocking and alarming, and unless
timely dispersed must terminate in the ruin of our com-
merce." The French privateers swarmed in every sea,
many of them cruising from 100 to 180 leagues to the
westward of Cape Clear, in lat. 48° and 49.° They cruised
so thick round the island of Antigua that it was next to a
miracle for an English vessel to get in there, except under
convoy. It was stated that from August, 1756, to February,
1757, the French privateers had taken 70 English vessels,
chiefly owing to the small number of 2O-gun ships and
sloops stationed in that quarter of the world for the pro-
tection of British commerce. A ransomer who came over
from Dunkirk stated that from January 27th, 1/56, to
March 5th, 1758, the privateers belonging to that place
had taken 136 British ships, 78 of which they ransomed.
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 115
From the commencement of the war up to July i2th, 1757,
the French had taken 637 British vessels ; the ships taken
from the French during the same period were 68 1 merchant-
men and 91 privateers, making a total of 772. It was
calculated that the English had profited by captures
upwards of two millions. But, in spite of Brown's
"Estimate," a book published at this time, in which the
author, as Macaulay observes, "fully convinced his readers
that they were a race of cowards and scoundrels ; that
nothing could save them ; that they were on the point of
being enslaved by their enemies, and that they richly
deserved their fate ;" — in spite of all this, the pluck of the
British race was not a bit cowed. In the paper of May
1 3th, 1757, we read that "the spirit of privateering had
diffused itself amongst all our colonies abroad in so exten-
sive a manner that even many of the Quakers breathed
revenge against our perfidious enemies. The Sprye a
privateer belonging to Philadelphia, of 22 nine-pounders,
and 208 men, commanded by the brave Obadiah Bold (a
Quaker), sailed for Tobago," on a cruise. It must have
been a rich treat to see the gentle Obadiah in action,
"thee"-ing and " thou "-ing his brave fellows, while
directing their fire to the vitals of the enemy. We picture
him to ourselves pacing the quarter deck, a harmless-
looking, little man, placid amongst the crashing of cannon-
balls, the rattle of small arms, the shrieks of the wounded,
and all the attendant horrors of a tough seafight when the
Bloody Flag is flying. He is the coolest, yet most deter-
mined, man on deck, and at his sih^ery voice, raised in com-
mand, men are hurled headlong into eternity. But let us
leave the realms of fancy, and stick, as we have hitherto
done, to strict matters of fact. The spirit of privateering had
diffused itself in Wales also, for the paper of April 7th, 1757,
tells us that " Last Saturday sailed out of Beaumaris Bay,
in Wales, the St. David privateer, of 20 carriage guns
116 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
and 16 swivels, commanded by Captain Reeves Jones,
fitted out by a Society of Ancient Britons." After being
out a few days, the St. David returned to Beaumaris bring-
ing in with her a new French privateer of 12 carriage and
16 swivel guns, which she had taken after a very smart
engagement of two hours and-a-half. The French had
29 men killed and the Welsh five, which argues that some
of the valour of Fluellen and Glendower still remained in
the land.
On the 5th of December, 1757, the ship Trafford, Captain
Marshall, in her passage from Virginia to Liverpool, fell
in with a privateer from Louisbourg, and engaged her
closely four hours and-a-half, but was obliged at last to
strike, having received considerable damage, and her
ammunition being nearly expended.
The commanders of the King's ships appear to have been
shamefully relax in the unpleasant duty of convoying mer-
chant vessels, and in pursuing the privateers of the enemy,
during the early part of this war. It was customary to
announce the date of sailing as follows :—
" The captain of his Majesty's sloop Otter gives this public
notice to the merchants, freighters, and owners of such trading
vessels now in this port, and the ports of Chester and White-
haven, bound up the English Channel as far as Plimouth, that
he proposes sailing by the 28th instant, when all vessels who
are ready may have the benefit of his convoy. — Dated in Hyle-
lake, July 20, 1757."
In March, 1757, the Lords of the Admiralty signified to
the merchants, that "on its being made to appear to them
that any commanders of men-of-war had been defective in
their duty of convoying or protecting their ships, or pursu-
ing privateers, on notice being 'given, they should be dealt
with according to their deserts."
That it was necessary to make an example of somebody,
is clear from a letter written by Captain Isaac Winn, of the
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 117
Dolly & Nancy, who had been blamed by the underwriters
for sailing from Dartmouth to Liverpool without convoy,
which resulted in his ship being taken by a privateer of St.
Malo, and his imprisonment at Dieppe. After describing
his efforts to join some men-of-war which were convoying a
fleet of merchant ships, and the commodore's conduct in
ignoring .his signals of distress, etc., the captain relates
what befell him one morning, when a calm had succeeded
the gale : —
"At daylight we saw several sail all around us, one of
which we took for a man-of-war, and not far from us, to wind-
ward, was a sloop, which we took for a tender. She was so
like a Folkstone cutter that the people I had for those that
were impressed at Dartmouth, took her for the tender belong-
ing- to their ship. It being quite calm, she rowed up with us,
nor did we perceive our mistake till we heard them talk French
on board the privateer (as she proved), which was not till she
was within half a musket shot, for before they talked English.
They immediately boarded us, the consequence of which was
(as we had nothing to defend ourselves) our being taken,
being the eleventh prize taken by the said privateer this
winter, or rather the last, by the shameful neglect of our
cruisers, which is so flagrant that the French themselves laugh
at it. When I told the Captain I did not doubt of meeting
some of them before he got me to France, " Well," says he,
" if we do, they will not chase us if we don't hoist French
colours" We were not above a league off Beachy Head when
taken, and it continued calm till midnight. Thus, gentlemen,
you have lost a good ship and a good freight, and we all that
we had on board, and our liberty. I am in the common
prison, without so much as a shirt to shift myself with, having
nothing but what I had on when taken. They allow me four-
pence per day to live upon, out of which I pay for a bed for
myself and mate, otherwise I must lie amongst straw and
filth, with the rest of my poor fellows. This is hard usage.
Notwithstanding I can sooner forgive the authors of it than
118 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
the villains who commanded the above-mentioned two men-of-
war, who, if they had suffered us to join them, might have
prevented our being- taken. Rage and vexation hinder me
from adding any more, than that I am, with the greatest respect,
and sorrow for your loss, gentlemen, Your friend and servant,
ISAAC WINN.
P. S. All who have any relations at Liverpool are well,
and give their love to said relations. I write this with the
help of a wood pen, and soot and water. Are the French
prisoners so used in England ? I hope not."
In April, 1757, Captain Walter Barber, in bringing his
ship the Resolution to Liverpool to be re-fitted as a privateer,
undertook to convoy 33 sail from the Downs to Spithead.
" We were for forty hours visited by three French privateers,
till Captain Barber beat them off," writes one of the captains
to his owners. " He is the most honourable commander I
ever was under." After striking on a rock three times and
losing her rudder, the Resolution arrived in Liverpool. A
romantic affair in connection with this ship, is thus reported
in the paper of May 2Oth, 1757 : —
" A young person, five feet high, aged about nineteen, who
entered in January last on board the Resolution privateer,
Capt. Barber, under the name of Arthur Douglas, proceeded
with the ship from London to this port, went aloft to furl the
sails, &c. , when called upon, was frequently mustered amongst
the marines at the time they exercised the small arms, and in
short executed the office of a landsman in all shapes with
alacrity, was on Saturday last discovered to be a woman by
one of her mess-mates. Tis said that he found out her sex on
the passage, and that she, to prevent a discovery, then
promised to permit him to keep her company when they
arrived here ; but as soon as they came into port refused his
addresses. The officers in general give her a very modest
character, and say by her behaviour that she must have had a
genteel education. She has changed her clothes, but will not
satisfy any of them with her name or quality ; only that she
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 119
left home on account of a breach of promise of her lover. 'Tis
remarkable that during- their passage down, on the appearance
of a sail, she was eager to be fighting-, and no ways affected
with fear or sea sickness."
The genius of our novelists can expand this crude outline
into a stirring- sea novel of the orthodox size, as expeditiously
as certain bacilli are said to transform barley meal into the
richest port wine.
The Resolution cruised in company with the Spy
privateer, Captain Pierce, of Liverpool, "a brave vessel
under foot, which could either speak with or leave " any
cruiser on the sea, but beyond a smart brush with a French
frigate of 36 guns, which they engaged several hours and
ultimately beat off, the joint cruise does not seem to have
been eventful or profitable, both vessels being forced into
Cork by loss of masts, etc. Captain Barber afterwards
commanded the S/iawe (Letter of Marque), 200 tons burthen,
12 guns, belonging to Mr. Edward Deane, which was
captured while employed in the Jamaica trade, by the
French frigate Gronyard, of 26 guns and 130 men. The
British frigate Favourite afterwards took the Gronyard,
which was said to be the richest prize taken during the war,
and the best sailer the French ever possessed.
On December 22nd, 1757, about 30 leagues to the westward
of Vigo, the Spy, in company with the Mercury, took the
Mutiny privateer, of St. Jean de Luz, a brig of about 40
tons burthen, 2 carriage guns, 6 swivels, and 58 men,
commanded by Dominique Cannonier, who two days after
leaving port, in order to intercept English vessels in the
Portugal trade, had the mortification of voyaging to Liver-
pool a prisoner in the Spy.*
* The following curious advertisement appeared in Williamson 's Advertiser,
January, 1758: — "Notice is hereby given to all gentlemen, seamen, and brave
landmen, that have courage to face Monsieur, that the Spy Privateer, Thomas
Pierce, Commander (who the last cruize took the Mutiny Privateer of Bayonne,
the Captain of which says he saw forty English Privateers before, and tho' chased,
was in no danger of being taken by them ; but depending still upon his Heels had
120 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
The Muse of Poetry, in a rather distressed condition,
visited Liverpool in 1758, and produced the following lines,
which appeared in the Chronicle: —
ON THE RESOLUTION AND SPYE PRIVATEERS.
As poor Britannia pensive stood, deprest with grief and pain,
Her tears encreas'd the briny flood, and swell'd the curling
main ;
"O where are now those hearts," she said, "those sons of
ancient praise,
Whose look would strike each foe with dread, and endless
trophies raise !
But see ! distrest and drooping now, I can no longer hold ;"
She sigh'd and moan'd, then fainting bow'd, struck with a
death-like cold.
Then flew two lovers of the maid, rais'd up her failing arms ;
Offered their lives her cause to aid, and guard her from alarms.
Britannia kind, as always wont, admir'd their noble mind,
And bade them think, in danger's front, that she would still be
kind.
Take you my spear, my shield take you, as proofs of my regard ;
And think each glorious deed you do, you've valour's just
reward.
Unarm'd I'm safe, protected so, on you I will rely ;
Command my Resolution you, and you my fav'rite Spye ;
Hence then, my heroes, scourge my foes ; acquire a glorious
name ;
Return with laurels on your brows— in death I'll sound your
fame.
From the journal of Captain Robert Grimshaw, of the
Spy privateer, we find that he sailed from Liverpool, on the
i6th of March, 1758, and on April loth, in company with
the Resolution privateer, Captain McKee, also of Liverpool,
made bold to look at the Spy, v\ho after a long chase, shew'd him the Way to
Liverpool.) Mounting twenty-two carriage guns, besides snivels, to carry about
one hundred and fifty men, and will be completely htted and ready to sail in ten
days on a six months' cruize."
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 121
took a Spaniard, from Marseilles for Nantz, laden with
Castile soap, Brazilletta dyers' wood, olive oil, etc. On the
1 7th, they recaptured the ship Marlborough, from Jamaica
for London, laden with 176 casks of sugar, 12 puncheons of
rum, 27 casks and 85 bags of pimento, 82 mahogany planks
and 152 hides ; the ship and cargo being ultimately sold by
auction, at the Merchants' Coffee-house. On May i4th, the
Spy sailed from Beaumaris to finish her cruise ; on the iQth,
anchored in seven fathom water, below the Spit, at the Cove
of Cork ; the 22nd, they got a boat down from Passage with
15 new candidates for fortune's favours, several of whom,
the Captain tells us, "wanted to go ashore, but not being
allowed, two or three came in a riotous manner upon the
gangway, with clubs, threatening to knock down the first
lieutenant ; upon which he fired a loaded pistol at them,
which dropped one ; then we put 16 others into irons, and
afterwards had a quiet ship." They left Cork on May 26th,
and on the 28th, gave chase and came up with the St. Philip
and St. Jago, from Dublin to Cadiz, laden with beef, butter,
hides, linen handkerchiefs, buckskin breeches, etc. They
detained her till next morning, and finding, on examination,
that her cargo and bills of lading differed from each other,
as likewise her clearances from the Custom-house, they felt
constrained to make a prize of her, and sent her to Liverpool
to be examined. On June i6th, they fell in with the Princess
Carolina, with 236 hogsheads of French sugar, 57 bags of
cotton, and 252 bags of coffee ; and the Eendracht, with
859,790 Ibs. of French sugar, 25,030 Ibs. of cotton, 256,036
Ibs. of coffee, 2,058 Ibs. of indigo, and 150 hides, both from
St. Eustatia, for Amsterdam. From the earnestness of the
commanders to secure their own goods, etc., Captain
Grimshaw and his officers suspected that the cargoes were
French property, therefore felt it their duty "to carry them
in," which they did in safety, after burying Henry Roberts,
" who had catched the smallpox."
122 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
The Resolution, Captain McKee, having assisted her
consort the Spy to recapture the Marlborough, gave chase
to the Machault privateer, of 24 guns and 230 men, which
had taken that vessel, but the Frenchman got clear in a
squall. On May iyth, they gave chase to three sail, which
they boarded the following day, and felt justified, on the
inspection of their papers, to deem two of them legal
prizes. One was the snow St. Jacob, from St. Eustatia
for Amsterdam, with indigo, sugar, etc., and the other the
Catherine Maria galley, from Curacoa for the same port,
with coffee, sugar, indigo, 10 chests and i cask of silver,
etc. On the 2Qth September, the Resolution, in company
with the Nelly's Resolution,* of London, took the Smyrna
Galley, a Dutch ship from St. Eustatia, laden with coffee,
indigo, cotton, and 400 hogsheads of sugar, which they
despatched for Liverpool. In November, the Christopher,
from St. Croix, another prize taken by the Resolution, was
lost on Spanish Island. The Spy, 160 tons burthen, and
the Resolution, 403 tons, were sold by auction, February
2nd, 1759.
The Tartar frigate, Captain Hugh MacQuoid, 320 tons
burthen, 22 guns and 70 men, belonging to Messrs.
Halliday and Dunbar, on her passage to New York, in
company with the Union, Captain Smith, took a Dutch
bottom, homeward bound with sugar, etc., but the prize
had to be released. The Tartar was afterwards stranded
on the coast of Scotland, and only ^"1,000 worth of her
cargo saved. The Philadelphia, of 10 guns, owned by the
same firm, was "esteemed one of the fastest sailing ships
belonging to America."
The Johnson, Captain Gawith, on her passage to Vir-
ginia, took a French brig privateer, and the Betty (Letter
of Marque), Captain Rimmer, took a ship bound from
* Probably the Ladies' Resolution, which was the name of a privateer fitted out
by the ladies of London.
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 123
Martinico to Marseilles, which she carried into Barbadoes.
A large Dutch ship from St. Domingo was taken and
sent into Liverpool by the General Blakeney, Captain Loy
(a Letter of Marque), bound for Jamaica. Captain Francis
Lowndes,* of the Baltimore, from Liverpool to Maryland,
fell in with three large French ships off the Island of St.
Mary, but could not bring them to an engagement. A little
later, however, he took the Resolute, a French vessel from
Curacoa for Amsterdam, " with a pretended bill of sale to
the Dutch," having on board the following goods :—
240 Casks of Sugar = 23 1,901 Ibs. 1320 Hides.
209 ditto Coffee= 35,803 ,, 41 Packs Tobacco.
28 ditto Indigo = 5,937 ,, 208 Sticks Wood.
26 ditto Cocoa = 6,229 ,,
On May 3Oth, 1757, Captain Salisbury, in the Ottway, on
his passage from Liverpool to Virginia, took, after a chase
of three hours, and without firing a gun, a brigantine from
St. Domingo for Bordeaux, laden with sugars, coffee, and
indigo, valued at ^"6000.
In the same month the Marlborough, Captain Ward, on
her passage from Liverpool to Virginia, met a large French
ship of 16 guns, which she fought two hours, when night
put an end to hostilities. About five in the morning
they fell to work again, and continued a warm engagement
till noon, and then parted by mutual consent. The Marl-
borougli's sails and rigging were much shattered, and she
had one man killed and four or five wounded. " My
people," writes Capt. Ward, " behaved well. The French
captain called out to us several times to strike, but we
answered him with three cheers."
On the morning of the 7th June, 1757, the Thistle, Captain
George Foster, a small ship of about 150 tons burthen,
* The paper of November icth, 1794, chronicles the death of "Francis
Lowndes, aged 69, formerly master of a vessel, etc., and since many years Clerk
to the Pilots' Committee in this town."
124 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
belonging to Mr. John M'Cullough, merchant, of Liver-
pool, and carrying only 2 four-pounders, 12 three-pounders
(mostly for sale), 8 swivels, and 20 men, saw a sail edging
towards her, which afterwards proved to be the La Jeune
Anna from Bordeaux to Martinico, burthen 350 tons, laden
with wine, provisions, iron and dry goods, mounting 8
nine-pounders, 2 four-pounders, and carrying 49 men.
The Thistle hauled up for her, and came within gunshot
about four that afternoon, when a smart engagement was
fought for about an hour, " and then Monsieur took to his
heels." The Thistle crowded after him all night, and at
four in the morning gave him a few broadsides, upon which
he struck, having had three men killed and 14 wounded,
while the people on board the Thistle escaped scatheless.
A passenger named Blythe, from Manchester, distinguished
himself by his conduct and bravery in the action. The
French officers were almost distracted when they stepped
on board the Thistle, and informed the captain that their
adventures cost in France 400,000 livres. Captain Haffey,
of the Polly, who brought the news of the capture to Liver-
pool, reported that the Frenchmen were so enraged to find
themselves on board so small a vessel as the Thistle, that
they attempted three times to retake the prize after Captain
Foster had sent them off with the boats and provisions
sufficient to carry them into Dominica.
In a letter dated Antigua, July 24th, 1757, Captain Thomas
Onslow, of the snow Hesketh, describes his experiences on
the outward passage as follows : —
"On Monday the i3th of June, (being then in lat. 18.20
running for Anguilla, and bound for Jamaica) at break of day
we saw a sail off our starboard quarter, finding her to stand
towards us, about half-past eight, being then very nigh, per-
ceived her to be a French Privateer, we prepared ourselves in
readiness for their reception, and at nine began to engage,
which lasted till half-past eleven, when they thought proper to
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 125
sheer without gunshot of us, but as they continued following,
and at a particular distance, I apprehended her consort was
not far off. My fears soon after proved too true, another
privateer appearing on our larboard bow, and in ten minutes
we had them both alongside us, which obliged me to strike.
The first was a sloop from Martinico, of six guns, all three-
pounders, 10 swivels, and 70 men on board, of whom we killed
two, wounded five, broke down his gunnelling on the larboard
bow, burst one of their guns, with one of our six-pound shot
taking the muzzle off it, and carried away his jibb stay. As
she was in such a shattered condition, I am surprised his men
escaped so well, they being obliged to keep both pumps work-
ing to keep her above water. We received no other damage
than that of a few blocks being split, and some rigging cut by
their small shot. The other was a sloop from Guadaloupe,
of 12 six-pounders, 18 swivels, and 135 men, called the
Invincible, Joseph Lizard, commander, on board of whom I
was ordered, and after leaving 2.2 Frenchmen in the vessel
with my people, they steered for Guadaloupe. At daylight
next morning we were close in with Antigua, and at eight
o'clock we fell in with the Duke of Cumberland privateer brig,
of 14 six-pounders, 20 swivels, and 135 men, Joseph Thomas,
commander, belonging to this island ; the small privateer
perceiving what she was, and being ill shattered, they made
the best of their way off. Whilst a bloody engagement ensued
between the large sloop and English brig, they ordered me
down into the hold, where I had not been long before there
were company enough; some without legs, and others wanting
arms, in all 19 wounded, the number killed unknown to me,
and after an hour-and-half engagement, the brig left the sloop,
and run up for our snow, received a few shot, the brig only
firing one gun loaded with langrell (which killed two, wounded
three, and in half-an-hour after, one of the three expired) and
immediately struck. My poor fellows were relieved whilst I
was carried to Guadaloupe. During my whole confinement on
board, and whilst on shore, I was treated much better j;han
any prisoner could expect, and they kept me only five days
126 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
before I was sent on board a flag of truce, with 17 commanders
of vessels, and upwards of 100 sailors.
" They have taken into this place since the commencement
of the war, 124 sail of English vessels, 73 of them square
rigged, and have 14 privateers out from this island, mounting
from 12 to 6 carriage guns. On the 27th ult. , I arrived at this
island, and on the 8th, the admonition days being expired,
my vessel was advertised for sale, and purchased by some
gentlemen here, who gave me the command of her, and in
three days I loaded her with rum, for Dublin, in order to
proceed from thence to Liverpool. I am now under way
with a convoy of four of his Majesty's ships, and upwards of
100 merchantmen, having the same ship's company I brought
out. Capt. Carruthers of the Elisabeth and Mary, belonging
to our place, and Capt. Dan. Baines of the Black Prince, of
Whitehaven, who was taken by the French men of war on the
coast of Africa, are coming passengers home with me."
The following letter was written from St. Eustatia on
November 3oth, 1757, by Captain Richard Venables of the
Ccesar (Letter of Marque), a frigate of 400 tons burthen, 22
guns (twelve, six, and four-pounders), 70 men, bound from
Liverpool to Cork and Jamaica : —
" I am at last got safe here, and find that within these
10 days, the Dutch have brought in 14,000 barrels of beef in
their own vessels, which has entirely supplied this market.
Our vessel behaved extremely well, and sails fast. We had
not the good luck to meet with anything but neutral bottoms
till we got within 20 leagues of Antigua ; about daylight fell
in with a sloop. At half-past seven she began to fire at me ;
we reserved our fire till we came near, then gave him our bow
chase (twelve-pounders) and as many guns as we could bring to
bear on him. He fired nine shots only, hauled his wind for
about an hour, and then bore down upon us again, but finding
our metal heavy, left us. Our ship being deep laden could
not come up with him. He mounted 14 guns, and carried 140
men, I understand by a Dutch ship arrived since we came
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 127
here. The next night we fell in with a second, who only kept
us under arms all night, and as soon as daylight appeared
hauled off. Whilst I am writing, Mr. Thomas Eaton, mate of
Capt. Potter of the Quester, is come on board ; they were
taken last Sunday, about 20 leagues to the eastward of St
Bartholomew. He had 87 slaves on board, whom the
privateer took out of the Quester ; and as they could not get
the brig to windward, they bore away for this port. The mate,
the boatswain, and a boy came with her, and attempted to rise
upon the five Frenchmen, but were overcome. The mate is
now under our doctor's care, and is likely to do well. The
Cavendish, with 170 slaves, is carried into Guadaloupe. The
Pickering and two other Liverpool snows carried into the
same island. I can't see how a vessel of small force can well
escape, the privateers are so numerous. Capt. Jones, of
Liverpool, is taken on the coast of Guinea, and I am informed
by gentlemen who have been in the French islands, that on
some days 10 or 12 English ships are carried in there."
The owners of the Ccesar, Messrs. Gregson and Bridge,
also owned the ship Alexander (Letter of Marque), 16 guns
and 50 men, commanded by Capt. John Ross.
One of the finest privateers belonging to this period was
the Liverpool, 22 guns (18 of them twelve-pounders) and
200 men, commanded by Captain William Hutchinson, the
companion of Fortunatus Wright in some of his cruises.
The privateer was fitted out by Mr. Henry Hardwar, and
others, including the captain. Mr. Hardwar, who at one
time was collector of customs at Liverpool, had the good
luck to win, in December, 1758, a prize of ^"1,000 in the
lottery. In 1762 the land about the Everton Beacon was
let to him for 25. 6d. per annum, and he afterwards bought
it for a few pounds.
The Liverpool sailed from the Mersey on June loth, 1757,
and in going down Formby Channel lost one landsman,
who was drowned. " On Saturday, June i8th, 1757,"
writes Captain Hutchinson in his journal, "in lat. 48-0
128 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
18 mins. long., from London, made a sail from the mast-
head bearing S. from us, called all hands to quarters, and
gave chase with all sails set. At 8, the ship hauled up her
courses, and by appearance seemed to prepare for action.
At 10, they threw out a French ensign and fired a gun.
We answered them only with French colours, but they, not
trusting us, began to fire their stern chase pretty briskly,
upon which we gave them two of our bow chase. The ship
yawed and gave us her larboard broadside. Several of
their shot went through our sails, and one of the crossbar
shots (a six-pounder) struck the fore topmast and fell upon
our deck. We immediately gave her both our broadsides,
upon which she struck. Sent our boats on board the prize
for the prisoners. On examination she appears to be the
Grand Marquis de Tournay, Francis Dellmar, commander,
from St. Domingo for Bordeaux ; is pierced for 24 guns
(20 upon the upper deck and 4 upon the lower deck), but has
only 12 six-pounders mounted. She came out of St.
Domingo with 31 sail, under convoy of six men-of-war,
one of 80 guns, four of 74 guns, and a frigate of 36 guns,
who saw them through the windward passage and then left
them. Found on board the prize, Captain John Mackay,
and his crew, of the Sarah, brig, bound from Bristol for
Boston, whom they had taken on the 3rd ult. The English
prisoners report that the brig was retaken on the i5th by two
men-of-war, and that the Frenchmen had behaved extremely
civil to them."
The cargo of the Le Grand Marquis de Tournay, valued
at upwards of ^20,000, as advertised to be sold by the
candle at the Bath Coffee-house, consisted of 494 hogsheads,
<3 tierces, and 4 barrels of sugar ; 19 butts, 35 hogsheads,
30 tierces, and 83 barrels of coffee ; 2 butts, 7 hogsheads,
24 tierces, 31 barrels, and 4 ankers of indigo ; 22 whole, and
117 half hides ; and 8^ tons of logwood. The vessel, also
sold by auction, was described as "a firm, good ship of
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 129
about 450 tons burthen, pierced for 22 guns, prime sailer
and very fit for a privateer or merchantman." Referring to
this capture, the Liverpool paper tells us that " all the officers
and the whole ship's company gave Captain Hutchinson
the best of characters, both as to conduct, courage and
humanity. He would not permit the least article to be taken
from any of the French prisoners, and to the honour
of the whole crew, each man behaved well in his station.
Some of the landsmen, who had not been at sea before,
could scarcely be kept within bounds, they were so eager
to come to action. Several who had entered themselves for
seamen, on trial proved to be incapable of their duty, and
have been since they came into this port discharged."
In a few days the Liverpool sailed on the remainder of
her cruise fully manned, and on the 26th July, gave chase
to a sail which she came up with a mile from Ushant. The
Frenchmen on board, guessing that the Liverpool was
an English cruiser, escaped from their vessel in the long
boat. The prize, which Captain Hutchinson took possession
of without firing a gun, for fear of alarming the fort, proved
to be the Sampson, 200 tons burthen, from Antigua for
Bristol, laden with 248 hogsheads, 25 tierces, and 9 barrels
of sugar, 20 puncheons of rum, and 33 bags of ginger. She
had been taken six days before by a French privateer. " The
people arrived here in the Sampson" says the Advertiser,
" give the ship Liverpool a. very great character, and say that
she sails remarkable fast. They fell in with six sail of
French men-of-war and wronged them, and had not seen
any vessel but they could either leave or speak with. All
hands were well and in great spirits."
Having despatched the Sampson to Liverpool, Captain
Hutchinson went in futile quest of a large French merchant-
man, of whom a vessel had given him intelligence, and
meeting with a ly-gun French privateer, chased her on shore
on the coast of France. He also destroyed a fishing schooner,
130 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
after stripping her and taking off the crew prisoners.
Falling in about this time with the Fame privateer, of 10
guns and 70 men, belonging to Guernsey, the two privateers
made an agreement to cruise in consort, to share what they
should capture in proportion to their guns and men, until
they arrived at Kinsale, the place of rendezvous. The
Guernsey captain being "extremely well acquainted with
the French coast," a pretty little scheme was arranged
between him and Hutchinson. They cruised close in shore,
for the purpose of entering Bordeaux river and cutting out
some of the ships in that harbour, the little Guernsey man
appearing as a French privateer, with a prize — the Liver-
pool— in company, but as soon as they got into twenty fathom
water, they fell in with the ship Turbot, and a brig and a
snow in company with her, all of which they captured, the
Guernsey privateer convoying the three prizes to Kinsale,
while the Liverpool gave chase to three other vessels in
sight. The Turbot was described as a ship of about 200
tons burthen, laden with 500 barrels of flour, 400 barrels of
wine, 200 barrels pork, 100 barrels beef, 100 ankers brandy,
4,000 gold and silver laced hats, 3,000 pairs shoes, slops, &c.*
One of the three prizes, the brig La Muette, laden with bale
goods, small arms, wines, stores, etc., was entirely lost in
St. Bride's Bay, near Milford Haven, where the natives
plundered all that was saved of the cargo. Another of the
prizes, the brig Six Brothers, about 100 tons burthen,
arrived safe in Liverpool, and was sold by auction with all
her cargof at the Merchants' Coffee-house,
* When the Turbot was advertised to be sold by auction with all her materials
and cargo, her burthen was given, as about 220 tons, and her cargo as consisting of
no tuns of red and white wine, 7 cases of sweet wines, 15 tuns, 2 ankers and 20
casks of brandy, 2 casks of loaf sugar, 138 cases of soap (quantity about 50 pound
weight each), 4 barrels of prunes (quantity about 684 pounds weight), 28 casks of
vinegar, 6 tons of bay salt, 200 barrels and 34 ankers of pork, 104 cases of sweet
oil, 37 cheeses, 21 casks of shoes, 2 bales of coarse jackets, 10 bales of coarse cloth
containing 30 pieces each, I bale containing 9 quilts, 50 cases of drams, 4 barrels
of artichokes, 34 barrels of lice, 150 casks of flour.
t The cargo was described as follows : 57 tuns of red and white wine, 250 barrels
of flour, 73 casks of pork, loo cases quantity about 40 Ibs. of soap each, 120
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 131
The Liverpool arrived in the Mersey from her cruise on
the 24th of November, 1757. The following is an extract
from Captain Hutchinson's journal : —
"On September nth, left Kinsale ; little occurred, only
speaking- neutral bottoms and English privateers, till Thurs-
day, October 7th, gave chase to a snow ; little winds and
calm, obliged to ply our oars; spoke a Spaniard, who informed
us that the chase was a privateer that had only been 13 days
from Dunkirk, and had met with no success. We continued
the chase till Wednesday, the 2nd inst. , and then saw several
sail, particularly two vessels engage ; from the inequality of
the fire, we judged the larger to be a French ship privateer,
and the other a Bristol snow, whom the Duke of Cornwall
privateer had that day told us of. Night coming on, about
three quarters past seven, in lat. 47, long. 12.30, came up with
the ship, standing and stemming for her quarter, and hailed
him in French by mistake. Without answering he made us
feel the weight of his broadside, and carried away our fore-
top-gallant mast, part of the head of our foremast, fired a shot
through the middle of our main-mast, carried away our lower
steering sail boom and fore chain plate, three of our lower
shrouds and bobstay, and gave us a shot which went through
our bends near the water's edge. He ill damaged our sails
and running rigging, and wounded 28 of our men. We soon
found our mistake, the vessel proving to be his Majesty's ship
the Antelope, in company with her prize, a French privateer,
taken in sight of us. We lay by all night repairing our rig-
ging, &c. , and a fleet in the morning appearing in sight,
immediately crowded after, and soon found them to be
Sir Edward Hawke and Admiral Boscawen's fleet, 14 in
firkins ot butter, 100 cases of candles, each about 30 Ibs. weight, 200 cases of
sweet oyl, 100 Dutch cheeses, and 2 casks of cheese, 1.500 Ibs. weight of nails,
2 casks of twine, 10 anchors of lamp oyl, 5 chests containing loo fuzees, 5 chests
containing bayonets for fuzees and other hardware, 2 casks of shoes, 50 bundles of
woodhoops, 6 pairs of boots, 2 bales of light canvas, and i bale of shirts for negroes.
The flour was stored at Mr. Trafi >rd's warehouse in Trafford's Weint ; the pork
and butter at Mr. Earle's cellar in Strand street, and the soap, candles, and cheese
at Mr Earle's warehouse in Hanover Street. The Traffords have long since
vanished from Liverpool life, but the Earles still assist in making history at home
and abroad.
132 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
number. The Royal William brought us to, and we kept
them company. On Thursday, the loth, nine more sail of
men-of-war joined us, in the whole 23, but several of the ships
parted company, owing- to thick, hazy weather. We continued
with them till Monday, the 2ist, being- then in lat. 47, long-it.
12.30. Were obliged to leave the fleet, consisting of 18 sail,
on account of a fever and flux raging amongst our ship's
company, owing, it is presumed, to the unlucky accident of
wounding our men. We buried six, and had 103 sick when
we left the fleet, having not quite finished our cruise."
"On Wednesday, "says the Advertiser, "were committed
to the waves, universally lamented, the remains of Mr. James
Holt,* a young volunteer on board the Liverpool privateer,
whose personal merit and bravery gained him the general
respect of the commander, officers and whole crew. He
was son to an eminent manufacturer in Rochdale,
Lancashire."
The Liverpool having been new masted and completely
fitted for another cruise, was ready for sea at the end of
January, 1758, but we do not learn anything more of her
movements until April 3Oth, when she sailed into the Mole
of Leghorn with three prizes — the tartan St. Lewis, laden
with hemp, sugar, marble, copper, etc., the tartan Jesus,
Mary and Joseph, laden with corn and linen rags, and the
tartan Joseph, Mary and Joseph, with timber for the King's
yard, all from Marseilles for Toulon. These vessels formed
* The Holts are numerous in the neighbourhood of Rochdale, and claim to be
off-shoots of the Holts of Grizlehurst. One of Liverpool's merchant princes, Mr.
George Holt, the founder of the firm of George Holt & Co., cotton brokers, India
Buildings, Liverpool, was born on Midsummer Day, 1790, at Town Mill, Rochdale.
The event took place at six o'clock in the morning, and an old servant remarked —
knowing well the characteristics of the family — that he had "just been born in
time to begin a day's work." At the age of 17, and with a guinea, the parting gift
of his father, in his pocket, he came to Liverpool as an apprentice to Mr. Samuel
Hope, a cotton broker. In order to eke out his slender resources during the years
of apprenticeship he carried on upon his own account a small business in coarse
canvas for mending cotton bags. At the age of 22, when his apprenticeship expired,
he was offered a partnership by his employer, and this he accepted. He ma-ried
Miss Emma Burning, eldest daughter of Mr. Robert Burning, in 1822, and became
a "numerous father." His career was marked by unusual versatility and energy,
and of such are the makers of great seaports and large cities.
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 133
part of a small fleet of coasting craft which Captain
Hutchinson had fallen in with, and had not M. de la Clue
in his return to Toulon appeared in sight, the Liverpool
probably would have taken the whole fleet. Captain
Hutchinson's plan was to capture a fishing boat, which he
sent close in shore to cut the enemy off from the land. He
had taken a fourth vessel, but being a heavy sailer he was
obliged to let her go as soon as de la Clue's squadron
appeared. He had a narrow escape from a French fleet off
the coast of Portugal, and was actually reported in Lloyd's
List as taken and carried to Toulon. The captured vessel,
however, proved to be the Enterprise, of Bristol, Captain
Lewis. The safety and continued activity of the Liverpool,
was demonstrated by her sending into Cagliari a French
privateer of 24 guns and 200 men, which was said to be
"worth 50,000 dollars, exclusive of head and gun money
as a privateer." On the 23rd of August, the Liverpool
arrived in the Mersey, bringing in with her the ship Roy
Gaspard,* a French privateer of 22 guns, burthen about
350 tons, bound from Messina to Marseilles, which she
had taken and carried to Gibraltar. The Liverpool had
previously sent home two Dutch vessels named the Sarah
and Margaretta and the Jong Barbara, laden with sugar,
coffee and indigo, which she had taken on their passage
from St. Eustatia.
Captain Hutchinson, being greatly interested in his
scheme for supplying the town with live fish, relinquished
the command of the Liverpool to his first lieutenant and
* The Roy Gaspard was sold by auction at the Merchants' Coffee-house, a
tavern at the south-west corner of St. Nicholas's Churchyard, wiih a doorway
opening upon the churchyard. It was erected about the middle of the eighteenth
century, and was for many years the favourite resort of the commercial community.
The large room entering from the churchyard commanded a fine view of the river.
Here, during the latter half of the eighteenth century were held the principal
auction sales of ships and property. It was the boisterous conduct of the sea
captains at this tavern that led to the erection of the Athenaeum in Church Street, a
haven in which Mr. Roscoe, Dr. Currie, and other men of literary tastes could
rest undisturbed by slave captains and privateer commanders.
134 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
relation, Captain Ward, and on September ist, the following-
advertisement appeared in the newspapers : —
" For a third cruise against the Enemies of Great Britain,
the fortunate ship Liverpool privateer, under the command of
Capt. John Ward, and will be ready for sea as soon as she
comes out of the Graving- Dock. She carries 22 guns (18 of
which are twelve-pounders), and 160 men. All gentlemen
Seamen and others who are willing to try their fortunes, may
apply to the Commander, or Mr. Henry Hardware, Merchant."
Either the change of commanders, or some mysterious
underhand work, raised difficulties, which led to the inser-
tion of the following notice in the Advertiser of September
I5th:-
" Whereas the seamen who have entered to go the cruise
in the ship Liverpool privateer, agreed and were warned by
the public cryer to go on board the said ship on Monday
Evening, and are not yet gone on board ; This is to give
Notice that the gentlemen who had subscribed for the outset of
the said ship, to send her in quest of the Marshal Belleisle,
think it now too late ; therefore, all seamen who are inclined
to go the six months' cruise, as was at first intended, may apply
to Capt. Ward, near the Old Dock Gates."
The editor, commenting on the above in the same issue
of the paper, says : —
"On Saturday last, Capt. Wm. Hutchinson, late com-
mander (and part-owner) of the Liverpool privateer (notwith-
standing he had appointed his lieutenant to the command of the
ship, intending to stay at home in order to forward his scheme
of supplying this market with live fish), proposed to undertake
the command of her once more, and attempt to curb the
insolence of Monsieur Thurot, of the Marshal Belleisle priva-
teer, cruising in the North Channel, to intercept the trade of this
neighbourhood. Upon which the principal Merchants gener-
ously opened a subscription, to indemnify the owners of the
privateer, and to advance each seaman five guineas in hand, for
one month's (31 days) cruise, exclusive of their right to the
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 135
customary shares of prize money. Notwithstanding1 207 sea-
men had signed the articles, yet as soon as the ship was ready
for sea, on Tuesday, only 28 appeared, which obliged the sub-
scribers to drop the cruise, knowing that unless she got out
immediately, it would be impossible to execute the proposed
expedition in time. We can't avoid remarking that the intended
scheme was the most generous one ever offered in these parts,
and that probably no seamen ever had before such great
encouragement offered them for so short a cruise. Whoever
were the obstacles in preventing the scheme being put into
execution, will always be deemed enemies to the trade of this
port, especially when the public are acquainted that upwards of
700 pounds was generously subscribed to the outset, exclusive
of insuring the value of the vessel to the owners, and the gen-
tlemen had undertaken to procure several hundred pounds
more from their neighbouring friends."
The Liverpool sailed on another cruise on Sunday,
October i5th, 1758, and in the following January arrived at
Falmouth, having captured some Dutch ships and sent
them to Ireland. On March ist, she arrived in the Mersey,
though her cruise was not fully expired, and on April i2th,
1759, she was sold by auction at the Merchants' Coffee-
house, having in her capacity as a privateer proved herself
worthy of the name she bore.*
In February, 1759, Captain Hutchinson was appointed by
the magistrates and common council, principal water bailiff,
and dockmaster of Liverpool, a position he held for about
forty years. About three months later, a man named
Murphy, one of the New Anson privateersmen, presented a
loaded pistol at Captain Hutchinson, saying, " D you,
you are a villain," an act and sentiment which the captain
promptly reciprocated by seizing the man by the collar and
*In the paper of Sept. a8th, she is advertised in a new character: — "For
New York, and will be clear to sail in three weeks, the ship Liverpool, burthen
250 tons, a remarkable fast sailing vessel, with good accommodations for
passengers. For freight, redemptioners, indented servants, or passengers, apply
to Messrs. Tratiord & Bird, Merchants, or James Chambers, Commander."
136 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
wrenching the pistol — which luckily missed fire — from his
grasp. Mr. Murphy was secured, tried at Lancaster, and
sentenced to serve in the navy for life.
Captain William Hutchinson was a remarkable man. His
work on seamanship and naval architecture, and the variety
of pursuits in which he was engaged during a long and busy
life, his charities and his hobbies, all go to prove that he was
of a higher type than the generality of men in his calling at
that period. Judging by Sir Horace Mann's description of
certain English admirals and sea captains with whom he had
dealings in his official capacity as English Resident at
Florence, the two Liverpool privateer commanders,
Fortunatus Wright and William Hutchinson, compare very
favourably in education, intelligence, professional skill and
daring, with many officers of rank in the King's navy. Mr.
Bryan Blundell, who was well acquainted with Hutchinson,
said "that his whole life was one unwearied scene of
industrious usefulness," and this is confirmed by the closing
words of the preface to the " Practical Seaman,"* where the
author says, ''as my best endeavours have hitherto been
exerted for the public good, without any other motive, so
will they be continued by the public's humble servant,
William Hutchinson." In the same preface he refers to the
unexpected difficulties he found " in being a new writer,
venturing to lead the way on so important and extensive a
subject in this learned, criticising age ; " but, he says,
"for my imperfections as a scholar, I hope the critics
will make allowance for my having been early in life at sea
as cook of a small collier ; and having since then gone
through all the most active enterprising employments I
could meet with as a seaman, who has done his best, and
" Principal Dock Master of Liverpool, Captain William Hutchinson at No. I.
on the north side of the Old Dock Gates. One whose great knowledge and
ingenuity has proved of infinite service to this port, and to whom the British mariner
stands indebted for a learned and curious Treatise on Practical Seamanship, &c."
— Prestwich's MS. History of Liverpool, p. 239.
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 137
who, as an author, would be glad of any remarks candidly
pointing out how to improve his defects, if there should be
a demand for another edition." As a native of Newcastle-
on-Tyne, he was naturally proud of the seamanship of those
among whom his early life had been passed, and mentions
that " the best lessons for tacking and working to windward,
in a little room, are in the colliers bound to London, where
many great ships are constantly employed, and where
wages are paid by the voyage, so that interest makes them
dexterous and industrious to manage their ships with few
men in a complete manner in narrow channels, more so
than, perhaps, in any other trade by sea in the world." He
tells us that the sight of a fleet of 200 or 300 colliers
sailing out of the harbour of Newcastle for London in
one tide, and their dexterous navigation in passing and
crossing each other in so little room, made a "travelling
French gentleman of rank to hold up his hands and
exclaim, that it was there France was conquered." While
expressing his belief, based on long experience in different
trades, that the seamen engaged in the coal and coasting
trade to London, "are the most perfect in working their
ships in narrow, intricate and difficult channels, and in tide
ways," he admits that "those in the East India trade are
so on the open seas." He believed that the custom of
heaving the hand-lead and singing out the soundings,
"which is peculiar to our seamen," originated in the
coasting trade to London, where their success and safety
depended greatly upon it, and quotes a saying attributed
to Dr. Halley, that the system of navigation in his time
depended upon three L's, meaning, Lead, Latitude and
Look-out. There was some kind of Ship Club in Liverpool
in his time, for he says : —
" A late great mathematician at Liverpool, Mr. Richard
Holden, who found Theory from the Attractive Powers of
Nature to agree with my observations on the tides, and made
138 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS,
a most excellent tide table from them, used often to say, at
what we called a Ship Club, that there was no hidden or
unknown principle concerned in the art of building', sailing-,
working-, and managing of ships, but the laws of motion, the
pressure of fluids, and the properties of the lever, which are
all well known to British Philosophers, and that nothing was
more deserving their attention and pursuit, in order to bring
these arts to their utmost perfection."
It is much to be regretted that Captain Hutchinson did
not write a regular narrative of his own adventurous and
useful life. It is only by stray paragraphs scattered through
his voluminous printed work to illustrate various points in
the argument, that we are able to form an imperfect sketch
of his career, as a supplement to what has gone before.
Having risen from the position of cook's cabin boy and
beer drawer for the men in a small collier, to the dignity
of a forecastle man, he made his first voyage to Madras
and China in 1738, " when our East India ships had open
waists." " Not having water to go over the Flatts in turn-
ing to windward down the Swin, the common track for our
deep-loaded colliers, our vessel," he says, "shipped and
leaked so much water, that it took all the pumps to keep
her free, so that when we got into the Downs, the crew
protested against going the voyage, without her being
lightened, but a 5o-gun ship of war being near, a signal
was made, and they came and took the principal ring-
leaders out, and we proceeded on the voyage." There was
no Mr. Plimsoll to fight for poor Jack's rights in those
days, and, indeed, had he miraculously turned up, they
would have bundled him on board a tender and made an
excellent man-of-war's man of him, as no doubt they did
of every " collier " they impressed. On this voyage to
the East Indies he was three months terribly ill of the
scurvy, and found himself benefited by the use of tea, a
habit confirmed by what he saw of the Chinese style of
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 139
living at Canton, and for the rest of his life he, like Dr.
Johnson, became a confirmed lover of tea. The doctor
is said to have taken forty cups a day, hence, probably,
his morbid fear of death ; but Hutchinson only took tea
twice a day, and his method of making it on board ship,
where there were no tea utensils, was by putting the leaves
into a quart bottle filled with fresh water, corked up, and
boiled in the ship's kettle along with the salt beef. This
mode of brewing was a great success, especially in stormy
weather, when teapots, cups and saucers and such like
could not have kept their sea-legs.
He acted as mate of a bomb's tender in Hieres Bay with
the fleet under Matthews and Lestock, and shortly after
sailed in "a fine frigate-built ship for the Leghorn trade,
that carried 20 six-pounders on her main-deck, and went a-
cruising in the Mediterranean." It was probably at this time
he made the acquaintance of Fortunatus Wright. The fol-
lowing incident may have occurred on board Wright's ship,
when Hutchinson, as Professor Laughton suggests, was
officer of the watch, or he may have been in independent
command. He was at any rate cruising in the Mediter-
ranean during the war of 1747, with the prisoners of three
French prizes on board, at their entire liberty on deck. He
had just sent nearly all his own men aloft, to execute an
order, when he providentially noticed one of the French
captains about to give the alarm for the Frenchmen to rise
and take the ship. Hutchinson immediately ran up to the
Frenchman, pistol in hand, "and told him coolly that he
should be the first that should die by the attempt, which
stopped his proceeding." This affair taught him two
lessons — that prisoners for the future should be sent up
aloft to assist in the work ; and that ceremonious professions
are not to be depended on, for the French captain in
question, when first brought on board, was the pink of
politeness. He " made many apologies and begged that he
140 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
might not be ill-treated for the resistance he made in
defending his ship, and was answered that he should be
treated rather better than worse for doing his duty like a
brave and honest man."
In 1750, he was concerned with "that worthy hero,
Captain Fortunatus Wright," in purchasing and fitting out
the Leostoff, 20 gun frigate of war, with lighter guns and
materials than she formerly carried, and loaded her with a
general cargo for the West Indies. During one of his
voyages, he slept on the bare ground in the Bay of Honduras,
fell very ill of the flux, and was suddenly cured in a more
surprising and original manner than if he had taken a
modern patent universal healer. He was then acting as
commodore of a fleet of ships in the Bay, and being told
that some strange vessels were entering without first send-
ing in their boats, as usual, to make known who they were,
he gave orders to fire at them. As the ships still came on,
heedless of the warning, he got alarmed, was roused to action,
and immediately recovered.
Captain Hutchinson, in conjunction with his partner,
Mr. Ward, made a plucky endeavour to perform for
Liverpool, in 1757, the service which Frank Buckland
rendered London in the nineteenth century. In the paper
of June loth, of that year, we read that Messrs. Hutchinson
and Ward had fixed a large store-well-vessel in the river,
near the Woodside-house, in which they fed their fish as
the codsmacks brought them in, and for the conveniency
of the Cheshire markets they sold fish on board. The
enterprise was not successful, and probably swallowed up
some of the money made by the Captain in privateering
and other "active enterprising employments," as well as a
subsidy granted by the corporation in aid of the scheme.
The curious reason given in the paper of February i5th,
1760, for disposing of the Resolution, a codsmack employed
in the industry, is "the prejudice that prevails here against
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 141
fish brought in smacks, though the best in kind, by which
its consumption is so hindered that the proprietors cannot
with prudence support the vessel longer, though they have
had handsome allowance from the Corporation for the
support thereof."
His zeal for the interests of Liverpool was conspicuous
on many occasions, and could not have been greater, had
he been born within sound of St. Nicholas' bells, and
entitled to call himself "a genuine Dicky Sam." When
Thurot and his squadron entered the Irish Sea, and threw
Liverpool into a state of wild excitement, Captain Hutchin-
son's daring spirit was shown. With one associate only,
he raised a number of volunteers to man a few armed
vessels then in the river, with which he determined to
attack and conquer the enemy, or perish in the attempt.
The news of the gallant Frenchman's defeat and death
arrived, and rendered the enterprise unnecessary.
He was the inventor of reflecting mirrors for light-
houses, and, in 1763, he erected at Bidston the first mirror
of that kind ever used, consisting of small reflectors of
tinned plates, soldered together; and he also made larger
ones, as far as 12 feet diameter, formed of wood and
lined with numerous plates of looking-glass. A ridge of
rock and gravel, lying between the Rock Perch and the
south point of the Brazile sandbank, was named after
him, because he removed some obstructions which had
been placed there by "designing villains," and opened a
passage by cutting away the rock and deepening the
channel.
From the ist of January, 1768, to the i8th of August,
1793, Capt. Hutchinson continued a series of observations
on the tides, barometer, the weather, and the winds, the
MSS. of which he presented to the Liverpool Library.
From these were obtained the data by which the Holdens,
father and son, calculated the tide-tables.
142
THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
On a blank leaf, at the commencement, the following
memoranda are written in his own hand : —
"These five years' observations from 1768 to 1773, upon
the tide were made from solar time, and the winds from the
true meridian, and their velocity judged according" to Mr.
Smeaton's rule, our great storms going at the rate of sixty
miles an hour. The thermometer, kept indoors, at the head
of a staircase, four stories high, by Wm. Hutchinson, at the
Old Dock Gates, Liverpool. The first sheets were cut out to
give Mr. Richard Holden, and aided him to make out the 3000
observations mentioned in his preface of his Tide Table,
by which he founded a theory, from natural causes, to agree
therewith."
It is to be regretted that Mr. Hutchinson did not suffer
copies to be taken rather than break such an uniform series
of observations, made with a punctuality and accuracy that
do infinite credit to his perseverance and talent. They
form most invaluable documents for reference and com-
parison.
His meteorological tables were kept in the following
manner : —
MORNING.
1768
M's Moon's
Moon's
Moon's
Time of
Height
Winds,
Weather.
January
age
dis-
declin.
South
High
Ft. in.
their
Hazy and
I Friday
11
tance in
N.
E.
Water
14 3
velocity
a hard
miles
25 29
9 59
II. M.
in miles
frost
284,384
8 45
I -60
S.E. 35
EVENING.
Time of
Hei»ht
Winds
Weather.
Tide's
Barom.
Then
nigh
Ft. in.
and
Cloudy and a
daily
29.2
34
Water
14 2
velocity
keen frost.
difference.
H. M.
E. 30
One tide
9 IO
M.
55
In May, 1775, he added to these a rain gauge.
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 143
On the 4th of June, 1777, it was resolved: "That the
Corporation do make a compliment of Ten Guineas to
Captain William Hutchinson for his late ingenious publica-
tion of a book entitled the 'Practical Seaman,' being deemed
a book of great utility to commercial places." This work
elicited the following tribute from a competent authority:—
" Sir Thomas Frankland presents his compliments to
Mr. Hutchinson, and hopes he will approve their Institution.
He makes their Superintendent read over, with the eldest of
the boys, his Treatise on Seamanship* ; which he thinks
seems as if written for the instruction of their Maritime
School at Chelsea. November 3Oth, 1781. N.B. He wishes
the officers of the Navy would study it also."
Scattered through Captain Hutchinson's work is a vast
amount of matter which enables us to realize the difficulties
of the old navigators, who, previous to its publication " were
left entirely to learn their duty by their own and other
people's misfortunes." The captain was the pioneer, not
only of scientific seamanship, but of scientific shipbuilding,
for the marine architects, as well as the mariners of those
days, were either too conservative to adopt new methods, or
attempted impossibilities in defiance of the laws of Nature.
The annals of the eighteenth century teem with terrible
catastrophes arising from, the crass ignorance of shipbuilders.
Vessels, with hundreds of people on board, suddenly capsized
before a puff of wind, simply owing to a radical defect in the
* In 1791, a new and enlarged edition of the work was issued with the
following formidable sub-title : —
"A Treatise founded upon Philosophical and Rational Principles, towards
establishing fixed rules for the best form and proportional dimensions in length,
breadth, and depth of Merchant's Ships in general ; and also the Management of
them to the greatest Advantage, by Practical Seamanship ; with important hints
and remarks relating thereto ; from long approved experience. By William
Hutchinson, Mariner, and Dock Master at Liverpool. Liverpool: Printed by
Thomas Billinge, Castle Street, 1791."
"This book is most humbly dedicated to His Royal Highness William
Henry Duke of Clarence, President of that most patriotic Society, instituted at
London, for the improvement of Nava> Architecture, by His Royal Highness's
Most Humble Servant, William Hutchinson."
144 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
principle of construction. Many Liverpool ships were lost
in this manner, the Pelican privateer, which overset
opposite Seacombe, with the loss of about 70 lives, being
comparatively a minor catastrophe. Captain Hutchinson,
speaking of ships being built too high, gives the following
instance : — " We had a late fatal loss of a large new frigate
on her first voyage, which had overset with upwards of five-
hundred slaves, and her crew all drowned except two seamen
and three slaves ; which added to the many other such
instances, proves the necessity to endeavour to get such
general rules fixed to prevent as much as possible such
dreadful losses." Two or three Liverpool vessels were
built on lines ,suggested by Captain Hutchinson, notably
the Hall and the Elizabeth for the Jamaica trade, both
of which proved veritable "greyhounds of the Atlantic."
He tells an anecdote of Mr. Bryan Blundell, the noble-
hearted founder of the Blue Coat Hospital: —
" Being- appointed from our Pilots' Committee with
Mr. Bryan Blundell, Merchant, who had been a great and
successful shallop-racer in the West ^Indies, to go with two
of our pilot sloops and pilots to survey our neighbouring ports,
to fix rules to examine our pilots by, the sloop we happened to
be in was the worst sailer of the two. Mr. Blundell said he
would make it sail better than the other without meddling
with the mast, sails, or rigging, or trimming' her more by the
head or stern ; which he did by getting the Pilots to move the
heaviest loose materials from fore and aft into the main body
amidships, which answered the designed purpose, and made
her beat the other sloop as much as they beat us before."
He was never happier than when making experiments
and observations, afloat or ashore. At one time he is an
eye witness of some curious experiments made in a close
room by the "ingenious Mr. Smeaton," for the purpose of
discovering the fixed standard of velocity for windmill sails,
prior to the framing of his table of winds ; at another time,
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 145
he stands in a boat's stern sheets, going to attack a ship,
and takes particular notice that cannon shot will rebound
and rise about a man's height out of the water. Having
had a narrow escape, he observes: "I saw the shot first
graze the water right ahead of us, and then rise and go
directly over our heads, and make ducks and drakes right
astern of us." So keen was this scientific instinct and
habit of observation in him, that even in action he made
mental notes of such facts as this: " I have seen a bombshell
turn round in the air, by the centre of gravity being near
the middle," etc. Most philosophers in similar circum-
stances would doubtless feel more solicitous regarding their
own centre of gravity. He experimented with a model of a
ship in a cistern of water to test the statement of his friend
Mr. Henry Bird, "a great shipbuilder at the Greenland
Dock, London," that 33 degrees, or three points of the
compass was the best angle "for sailing vessels' rudders to
be fixed to traverse to"; and not content with the cistern he
" having the management of our three long graving docks
at Liverpool, where we have in common ten or twelve ships
at a time repairing and cleaning," with a bevel tried the
traverse of many ships' rudders, and found that Mr. Bird's
rule was right. It appears that the Parkgate method of
hanging the rudders was heterodox, and caused the loss of
ships. He gives a curious account of the elaborate experi-
ments he made with models of ships, to find out their centre
of gravity and motion. The spectacle of the "old sea dog,"
who had peppered and been peppered by "the enemies of
Great Britain " (and even by Great Britain herself, as in the
unfortunate affair of the Antelope man-of-war), being
thus engaged with his miniature ships, reminds us of
Uncle Toby and Corporal Trim conducting imaginary
sieges and campaigns in the kitchen garden, with this
difference, that Captain Hutchinson's hobbies had the merit
of being useful.
1 16 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
In 1789, he founded the Liverpool Marine Society, for the
benefit of masters of vessels, their widows, and children,
the first president being Mr. Thomas Staniforth. Mr.
Hutchinson subscribed one hundred guineas to it, and other
benevolent institutions of the town were liberally supported
by him. This is the more remarkable, because his stipend
was never more than one hundred guineas per annum,
although his duties at one time comprised both those now
exercised by the harbour master and those of a dock master.
It is said that he was accustomed to observe a particular
day, in each year, as one of strict devotion, in commemora-
tion of his providential deliverance at one period of his life,
when, after the loss of the vessel in which he sailed, he, and
others of the crew being without food, had drawn lots
to ascertain which of them should be put to death, in
order to furnish a horrible and revolting meal to the sur-
vivors. The lot fell upon Mr. Hutchinson, but he and his
fellow sufferers were saved by another vessel which hove
in sight.
Captain Hutchinson died at a ripe old age, in February,
1801, and was interred in St. Thomas' Churchyard, close
to the Old Dock and the office in which a great portion of his
life was passed. Upon the site of that dock now stands a
vast and gloomy pile of buildings, in a wing of which the
rulers of our modern docks meet and deliberate ; but to most
of them the name of Captain Hutchinson is scarcely known,
and his deeds and personality are to them vague and
shadowy as those of the heroes of the Iliad.
He was evidently a kindly though firm commander. " I
once," he says, "had the pleasure of taking up one of
my seamen from under water, and to all appearance
drowned, but by our exertions recovered him, and the first
words he was able to speak (perceiving me busy about him)
were, 'my dear Captain, pray for me.' To which I replied,
that as he was now in a fair way of recovery, I hoped he
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 147
would be able to pray for himself, and be thankful to Provi-
dence for his narrow escape."
In February, 1798, when a voluntary subscription, which
produced over ,£17,000, was entered into in Liverpool, to
assist the government to meet the enormous expenses of
the war, Captain Hutchinson pledged himself to contribute
£20 per annum as long as the war lasted.
Captain Hutchinson was a religious man, and held that,
" since many a fruitful and flourishing land has been made
barren for the wickedness of its inhabitants, every impious
and profane man ought to be treated as the greatest enemy
to his country." He quotes Archbishop Tillotson's saying
that " no man can plead that he was born with a swearing
constitution," and recommends all commanders of ships to
have a reasonable part of Divine worship publicly performed
on board every day, "which," he observes, "to our shame,
be it spoken, is often, even in our large East India ships,
scandalously neglected. This, I can say from profitable
experience, contributes greatly to produce good order, har-
mony, and piety on board, ^.nd check disorder, vice, and im-
morality of every kind, even amongst the most dissolute
and ignorant in privateers, as well as merchants' ships."
We are not accustomed to associate privateering with Divine
worship, but here we have a privateer commander as devout
in his way as John Newton, the slave captain. For the first
fifteen years of his sea life in different trades, he never saw
any religious duty publicly performed on board, except that
in an East India ship for two or three Sundays, when they
drew near the Cape of Good Hope, they had prayers, which
ceased when danger passed away. He blames the East
India Company for " shamefully rating their large ships only
at 499 tons, in order to evade the expense of a clergyman,
and the penalty of the law for not carrying one."
It would be impossible to form a true estimate of the
character of this fine old privateer captain without reading
148 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
the concluding words of his " Practical Seamanship. "
Referring to the " grand atoning sacrifice," he characteris-
tically observes : —
"And how devoutly should we implore the promised
assistance of his aiding and sanctifying- grace to conduct us
safe throug-h this transitory voyage of life to a blessed and
happy eternity. Let us then, under the direction and guidance
of this great Author and Captain of our Salvation, our all
glorious Redeemer, Christ Jesus, pursue our course with
steadiness and resolution, and fight manfully under his banner;
looking up to him for succour in all our distresses and dif-
ficulties, who is powerful in heaven and earth, and will never
forsake or reject those who sincerely love and trust in him.
To whom be glory for ever. Amen."
This was the spirit that animated Cromwell and his "Iron-
sides," and no wonder the Liverpool privateersmen fought
so well, when men like William Hutchinson commanded
them.
The Windsor, Captain Joseph Clarke (a Letter of Marque),
about 300 tons burthen, of 12 six-pounders and 40 men,
belonging to Messrs. Edward Trafford & Sons,* was taken
on her passage from Liverpool to Philadelphia by a French
privateer of 18 guns, after engaging some time, and carried
to Bayonne. One of the crew of the Windsor, writing home
from Bayonne prison, which was " very sickly/' tells how
Captain Clarke, Captain Grubb, and a Mr. Berry of Liver-
pool, made their escape from a French country town, where
they were at large on their " parole of honour." They were
soon retaken on their way to St. Sebastian and re-secured.
* Mr. Henry Trafford, who died in 1740, during his mayoralty, had expressed a
wish that his body should lie in state, and that an oval glass plate should be inserted
in the lid of his coffin, so that the spectators who knew him might take "a last,
lingering look." The wish was carried out to the letter, and even children were
held up to see the show. The Trafforcl's were a notable family in Liverpool during
the eighteenth century, and became connected with the Leighs, of Oughtrington.
In 1761, Mr. Edward Trafford (who had been mayor in 1742) and his sons. Mr.
Richard Trafford (bailiff in 1755), and Mr. Wm. Trafford, all lived in King Street,
and Trafford's Weint in that locality still commemorates the family.
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 149
The three prisoners lay all in one bed. Captain Clarke in
the dead of night, observing the guards to be asleep, made
his escape through the window, got clear off, and ultimately
arrived safe in Spain. Captain Grubb and Mr. Berry,
when they awoke and found their friend missing, attempted
to follow his example, but were seized when in the window,
and sent to Bayonne Castle. Captain Clarke at one time
commanded the Trafford, 200 tons burthen, 10 guns (six
and four-pounders), belonging to the same owners.
On the 25th of February, 1758, about 25 leagues S.S.E. from
Cape Tiburon, the Adventure, Captain George Washington,
a s.hip belonging to Mr. Joseph Manesty, merchant — the
friend and employer of John Newton — was attacked by the
French brigantine Si. Louis, of 10 six-pounders, 18 swivels,
and 1 20 men, which she fought five hours, most of the time
yard-arm and yard-arm. Captain Washington, writing from
Kingston, Jamaica, gives the following details : —
"During the engagement I had one man killed (got at
Cork) and one wounded. The brig had two killed and 19
wounded. We received four shot between wind and water,
several in the upper works ; gaft shot away, mainyard, fore-
topmast, and top-gallantmast disabled, two guns dismounted,
topmast stays, shrouds, backstays, futtock shrouds, shot away,
and not a lift or brace standing, but one strand of the main-
topsail brace. We had scarce any running rigging but what
was shot away, sails in such a shattered condition that they
will not be fit to bend any more. Our powder being all
expended, to my great mortification, we were obliged to haul
down the colours. They saw our powder chests out of their
tops, or they would have boarded us. We must inevitably
have been most pa^t of us killed had it not been for Matrosses
and Kendal cottons we got out of the hold, and put upon the
inside of the filling up plank in the waist, for they had 60 men
at small arms. They stripped us of our clothes and instru-
ments, and carried us into Port St. Louis. On the 23rd of
March our ship's company arrived here, and on the 5th inst.
150 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
we buried Samuel Chatterton, apprentice. Capt. Boats was
pleased to make me an offer of the vessel this comes by, but I
chose rather to keep your servants together, and to go to
Savannah La Mar, and take in your interest there. Large
vessels sell high, as it begins to be late in the year, and willing
to get in your debts and sail first convoy. I have with
Mr. Richd. Watt bought a brigantine of about 80 tons, which
we have called the Mary. She is a good vessel, well found, and
hope may get money. I assure you, Sir, your outstanding
debts gives me no small concern, but hope to be more careful
for the future, as I see the many evils attending it. You may
depend that I'll do my utmost endeavours to bring matters to
a conclusion. I have ten tons of logwood from Mr. Roper,
and will sail for Savannah La Mar in two days with a vessel
of force. Your servants are all with me. We shall certainly
sail first convoy, which will be about the zoth of June, and
am, with gratitude for all favours conferred on me, &c."
This letter throws some light on the affairs of Mr. Manesty,
by whose subsequent failure the Rev. John Newton lost all
his savings, which he had entrusted to the keeping of his
generous benefactor and former employer. Captain Boats
was the celebrated merchant, " Billy Boats," or Boates, of
whom, and Mr. Richard Watt, we shall have occasion to
speak later on.
On the I5th of April, 1758, in latitude 46.20 N., longitude
12, west from London, the ship Pemberton^ Captain Walter
Kirkpatrick, having outsailed her consorts, had the mis-
fortune to fall in with the Machault privateer, of Bayonne, 26
guns, and 320 men, which she mistook for a homeward
merchantman. On discovering the Frenchman's force, the
Pemberton made sail, and kept up a running fight with her
stern chase guns two hours and-a-half. In a letter to his
owners, written from a French prison, Captain Kirkpatrick
thus describes what ensued : —
" She soon gained on us, and when within pistol shot, we
• fired broadside for broadside an hour and an half, and had it
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 151
not been for the continual fire from her small arms, whose
balls were like showers of hail and obliged my men to run
from their quarters, perhaps we might have got clear, not-
withstanding her superior force. Thus overpowered, we were
obliged to strike. Our rigging, masts, yards, and sails were
very ill shattered, though our people were tolerably well shel-
tered. Four of our people were wounded ; George Godsall
(since dead). Mr. Woolley Maisterson had his leg shot away
by a 12 pound ball, which dismounted the gun he was quartered
at, went through the dog's body, and split in two on the
capson. He is now in a fair way of recovery ; Edward
Langshaw was ill hurt, but since recovered. All the rest in
good health. The Captain and officers behaved very well to
us, the former complimented me with my hanger, saying I
deserved one for fighting so long, and ordered me all my
clothes, watch, books, and instruments, of which I got part,
the remainder being plundered during my being on board the
privateer, which I think is as near the model of the Liverpool
man of war (now in Liverpool) as possible. This day we are
ordered all into close confinement, and those who can find bail
for £i$o are allowed to go on parole about ten miles into the
country. Your letters of credit will be extremely acceptable,
&c."
On May 2Qth, 1758, the Ellen (Letter of Marque), Captain
Kirby, 14 carriage guns (8 four-pounders, 4 six-pounders,
and 2 two-pounders), in latitude 48°, 150 leagues W. by S.
from Cape Clear, met with a large French ship, mounting
18 guns (six-pounders) and full of men, " whom he engaged
very warmly for near three hours, till dark. Captain Kirby
received three shots in his hull, which went through him,
five through his mainsail, six through his fore top sail, and
one in the head of his foremast. In the morning, Captain
Kirby gave him a broadside ; Monsieur returned the com-
pliment and took to his heels, which surprised them, as she
appeared to be full of soldiers, and of so much superior
force." In June of the same year, Messrs. Joseph and
152 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
Jonathan Brooks, the owners of the Ellen, while searching
the snow Prince William, a Dutch bottom, captured by that
vessel, found concealed in a barrel of coffee, a large packet
of French letters, several of which were advices to merchants
in France, particularising great part of her cargo to be
French property, and shipped undercover. Other letters in
this important find mentioned large quantities of goods
shipped in different Dutch bottoms, etc. In the summer of
1759, on her passage from Liverpool to Jamaica, the Ellen
fell in with three French privateers, whom she engaged
several hours, but a fourth privateer joining the others, they
all boarded the Ellen, took her, and carried her into
Martinico. The gallant Captain Kirby and seven of his men
were wounded in the action.
Captain Spears, of the Granmlle, who arrived in Liverpool
from Edenton, North Carolina, with a cargo of tar and
tobacco, had the ill-fortune to meet with \\\z Jupiter privateer,
of Bayonne, 22 guns, and 250 men, Captain Jean Maubeaule,
and agreed to pay the said captain ,£500, as ransom money
for his ship and cargo on his arrival at Liverpool. The
French captain, a Frenchman of the old school, treated
Captain Spears very politely ; offered him bread, water,
and anything his ship afforded, but begged to carry off
Mr. Alexander Scott, the chief mate, as "ransomer," or
security for the due payment of the ransom money. The
Jupiter also captured the Knutsford, Captain Sefton, from
Liverpool for St. Kitts, and ransomed her for fifteen hundred
guineas.
The practice of ransoming vessels for large sums of money
continued during the whole of this war and during part of
the American war, but it was then declared illegal. The
late Sir John Tobin, when a boy, on his first voyage narrowly
escaped being carried off as a "ransomer," along with the
mate and one of the able seamen of the ship. Fortunately
for him, the captain of the privateer, who was an Irish
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 153
Frenchman, Captain Kelly by name, had known his father
at Douglas, and on finding whose son he was, sent him
away rejoicing.
But a ransom, however desirable, could not always be
arranged, as will be seen from the following letter, written
by Captain Josiah Wilson, of the Aurora, to his owners in
Liverpool, from St. Andero in Spain, and dated June I2th,
1758:-
"We were unfortunately taken by the Jupiter Privateer,
belonging- to Bayonne, on the 24th of May last, in lat. 45 30 N.
and 33 40 W. Long, from London, which is farther to the west-
ward than anyone could imagine an European Privateer would
cruize. She has taken six prizes this cruize, exclusive of our
vessel, three of which belong to Glasgow. One of the prizes she
took was got as far to the westward as 40 degrees from London.
We fell in with her in the night, but never saw her till the
morning, when she was about a league to windward of us, and
steering the same course we did. I took her for some English
merchantman, as her guns were all housed. We were well
prepared for an engagement, but as soon as she came alongside,
they ran out their guns, and fired into us ; two of their shot
struck us but killed none of our men. There was no contend-
ing with a ship of her force, for she mounted 22 guns, 12 nine-
pounders, and 10 six-pounders, with 280 men, and frigate built.
I could not ransom her upon any account, for as the ship's
cruize was just out, they determined to return and convoy their
prize to Bayonne. We were busking in the Bay of Biscay ten
days, where I was in great hopes of being retaken by some
English cruizer, but am now out of all hopes, the prize as well
as the privateer being both at anchor in this port, which is about
35 leagues from Bayonne."
In November, 1758, Captain Wm. Part, formerly a com-
mander in the Virginia trade, died at Prescot, and his
remains were brought to Liverpool for interment. His
funeral was attended by ten of the oldest seamen's widow's,
to whom he left each thirty shillings for a gown, handker-
154 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
chief and hood ; and by the Blue Coat Hospital boys, to
whom he had been a great benefactor. He left ^50 to the
Infirmary ; ^"200 to a school which he built at Hale, and
loaves of bread to be given to the poor of that township
every Sunday. He had, it seems, intended ^600 more for
the school, but withdrew it on account of some disagree-
ment with the lord of the manor. To a number of his poor
relations he left legacies, but would not allow them to attend
his funeral. He also built four almshouses in Prescot, in
which parish this curious old " sea dog," who performed
other good deeds, had resided some time — probably to be
inaccessible to his poor relations !*
During the year 1758, the French had decidedly the best
of the privateering. In March, no ships of any sort sailed
from Liverpool, or arrived in the port, for some weeks, owing
to the boldness of the Frenchmen " which laid an effectual
embargo on the coast." Yet the paper of December ist,
was able to speak in the following comfortable strain: — " It
has been remarked by those who have access to know
the truth, that England never carried on a greater trade, not
only in any time of war, but even in any time of peace than
at this period, and this chiefly at the expense of our enemies'
commerce; so that the nation is thereby a double gainer.
And never in the memory perhaps of any now alive were
Great Britain's power and reputation abroad higher than at
present."
The reduction of Cape Breton was a fatal blow to the
French trade, and most beneficial to the British, for the
rates of insurance to America, etc., fell from 25 and even 30
per cent, to no more than 12, while the enemies' rates rose
in proportion to the falling of ours.
* Eaines, in his "History of Lancashire," states that over the porch of the
Grammar School at Childvvall, founded and endowed by William Part, and afford-
ing instruction to about twelve boys, is this inscription : — " M. S. Hoc /Edificium
Gulielmus Part a longa Majorum hujus Pagi Indigenarum oriundus suo solius
Impendio extruxit Censuque Donavit Anno S. H. MDCCXXX1X."
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR.
155
On the I3th of February, 1759, forty-five merchants and
shipowners of Liverpool addressed a letter to Mr. Robert
Williamson, printer of the Liverpool Advertiser, requesting
him to suppress the list of vessels sailing from the port, as
they had "too much reason to apprehend" that it had
"been of very bad consequence this war." The signatures
attached to the document are those of the principal ship-
owners of Liverpool at that stirring period : —
Matthew Stronge
Robert Cheshire
John White
R. Armitage
George Campbell
James Clemens
John Stronge
William Gregson
James Brown
John Parr
Thomas RumboM
John Stanton
John Hammer
William Fleetwood
William Trafford
Richard Savage
John Bridge
George Drinkwater
William Williamson
Robert Hesketh
John Maine
John Ashton
Thomas Mears
Henry Hardwar
John Hughes
Edward Parr
William Crosby
John Ansdell
Samuel Woodward
William Reid
Robert Cunliffe
John Tarleton
James Gildart
John Backhouse
John Welch
Arthur and Benjamin Heywood
Halliday & Dunbar
John Gorell
George Campbell & Sons
Ralph Earle
John Crosbie
Scroop Colquitt
Charles Goore
William Earle
James Clegg
On the 22nd of February, 1759, the Catherine (Letter of
Marque), 12 guns and 35 men, Captain Seth Houghton, on
her passage from Liverpool to Montserrat, fell in with a
French privateer of 16 guns and 145 men, with whom, after
exchanging a few shot, about seven in the morning, they
came to a general and close engagement, which for the most
part was within pistol shot, till four in the afternoon, when
the Catherine, overpowered by numbers, was obliged to
strike. During the action, the privateer sheered off twice,
having seven of her men killed and seven wounded, and
mounted four more guns, which she had been obliged to
dismount a few days before when chased by an English
man-of-war. The crew of the Catherine had the mis-
fortune of killing one of their own men, and hurting the
156 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
third mate and two others, when firing their first broad-
side. The Captain was wounded by a musket ball, and
narrowly escaped a four-pound shot, which carried away
part of his waistcoat. After they had struck, the French
captain complimented Captain Houghton on his gallant
behaviour, and would not allow him to be plundered,
like the rest of the prisoners. While they were exchanging
prisoners, the second mate of the Catherine, and a boy from
Cheshire were drowned, through too many privateersmen
jumping into the boat in their eagerness for plunder. The
shrouds, masts and hull of the Catherine suffered severely in
the action. The privateer had taken 18 prizes.
The Upton (Letter of Marque), Captain Birch, arrived at
Gambia, from Liverpool, on May gth, 1759, with a prize,
taken off the Canary Islands, the cargo of which was valued
at ^5,000.
The Prince Frederick, Captain Frierson, on her passage
from Liverpool to Guadaloupe, had a smart engagement of
three hours with a privateer of 10 guns, whom they obliged
to sheer off.
Captain William Lethwayte, of the Wheel of Fortune,
from Liverpool for Tortola, writing from Antigua, says : —
" In the evening- of the 24th of May, 1759, in lat. 17°, and
about 25 leagues to the eastward of this island, we fell in with
a French privateer, and at half past six o'clock next morning-
she attacked us, and continued till eight, when she sheered
off to stop her leaks and repair other damages she had
received in the action, it being very smart and within half
pistol shot. At eleven she renewed the attack as brisk as
ever, till twelve, at which time, being- little wind, she g-ot her
oars and rowed from us, a second time to stop her leaks, &c.
This being- done, she hauled to the northward out of g-un shot,
but kept hovering in sight all afternoon and night. Next
morning, being the 26th, we saw another sloop of twelve
carriage guns, 22 swivels, and 120 men, who spoke with the
one we had engaged, then astern of us. Immediately they
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 157
bore down and both began to engage us very warmly, but to
our greater surprise and mortification, before we had fired
above 30 shot, we perceived two other vessels bearing down,
which proved to be French privateers ; one a sloop of ten
carriage guns, 16 swivels, and 90 men, and the other a
schooner of the same force. At the same time we saw a fifth
privateer stretching for us from the S.E. so that we thought
it prudent to strike (though against all our inclinations if
could possibly be avoided) rather than to risk our lives and not
the least probability of getting clear. The Fward, Capt. Kevish,
the Swan, Capt. Slazer, of Dumfries, both last from Liverpool,
and the Cork Packet, Capt. Champion, of Cork, were in com-
pany when taken, and being defenceless, shared the same
fate. We were all carried into Martinico, where I was taken
ill with the flux, but am now perfectly recovered, and expect
to sail in the first Antigua fleet."
In July, 1759, the Vengeance man-of-war, of 26 guns,
formerly the celebrated French privateer of that name,
arrived in the estuary of the Mersey, and about a week later,
the Golden Lyon, Captain Thompson, returned from the
Greenland fishery. The whaler, in stretching in with the
buoys laid in the mouth of the Mersey, fell in with twro
cutter tenders, one of which kept company with her till
within gunshot of the man-of-war, and then hoisted a signal
for four boats, which boarded the Golden Lyon. The
lieutenant in command of the man-of-war's men, hailing the
crew of the whaler, declared that he would impress all of
them except the officers, unless they entered as volunteers,
whereupon the men of the Golden Lyon, 60 strong, answered
that as they belonged to the Greenland Fishery, they would
not be impressed, and to enforce their words, brandished
their long knives and harpoons, vowing vengeance on the
man that attempted it. This demonstration terrified the
man-of-war's men, who jumped into their boats, while the
lieutenant got on the quarter deck of the Golden Lyon, and
ordered the Vengeance and her tenders to fire at the whaler,
158 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
which was within pistol shot of them. Part of the Green-
landman's crew then forced Captain Thompson and his
officers into the cabin, standing sentry over them, and
keeping the lieutenant of the Vengeance on deck, to run the
same chance of being shot with themselves ; whilst the
remainder filled the sails, and crowded away from the Ven-
geance, which slipped her cables, and fired her bow chase
into the Golden Lyon "as quick as possible." Several of
the nine-pound shot struck different parts of the town, but
luckily did no other damage than destroying a boat in a
builder's yard, though many hundred spectators were very
near it. Other shots carried away the rigging, sails, and
mizenstay of the Golden Lyon, whose crew, however, carried
her safe into the dock clear of the man-of-war's people.
On the following day, the whaler's crew proceeded to the
Custom-house, to give bond, and to renew their protections,
according to Act of Parliament. Immediately after they
had done, a large party of the press gang forced themselves
into the Custom-house, fired several pistols, and committed
other outrages, crowning the whole by impressing Captain
Thompson and five of his crew. The rest escaped by
various ways, some risking life and limb by jumping
through the windows ; others climbed on the house tops
and over the walls. Whilst the press gang were taking the
impressed men down to the water side, they were hooted by
some women, one of whom " was shot through the legs with
a brace of balls." The paper of August 3rd, announced
that Captain Thompson had been discharged from the Ven-
geance man-of-war ; that several bullets fired by the press
gangs in the Custom-house had been found, and that the
magistrates and merchants were determined to prosecute the
ruffians for their insolence, "one of the magistrates being
then in the Custom-house, and very ill-treated for com-
manding the peace, etc." This was bad enough, but the
commander of the Vengeance was capable of inflicting even
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 159
greater injustice on the wretched seamen who fell into his
hands. About the same time, the slave ship Ingram (Letter
of Marque), returned to port from one of her usually pleasant
and profitable little trips to Africa and Jamaica. The crew,
having- secured the captain, attempted to get clear of the
man-of-war and four tenders, but, "the tide being spent,"
says the paper, "the ship's company and officers were all
impressed, except the chief mate and commander. On their
being brought on board the man-of-war, Captain - — ,
ordered each man to be tied up, stripped, and whipped.
This needs no comment, for had the seamen committed any
offence against the laws of this realm, they were entitled to
an Englishman's right." It is no exaggeration to say that
in some respects, the British sailor at this time, and for long
afterwards, was worse off than the negroes he assisted to
oppress. His freedom was a sham, and the law which made
it so has never been repealed, though it may never be
enforced again. Unfortunately there is a probability that a
few years hence a genuine British seaman will be a greater
curiosity than that "animal exceedingly rare," whose fossil
bones puzzled " the Society upon the Stanislaus."
The brig Providence, Captain Parke, on her passage
from Liverpool to Tortola, was attacked by a French
privateer of 12 guns, 18 swivels and 80 men, which got
clear off, much shattered, by dint of superior sailing, after
a smart engagement of two hours, during which the French
had six killed and seven wounded, while only one man was
wounded on board the Providence.
Captain Quirk, of the Prussian Hero (Letter of Marque),
of 18 guns, and 60 men, writing from Guadaloupe in
December, 1759, says :—
" I arrived here the 8th inst. from Barbadoes. On my
passage from thence, I fell in with three French privateers, viz :
one a sloop of 10 guns, a sloop of eight guns, and a schooner
of 6 guns, all whom I engaged very briskly two hours. The
160 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
two sloops rowed up in order to board us, having their bow-
sprits crowded with people, stink-pots, &c., on which I ordered
the guns to be double loaded with round and grape shot, and
gave them such a warm reception, as obliged them immediately
to sheer off, much damaged, and undoubtedly with the loss of
many men. They were no sooner got a little distance off than
joined by two other privateers (in all five) to whom I gave chase,
a breeze springing up, as fast as possible, till they ran close in
shore off Martinico. I then steered my course for this place.
Had wind favoured me at the beginning of the action, should
have taken at least one of the three."
Captain Quirk formerly commanded the snow Betty
(Letter of Marque), of 10 guns, belonging to Mr. Peter
Holme, merchant. She was taken on her passage from
Jamaica, by the Count de St. Florentine privateer, and
retaken by the Royal Hunter privateer, of New York, and
sent into Rhode Island. The French privateer was taken
herself soon after.
Some of the privateersmen, having received their bounty
money in advance, decided to fight another day ; and from
the following advertisements offering rewards for the appre-
hension of such gentry, we are enabled to form some idea
of the personal appearance and dress of the very mixed
specimens of humanity who composed the fighting crews : —
" Ran away from the ship Liverpool privateer . . . John
Coulston, a middleaged man, about 5 foot 7 inches high,
wears his own hair, brown complexion, and very much marked
with the small pox. Had on, when he went away, a cheque
shirt and 2 waistcoats, one made of white flannel, trimmed
round with black tape and black buttons, and the other a blue
frize ; wore a brown pair of fustian breeches, dark blue stock-
ings, and round pewter buckles. Any person who will secure
the said Coulston, by applying to Charles Williams, at the sign
of the Whale Fishery, on Sea-Brow, shall receive a handsome
reward."
Two seamen, who had run away from the ship Pember-
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 161
fan, after receiving- four guineas each advance as their
bounty money for proceeding in the said vessel, were thus
described : —
" William Toutcher, seaman, aged 22 years, served his
time out of Whitehaven in the coal trade, just arrived from a
French prison, (and has procured a pass from the Wor-
shipful William Goodwin Esq : Mayor of this town to proceed
to Dover, the place of his residence, being- born there) about
5 feet 8 inches high, wore a green jacket, a white flannel
waistcoat, a pair of trowsers, and a wig ; is of a middling fair
complexion, and a stout able young fellow.
"John Melody, seaman, born at Winchester, served his
time in the navy, and lately belonged to the Fame privateer of
Guernsey ; about 5 feet high, aged 30, wore a blue serge
waistcoat, with a row of white buttons down each side, an old
blue waistcoat, a wig, and sometimes trowsers. Whoever
apprehends either of the above seamen, so that they may be
brought to justice shall receive two guineas for each man, by
applying to Charles Magee, Boatswain of the ship Pemberton,
Walter Kirkpatrick, commander, in Redcross-st.
"N.B. They came here in the ship Liverpool Privateer,
Captain Hutchinson."
Four men, who ran away from the Spy privateer, were
described as follows : —
" Daniel Lindsay, a full-faced man, about 20 years of age,
5 feet 4 inches high, had on when he went off a blue jacket, a
white waistcoat, a check pair of trousers, and wore a cap or
wig. Henry M'Cormick, of a fair complexion, about 19 years
old, 5 ft. 9 inches high, wore a black wig, a blue jacket, a
white waistcoat trimmed with black. John Smith had on a
blue rug great coat, a brown frize coat under it, a curled light
coloured wig, and a slouched hat. Robert Maxwell had on a
snuff coloured fustian coat. He was very much pitted with
the small pox, had a brown complexion and sometimes wore a
wig over his hair. Both very much addicted to gaming."
162 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
The treatment of the English prisoners of war in France
during this war appears to have been excessively severe.
Captain James Settle, of the Annabella, a ship laden with
1400 barrels of tar, deerskins, reeds, etc., from Cape Fear,
was taken in November, 1756, by the Luce privateer, of Brest,
who stripped him and his people almost naked. " We have
pleasure to inform our readers," says the Liverpool paper,
" that the French prisoners brought into this port have met
with more humanity from our privateers' brave crews."
But the Frenchmen in Liverpool were not happy, though
lodged in the ancient fortress of the Stanleys, for, on April
22nd, 1757, we read that one Monday night, between n and
12 o'clock, the prisoners took out a window, and by the help
of a rope, four of them got down into the street and made
their escape. The noise they made alarmed the neighbour-
hood, and the rest were immediately secured. . A reward
was offered for their capture, but without success. In 1759,
several French prisoners got away at one time. Many of
these came back to the Tower of their own accord, while
others were captured in a state of starvation.* In December,
1756, the Lords of the Admiralty took the dancing room and
buildings adjacent, at the bottom of Water Street, and fitted
them up for the French prisoners " in a very commodious
manner, there being a handsome kitchen, with furnaces, &c.,
for cooking their provisions, and good lodging rooms, both
above and below stairs." " Their lordships," says the paper
of December 3ist, " have ordered a hammock and bedding
(same as used on board our men-of-war) for each prisoner,
which it's to be hoped will be a means of procuring our
countrymen, who have fallen into their hands, better usage
* In December, 1759. James Seabrook, silversmith, was committed to Lancaster
for assisting one Jaques L'Uleur, a French prisoner of war, to make his escape from
prison, and "the honourable the Commissioners for prisoners of war "sent positive
orders to their agent in Liverpool, to prosecute with the utmost rigour all persons
that should "mediately or immediately" assist any prisoner of war to make his
escape.
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 163
than hitherto, many of them having been treated with great
inhumanity."
The Tower of Liverpool, in which the prisoners of war
were confined at this period, stood at the bottom of Water-
Street, on the north side, on the site of the present Tower
Buildings. Viewed from the river, the Tower was a
picturesque and venerable object. It was built of red sand-
stone, in the Norman style; at one time battlemented, but
afterwards crenelated. It would appear that the original
structure consisted of a large square, embattled tower, with
subordinate towers and buildings, forming three sides of an
interior quadrangle, which were altered from time to time.
Including its gardens, it occupied an area of 3,700 square
yards. Between the Tower and the river there was, at one
time, a passage leading into St. Nicholas' Churchyard, and
eventually this passage became the street called " Prison
Weint." Two houses then skirted the river side, one of
them the "Ferry House" tavern. The inhabitants of the
town used to walk and show off their finery in the Tower
gardens. After being for centuries the town house of the
Earls of Derby — the theatre of stirring events, stately
functions, and feudal jollifications — the tower, in 1737, passed
out of the hands of the Stanleys, who sold it to the Clayton
family, by whom it was let to the Corporation for the
borough gaol. For years after this transformation and
lapse of dignity, the utmost disorder reigned within it, and
scenes of the grossest depravity were frequent. There was
a large, open space in the interior, in which the prisoners
took exercise, and here both debtors and criminals — men and
women — were allowed to meet promiscuously. The debtors'
room was made use of, amongst other purposes, as a chapel,
and also as a general assembly room. It is said that the
ladies went there from their houses in blue cloaks and
pattens, coaches not being then in general use. On these
occasions, the sounds of the music were so plainly heard
164 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
throughout the building, that the prisoners used to "jig" it as
\vell as the free merry-makers. In 1775, John Howard, the
philanthropist, visited the tower gaol, of which he gives a
deplorable account. The place, which had just been pur-
chased by the Corporation for the sum of ^1535 ios., was
insufferably dirty, grimy and wretched. There were two
large yards, in one of which poultry was kept, and in the
middle of it was a great dunghill. The cells were seven in
number, 6 ft. 7 in. in length, 5 ft. 9 in. in breadth, and 6 ft.
high. In each cell three persons were locked up nightly.
There was a large dungeon, with an iron grated window
looking on the street, in which as many as twenty and
thirty prisoners were confined at a time. There was no
infirmary, nor accommodation for the sick. The women
debtors were lodged over the Pilot-office, in Water Street.
Mr. Howard made strong representations to the authorities
with regard to the disgraceful state of the prison, but
nothing seems to have been done in the way of improve-
ment, except some whitewashing and cleaning. The phil-
anthropist received the freedom of the borough, and was
lionised for his investigations. In 1803, when Mr. Xeild,
another philanthropist, visited the gaol, its condition was
rather worse than better. The whole prison was then filthy
in the extreme, the dirt in some of the passages being three
to four inches thick, while the large dunghill, ducks, poul-
try, etc., shared the courtyard with the herd of male and
female felons and debtors. Spirits and malt liquors were
freely circulated through the prison, without restriction. A
low typhoid fever was constantly prevalent among the
prisoners, and the most shameless extortion and robbery
also prevailed, the strong over-coming and tyrannising over
the weak. The debtors, whose rooms overlooked Prison
Weint, used to hang out bags or gloves by a string, with a
label attached, " Pity the poor debtors." When any money
was placed in the bag, it was drawn up and spent in drink.
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 165
On the 1 2th of March, 1796, died Mrs. Lyons, wife of the
keeper of the gaol, and on the following day Mr. Lyons
died. The two were conveyed to the churchyard of St.
Peter, in two hearses abreast; then followed one mourning
coach, next two coaches abreast, and then two more coaches
abreast. Thousands of persons gathered in the streets to
witness the unusual procession. The cause of death in both
cases was said to be gaol fever.
During the Seven Years' War, the celebrated surgeon,
Harry Parke, then a very young man, attended the French
prisoners in the Tower gaol, and in after years he per-
formed the first operation in conservative surgery, at the
Liverpool Infirmary, on a poor sailor, who was subseqently
able to follow his arduous calling, whereas, if he had fallen
into the hands of an ordinary "sawbones" of the period,
he would have lost a leg, and probably his life. That
pioneer operation conferred countless boons on humanity,
and the name of Harry Parke stands high in the annals of
surgery. In excavating the foundations of the first
Exchange, the remains of a secret subterranean passage
were discovered. It was explored for a considerable dis-
tance, and stated to be a communication between the Tower
and an old house near the White Cross, which stood at the
top of Chapel Street, opposite the end of Old Hall Street.
Although the discipline of the prison was so lax that some
of the French prisoners occasionally made their escape,
it does not appear that they ever discovered this passage,
which reminds us of the one described by G. P. R. James
in his romance of " Heidelberg." Several of the Jacobites
implicated in the Rebellion of 1715 were confined in the
Tower, and four of them were executed at Callow's Mill,
near London Road. In 1788, two men were hung on the
top of the Tower, for a desperate robbery at a house on
Rose-hill. The old Tower continued to be occupied both
by felons and debtors down to July, 1811. It remained
166 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
unoccupied until 1819, when the building was pulled down,
and the materials sold by auction for £200. In the Derby
Museum, William Brown Street, there is a remnant of one
of the old doors of the Tower.
Having formed some idea of the kind of "hospitality"
extended to the French captives in Liverpool, we now turn
our attention to the English prisoners of war in France. On
November 3Oth, 1756, the master of a merchant vessel wrote
from Bayonne, as follows : —
" I am still close confined in this prison, as are all our
masters and men without distinction ; our usage differs nothing
from that of the worst criminals in England, irons only excepted.
No one is permitted to speak to us without the commandant's
leave ; our letters are all opened and read before they are
delivered to us, and we are not allowed to purchase any
provisions or necessaries from the town's people, but must
take every thing from the commandant's mistress, who
charges us at the rate of two shillings for what she buys
in the town for sixpence. The French commanders, who
are prisoners in England, write to their friends in France
that they are close confined there, which is the reason of
our confinement here ; but you informed me in your last
that they were all at liberty at Petersfield and other places
upon their parole of honour, and that two of them, with
a surgeon, had been advertised in the papers for running
away. It is evident that they have no honour at all, or
they would not have deserted, nor have propagated such a
palpable falsehood, which injures us here extremely, for we
humbly conceive we are entitled by the law of nations to
the same good usage here as the French partake of in
England, and as this is a national concern, it ought to be
truly represented. There have been built and fitted out in
this port within these three months, no less than ten pri-
vateers, carrying from 16 to 24 guns upon one deck ; and
if there is not a cartel of exchange settled soon, I am afraid
that many of our common sailors, who are now about 200
prisoners in this castle, will be induced by threats or promises
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 167
to take on in the enemy's service, where they are offered
great encouragement. "
In January, 1759, nine English captains, who had been
prisoners in France, arrived at Plymouth, and their treat-
ment by "the polite nation" was thus described in the
newspapers :—
" Monsieur's behaviour was most barbarous and cruel ; the
most brutal savag-e would have shown more compassion. On
their first entrance on board their ships they stript them of
everything", even to their shirts ; as to the common people
M. Bompart insisted that they should do the same duty as on
board our ships of war ; upon refusal, to undergo the same
discipline and live on bread and water ; but as they did the
ship's duty, they were allowed per day four ounces of salt
meat, and what they call soup, made of horse beans with
common oil. The several captains before mentioned were
treated in the same manner. On their arrival at Brest, they
were all put down in a dungeon 40 feet under ground, and not
permitted fire or candle, though they often petitioned for it,
but to no purpose ; they had straw to lie upon, but were
obliged to pay dear for it. As to the provisions allowed them
per day, it was three ounces of poor beef, such if brought to
our markets would be burnt. Several of the gentlemen have
brought over the allowance with them of every species. They
were indulged with three half pints of sour white wine per day,
but debarred from water, which if sweet, was much better ;
but to do them some justice, they had bread sufficient. What
was most singular is that they were debarred of laying out
their own money, or drawing bills, no person being permitted
to come near them ; in short, by the report that several of the
gentlemen give, they were treated worse than we treat dogs,
of which they highly complained and telling them how the
French prisoners were used in England, they answered ' that
we were afraid to use them otherwise.' At their arrival at
Vannes they were put amongst common felons, who were
condemned to die, in a most nauseous gaol. The case of poor
168 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
Capt. Gordon and his ship's company is a most deplorable
one ; the whole crew perished in the French ship they were
taken in, she being- lost on some rocks near the shore ; the
crew, who were confined in irons, were by the French captain
called English dogs, and told they should perish as such, and
would not suffer a man to let them out. Their behaviour to
Capt. Turner was likewise very cruel, and to the English
prisoners in general, forcing them to enter into their service.
This can never go unnoticed by those in power."
A gentleman who arrived in Liverpool from Dinan, where
he had been confined prisoner of war several months, stated
that on the yth of June, 1758, news arrived there that the
English had landed. All the English prisoners, numbering
1300, were immediately marched from thence up into the
country, in the night time, guarded by a troop of dragoons
and about 500 militiamen. In passing through the villages,
the officers and soldiers of the escort showed the prisoners
to the country people as a parcel of English vagabonds
caught at St. Malo, where they had attempted to land for
the purpose of plundering the country. The prisoners
were compelled to travel 22 hours without any refreshment,
save a little dry bread and small cider at one of the villages.
At the small town of Le Mene they were all driven into a
church, without distinction of rank, and given some hay to
lie on. ''Then a strange thing happened," as the novelists
say. St. Vierge's image fixed up in the church, tumbled
down and broke its valuable neck, upon which some of the
English prisoners were clapped into a dungeon, "the priests
suspecting that! they had done the act ; however, on farther
enquiry, and a full hearing, they were discharged, being
proved innocent." Here, they were joined by upwards of
100 more prisoners from Lorient, and four boys, taken
with some horses belonging to the English train of artillery.
After a rest of two days, they were marched farther — to
Ploermel, "a royal town or city," from whence, after a
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 169
day's stay, they were driven like sheep to Josselin, where
they were all confined in an old palace belonging to the
Duke of Rohan, and it was some days before the officers
among the prisoners had the liberty of boarding in the
town. The usage of the governor who guarded them was
intolerable. Two of the English seamen were killed and
several others wounded during their march. The French,
believing the rumour that the town of St. Malo had been
ransomed for a sum of money, were in a state of consterna-
tion.
Advertisements like the following were common during
war time :— -
" With or without convoy for Jamaica, and will sail in May
from Liverpool, the new ship Nancy, Benjamin Holland, com-
mander, burthen 500 tons ; carries 22 carriage guns of nine and
six-pounders, 10 swivels, and 70 men, and will carry a Letter of
Marque."
The Nancy was ultimately captured by the French on her
voyage to Jamaica. The name of Holland is still associated
with the commerce of Liverpool. Here is another advertise-
ment, which one would suppose, at first sight, reassuring
to poor Jack :—
" Merchants and Commanders of ships may be furnished
with commissions for private ships of war, and Letters of
Marque, on proper security given not to molest any vessel but
of the nation at war with us. Also protections for Seamen,
from being- imprest by any of His Majesty's ships, on the
shortest notice. By G. Parker, in Castle street."
But things were not what they seemed in the sailor's
" Psalm of Life," for we read in the paper of June 2Qth, 1759,
that there had been a very smart press that week, without
any regard either to outward or homeward bound protections.
It was said to be the hottest press throughout the nation
that had been known since the commencement of the war.
170 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
The consequences of taking the best seamen off the merchant-
ships were often most disastrous to the owners, who, how-
ever, had their remedy at law. In an action tried in London
this year, before Chief Justice Willes and a special jury, a
Mr. Nickelson, of Poole, was awarded ,£1,000 damages and
costs, against Captain Fortescue, of the Prince Edward
man-of-war, for impressing the men out of the Thomas
and Elizabeth, from Newfoundland to Poole, in consequence
of which the said ship was lost.
The Austin, Captain Holme, on her passage from Liver-
pool to Barbadoes, was taken and carried into Martinico,
after a running fight of eight hours, by a schooner privateer
of 6 carriage guns and 10 swivels, and a sloop of the same
armament. The Austin was condemned at Martinico, and
her cargo, etc., sold. So great was the demand for guns at
that place, that the only carriage guns she carried (2
three-pounders) were sold for ^100. The French had then
fitted out of Martinico, 74 privateers, the largest mounting
10 guns, and the smallest only two. Some of the owners of
the privateers had entered into an agreement to allow all
English captains taken by their ships two dollars per day
for the first three weeks after being brought into port, and
afterwards to consign them to the king's allowance, which
was very scanty, owing to the dearness of all provisions.
They drew their chief supply from St. Eustatia, from whence
several vessels arrived with Irish provisions, which sold for
20 dollars per barrel. Owing to the number of American
ships captured, Indian corn was so plentiful that the French
would scarcely hire people to land it. After a stay of eight
days at Martinico, Captain Holme was sent up to Barbadoes
in a cartel ship, and returned home passenger in the Merri-
mack.
The Tyger, Captain Burrowes, on the passage from Liver-
pool to Jamaica, re-captured the Speedwell, from Virginia
for London, which had been taken by a Bayonne privateer.
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 171
The prize had on board, 315 hogsheads of tobacco, 7 barrels
and 19 kegs of indigo, 15 tons of pig iron, and 4000 staves.
On January 8th, 1760, the George and Betty, Captain
Edward McGill, from Liverpool for Jamaica, was taken by a
French privateer of 10 guns and 90 men, after a chase of six
hours, and carried into St. Pierre, Martinico.
In the following advertisement we have a description of a
small armed merchantman of the period, the kind of ship
which, when manned by Liverpool seamen, was generally
found to be a very " ugly customer " if interfered with : —
" For Sale by the Candle, at R. Williamson's shop near the
Exchange, in Liverpool. On Monday, March zoth, 1760, the
sale to begin at i o'clock at noon precisely, the Ship Planter ;
burthen about 200 tons, square sterned, Lyon-head, takes the
ground well, mounts two six-pounders on slides in the cabin,
three new four-pounders on deck, four swivels, and is pierced
for 16 carriage guns, being deep waisted with iron stanchions
and double netting fore and aft, and suitable for the African or
American trade ; being 10 feet deep in the hold, 4 feet 9 inches
between decks, from the mainmast forward, and from the main-
mast aft 6 feet 2 inches, with all her materials, 2 new cables,
one new anchor, and all her stores as she arrived lately from
London, and now lies at the upper end of the South Dock.
Inventories to be had of Mr. David Kenyon, merchant, or
Robert Williamson, Broker."
In May, 1760, the old Eagle snow, the oldest ship belong-
ing to the port of Liverpool, was wrecked near the Point of
Ayre, Isle of Man, on her passage to Guadaloupe.
When George the Third ascended the throne in 1760,
Liverpool had surpassed Bristol in tonnage, and had,
therefore, become the second port in the kingdom. In
this year, Samuel Derrick, master of the ceremonies at
Bath, visited the town. Writing to his friend, the Earl of
Cork, he says :—
" When the famous Thurot was in the Channel, this town
expected that he would honour them with a visit, and they
172 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
made good preparation to receive him. The ear of a
bastion was run out at the main dock head ; the walls of the
Old Churchyard, under which he must have passed before he
came abreast of the town, were strengthened with stone
buttresses and mounds of earth ; and the whole furnished
with some very fine eighteen pounders, which were so dis-
posed as fully to command the river. The merchants were
regimented under the command of the Mayor, as colonel,
divided into four independent companies,* uniformly clothed
and armed, each man at his own expense. Besides, Lord
Scarborough and Major Dashwood marched from Manchester,
at the head of the Lincolnshire militia, upon the first notice of
danger, without waiting for orders from above ; so that had
this bold adventurer presented himself, there is no doubt but
he would have been opposed with a true British spirit of
resolution and gallantry."
In another letter, he says :—
" I need not inform your lordship that the principal exports
of Liverpool are all kinds of woollen and worsted goods, with
other manufactures of Manchester and Sheffield and Birming-
ham wares, &c. These they barter on the coast of Guinea for
slaves, gold-dust, and elephants' teeth. The slaves they dis-
pose of at Jamaica, Barbadoes, and the other West India islands,
for rum and sugar, for which they are sure of a quick sale at
home. This port is admirably suited for trade, being almost
central in the Channel, so that, in war time, by coming north-
about, their ships have a good chance of escaping the many
privateers belonging to the enemy, which cruize to the south-
ward. Thus, their insurance being less, they are able to
* In the paper of March I4th, 1760, we read that: — " On Tuesday last Col.
Spencer's (the \layor,) Capt. William Ingrain's, and Capt. John Tarleton's indepen-
dent companies of this town were reviewed by the Right Hon. the Earl of
Scarborough, in Price's (now Cleveland) Square, and went through the manual
exercise, platoon and street firing, etc. The companies were all clothed in their
new uniforms at their own private expense ; the Colonel's company in blue,
lapelled and faced with buff; Capt. Ingrain's in scarlet coats and breeches,
lapelled and faced with green ; green waistcoats, gold laced hats and queue wigs ;
and Captain Tarleton's in blue, with gold vellum button holes ; Capt Thomas
Johnson's company of the train of artillery wear the uniform of the navy, blue and
buff, with gold laced hats."
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 173
undersell their neighbours ; and since I have been here, I
have seen enter the port, in one morning, seven West India
ships, whereof five were not insured."
Whether Liverpool was M. Thurot's object is uncertain,
for on the 28th February, 1760, his "best laid schemes"
were put an end to for ever. On that day his squadron of
frigates was brought to action a few leagues south of the
Isle of Man, by a squadron of English frigates under the
command of Captain Elliott. After a sanguinary battle, in
which the French fought with desperate valour, the whole of
the French frigates were taken. Captain Thurot fell covered
with wounds on his own deck, and nearly 300 of his officers
and men were killed or wounded. By this victory Liverpool
was again rendered perfectly safe, but the volunteers remained
embodied till the close of the war. The threatened attack was
doubtless beneficial to the community, as the emergency
brought out the true men, and aroused to action the finest
qualities of the Briton.* On the very day Thurot was
slain, f the French prisoners confined in the Tower of
Liverpool were marched under a guard of " Invalids" for
Chester Castle. They were brought back on March 6th.
The following interesting account of Thurot's descent
upon Islay was written on the spot, on February igth, 1760,
by Mr. David Simpson, an eye-witness, and forwarded
* When Thurot's expedition was expected, in 1760, it was said that Everton Hill
was alive with people from the town, waiting the free-hooter's approach. A party
of soldiers was then encamped on the hill, and I have been told the men had orders,
on Thurot's appearance, to make signals if by day, and to light up the Beacon if at
night, to communicate the intelligence of the French fleet being off the coast to the
other beacons at Ashurst and Billinge. Rivinjjton Pike and elsewhere, and so spread
the news into the north; while signals would also be taken up at Halton, Beeston,
Wrekin, and thence to the southward. The most perfect arrangements for the
transmission of this intelligence are said to have been made, and I knew an old
man at Everton who told me that he had on that occasion carted several loads of
pitch-barrels and turpentine, and stored them in the upper chamber of the Beacon,
to be ready in case of emergency. He said that during the French war, at the
close of the reign of George II., the Beacon was filled with combustibles, and that
there was a guard always kept therein. — " Recollections of a Nonagenarian."
t Sir James Picton gives the 4th of March as the date of Thurot's death — a curious
mistake, when even Gore's Directory sets forth the true date so conspicuously.
174 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
express to a Liverpool merchant, by the codsmack belonging
to Captain Hutchinson and his partner, Mr. Ward :—
" Saturday last Commodore Thurot, with three French
ships, viz., one of 54 gams, one of 36, and one of 20, came in
here from the westward, and betwixt this island and Cantyre
they were hovering- for five or six hours ; at length came close
to this land and hoisted an Eng-lish ensign, which made us
imagine they wanted a pilot. Your friends Archibald and
Hugh Macdonald went out with a boat and five men, and
brought' them to anchor at the entry of the Sound of Islay, in
Clagin Bay. I was there on Sunday last, where they landed
about 600 men in order to plunder the country, and surrounded
a parcel of cattle belonging to a gentleman of the place, which
they carried off, and they said would be paid for by bill on the
French Ambassador at the Hague. Our sloop lay in a
harbour close by them loaded with kelp bound to Liverpool,
and had 21 bags of flour on board, which Thurot likewise
took away, but did no other prejudice to the vessel. They
have about 1,500 land forces on board, with a great number
of officers, mostly gentlemen, with whom I was in com-
pany. They are almost starved for want of provisions,
being at allowance of four ounces of bread per day. The
land officers and Thurot have disagreed on account of his
coming into these channels, &c., and they want him to proceed
immediately to France. Thurot's vessel the Bellisle is very
leaky. I send you now by the bearer one of the swords they
left on board my sloop, which I suppose is all the payment
Mr. MacDonald and I shall get for our flour. On the sword
is struck the words Volontaire de Bellisle. You'll please to
return it when the bearer comes back this way. Five days
before the French put in here they parted with one of their
comrades off Barrahead, which they imagine is foundered
at sea, or driven into some of the Highland islands. The
Bellisle broke her rudder, which he told me forced him into
these channels. I have been these two days last past ranging
the coast, in hopes of meeting with the cod-smack before, in
order to dispatch her express to England, and having now
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR, 175
met with her, immediately send her, and I hope you and the
rest of the merchants of your place will satisfy the owners of
the cod-smack for their trouble. One of our 50 gun ships
would take Thurot's three vessels, the Bellisle, Blanque, and
Thurot, for they are crowded with men so much, that they are
scarce able to fight their guns ; but Mons. Thurot says that if
he once gets half gunshot from the best ship in England, he
could clear himself by his fast sailing. The season here is
very rough ; but Thurot will go either through St. George's
Channel, or round Ireland, as best suits him, being determined
to execute his original scheme. There are a number of English
and Irish amongst his crew. We have sent an express to
Edinburgh ; however, hope the cod-smack will bring the first
intelligence to you. We are deprived of the use of arms here,
or should have been able to have defended our country from
being plundered. The ships lay close inshore between Mr.
Arthur's head and Ardmore point ; and you may depend on
this relation, as I was eyewitness to the facts here."
We have now arrived at the end of the Seven Years' War,
and naturally pause to ask ourselves if privateering paid?
On this point Sir James Picton observes :—
" It has been sometimes asserted that the merchants of
Liverpool greatly enriched themselves in the last century by
the practice of privateering. At a subsequent period there
were a few exceptional instances of this, but during the Seven
Years' War the results to the Liverpool merchants were most
disastrous. From a list published in July, 1760, it appears
that in four years from the commencement of the war there
had been taken by the French, of vessels belonging t) Liverpool
alone, the number of 143, or 36 in each year. The tonnage is
not given ; but as they were all sea-going vessels, principally
in the West India and American trades, the losses must have
been enormous."
We have searched diligently for the list in question, but
failed to find it. Its discovery would have saved us the
great trouble of compiling an independent list, which
176 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
will be found in the appendix, and which is incomplete,
owing to certain issues of the newspapers being missing.
It tends to confirm the statement referred to by Sir James
Picton as to the number of vessels taken, but he might
have added that probably one-third of the captured ships
were slavers, a fact which added enormously to the losses,
each, slave ship representing three distinct sources of profit
in a single round voyage. But we must bear in mind that
but for the activity of the Liverpool privateers, these
losses would have been greater. Every prize they made
rendered the enemy poorer, and reduced the aggregate loss
to the port. To put an extreme case : if all the merchant
vessels of Liverpool had been captured by the enemy, and a
single Liverpool privateer had been fitted out, sent to sea,
and returned with a single prize of more than her own
value, privateering in that case must have been held to pay,
for without that prize the port would have been the poorer.
Assuming the prize to be an enemy's privateer, the gain
would be even greater, for the destructive power of the
enemy was thereby reduced, and consequently a certain
number of British ships saved from capture by that privateer,
whose guns might at once be turned against the commerce
of the enemy. If the commerce of Liverpool suffered so
heavily during this war, while she had a gallant little fleet
of privateers scouring the seas, harassing the enemy, and
bringing in valuable prizes, how much greater would have
been the losses if the privateers had not been sent out at all !
But those who concede that privateering benefited the town
materially, may contend that it damaged the people morally.
On this head, Sir James Picton, whose moral sentiments are
always admirable, says:—
"The pursuits of the Liverpool Merchants during a great
part of the eighteenth century, will not bear very severe scrutiny
in a moral point of view, taking the standpoint of the present
day. The practice of privateering could not but blunt the
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 177
feelings of humanity of those engaged in it, combining, as
it did the greed of the gambler with the ferocity of the
pirate. War is hateful in any form, but undertaken by
a nation with the discipline and courtesies of a regular
force, it assumes an amount of dignity which hides to
some extent its harsher features ; whilst marauding expedi-
tions undertaken by private parties combine all the evils
without any of the heroism of war; greed is the motive
power, and robbery and murder the means of its gratifica-
tion. Its influence on the community which encourages it
cannot but be deleterious."
With these sentiments theoretically considered, we must
coincide in the words of Artemus Ward, "too true, too true,"
and President Kruger might even endorse the last clause as
a prophetic utterance, but the fact is, the moral condition
of Liverpool in the eighteenth century was such that
privateering, as carried on by Hutchinson and the other
commanders of whom we have spoken, was more likely to
elevate than lower the people. It is clear from the writings
of John Newton, Gilbert Wakefield, Goronwy Owen and
others, that the standard of morality was so low in Liverpool,
that even the introduction of piracy itself into the Mersey,
as a fine art, would not have perceptibly altered the
manners and morals of the masses during the first half of the
eighteenth century ; and Mr. Clarkson's experiences in the
town, at a much later period, prove that there was more
room for improvement than for deterioration. On the
other hand, there were sentiments and qualities evoked and
developed in connection with privateering, that tended to
raise those who had fallen to the lowest depths. To be fired
with enthusiasm, to cruise about the seas in " great spirits,"
replying to the enemy's remarks with " three cheers " and
hot broadsides, to face death manfully "for the honour of
Liverpool," and even for pelf, if not for King and country,
must have done good to many a bankrupt soul and pocket,
M
1 78 THE LI VERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
and could scarcely deteriorate the men who embarked upon
such work —
" As full of peril and adventurous spirit
As to o'er-walk a current roaring- loud
On the unsteadfast footing- of a spear."
As to the moral effect of privateering upon the merchants
themselves, we fail to discern any signs of the greed of the
gambler, or the ferocity of the pirate, in the instructions
given by Mr. Francis Ingram to Captain Haslam — which
instructions, be it remembered, were private, and are now
first made public.* Whatever atrocities may have been
committed by the privateers of other nations, or of other
ports, or by pirates in the name of privateers, we cannot
call to mind a single action committed by any Liverpool
privateer unworthy of its character as a private ship of war
carrying the King's commission.
See Chapter I., pp. 21-30.
179
CHAPTER IV.
PRIVATEERS OF THE AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
DURING the twelve years of peace which intervened between
the Seven Years' War and the first American war, the
commerce and wealth of Liverpool increased more rapidly
than they had ever done before. Liverpool had taken the
lead of all the seaports of the empire in the American and
the African trades, and also possessed a large share in the
trade of the West Indies; the two latter branches of com-
merce being too frequently cemented with the blood of
slaves. As the pressure of the wars with France and the
continental powers fell with greater severity on the com-
merce of London, Hull, and even Bristol, than on that of
Liverpool, owing to their geographical position and their
greater commercial intercourse with Europe, so the com-
mercial ruin caused by the first and second war with
America fell more severely on Liverpool than on any other
port, owing to the extent of its American and West Indian
connections.
The American War of Independence opened a new
chapter in the world's history. The obstinacy and imbecility
of George III., and the despotic instigations of his consort,
Queen Charlotte, forced the descendants of the " Men of the
Mayflower" to teach tyrants for all time the lesson that the
subject as well as the king had a divine right. It was the
privilege of the freedom-loving British colonists in North
America, to fix the attention of the whole civilised world
180 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
upon a maxim which it had taken ages of social misery and
oppression to evolve — "Taxation without Representation is
Tyranny." The world has never ceased to wonder at the
crass stupidity which converted loyal colonists into rebels,
but it is not necessary here to review the causes that led up
to hostilities. Suffice it to say that the first blood in the
fratricidal conflict was spilt at Lexington, in April, 1775.
On the 4th of July, 1776, thirteen of the colonies declared
themselves independent of Great Britain. In 1778, France
acknowledged the independence of America, and declared
war against England. War with Spain commenced on the
i7th of April, 1780, and with Holland on the 2ist of
December, 1780. This desperate and wide spreading contest
with America, France, Spain and Holland, continued to the
year 1783, when Great Britain finding the attempt to subdue
her late colonies hopeless — the people at home being by
this time disgusted with the folly of their rulers — abandoned
the attempt, acknowledged their independence, and made
peace with their allies.
In January, 1775, prior to the affair at Lexington, an
influential meeting of merchants from all parts of the
kingdom trading with America, was held at the King's
Tavern, Cornhill, London, to protest against the violent
proceedings of the government towards the colonists, and
to petition for the repeal of all the acts which interfered
with their friendly relations towards the mother country.
The West India merchants from Liverpool and other towns,
also assembled at the London Tavern for the same purpose,
when strong resolutions were carried by a large majority.
These remonstrances proved fruitless, and we search in
vain for one conciliatory sentence from the British Govern-
ment at this time. Within a month afterwards, 8000 tons
of shipping had to return from America without cargoes,
the blockade not allowing them to land. Whatever the
great body of merchants thought of the turn affairs had
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 181
taken, the wiseacres of the Liverpool Common Council, on
the nth of September, 1775, presented a loyal address to
the King, expressing their "abhorrence of all traitorous and
rebellious disturbers of his Majesty's peace and government,
and hoping that the rebellious Americans might soon be
sensible of their error, and return to an acknowledgment of
the power of the British Legislature " — a very pretty and
appropriate sentiment coming from such a quarter. Liver-
pool soon began to feel the effects of the war. A writer in
the Liverpool General Advertiser, of the 2Qth September,
1775, says — "Our once extensive trade to Africa is at a
stand ; all commerce with America is at an end. Peace,
harmony, and mutual confidence must constitute the balm
that can again restore to health the body politic. Survey
our docks ; count there the gallant ships laid up and useless.
When will they be again refitted? What become of the
sailor, the tradesman, the poor labourer, during the
approaching winter?" London also suffered heavily, for in
November, 1775, it was announced that 600 vessels formerly
employed in the trade with America, were lying idle in the
Thames. As early as February, 1776, only seven vessels
entered at the London Custom House in a whole week ; a
circumstance not known before for 40 years.
In the Autumn of 1775, the Americans began to fit out
privateers at Philadelphia and other ports. In January 1 776,
it was announced that there were American privateers in all
parts of the Atlantic, and very soon they swarmed round
every one of the West India islands. Meanwhile the King's
cruisers were not idle. In the first half of the year 1776, they
captured seventy-two American vessels. Thus the energies
of the two nations were turned to the destruction of commerce
with terrible effect. The foreign trade of Liverpool rapidly
declined, until it sank to a small part of what it had been
before the war. There were at that time 170 American
cruisers at sea. Amongst other prizes, they took 23 valuable
182 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
West Indiamen in the summer of 1776.* In the paper of
September 6th, 1776, we find the following remarkable state-
ment put forth with the evident intention of minimising the
importance of the American successes : —
" As we daily read of many rich vessels taken by the
American privateers, it may not be disagreeable to acquaint the
friends of Old England with two essential circumstances ; first
that some of the rich vessels taken from vis by the rebels have
no existence whatever but in the newspapers ; and secondly,
that the principal part of the rest go out with the professed
view of falling1 into the hands of the enemy. To elucidate this
point we must observe that the Saints are in great distress for
numberless articles which they cannot procure openly from
England, as all commerce with them is prohibited by Parliament,
and punishable as high treason. Under these circumstances,
therefore, directions are privately issued to their adherents in
such of the British ports as are most conveniently situated, to
fit out large ships with the commodities particularly wanted.
This is accordingly done, and the vessels sail to a given latitude
under the plausible pretext of bearing to some well affected part
of America. When they arrive at the given latitude, however,
provincial privateers are in readiness to seize them, and they
strike without a blow, well knowing that their owners are to be
amply indemnified for the utmost loss which they may seemingly
sustain in this imaginary capture."
It is a remarkable fact that during the early part of the
war, while hostilities were confined to the two principal
belligerents — the mother country and her rebellious children
— the merchants of Liverpool did not enter into privateering
with the spirit that had distinguished them in former wars. f
* The Virginia Gazette of June 2ist, 1776, gives the following statement of the
carg es of certain West Indiamen taken by the American privateers, \iz., 22,420
dollars, 187 oz. of plate, 1,052 hogsheads c,f sugar, 213 puncheons of rum, 70 pipes
of old Madeira, 246 l>ags of pimento, 396 \ ags of ginger, 568 hide*, 25 tons of
cocoa, 41 tons of fustic, one cask of tortoise s-hell. The owners of the privateers
aie sfid to have >haied ^5,000 each, and each sailor ^500.
t The British Government appears to have contributed to this remarkable for-
bearance I y its tardiness in issuing Letters of Marque. " In last Tuesday's Gazette"
says the paper of April nth, 1777, "the Lords of the Admiralty give notice that they
are ready to issue commissions to private ships for cruising against the Americans."
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 183
Perhaps they felt reluctant to fight and plunder their former
customers, men of their own race and speech, and in many
cases, most likely, their own personal friends and corre-
spondents ; or they may have considered the game not
worth the candle, the sea-borne commerce of the colonies
being too insignificant to supply remunerative prizes for the
King's cruisers and privateers combined. As soon as the
French and Spaniards joined the Americans, however,
Liverpool enterprise awoke like a giant from a dream, and
put forth its strength as the fathers had done, and on a much
vaster scale, as became the second seaport of the empire.
Once more visions of valuable French East Indiamen, and
treasure-laden argosies of Spain, dazzled the imagination of
those who coveted easily acquired fortunes. The slave
ships were lying idle in the docks, the war having almost
ruined the man traffic, to the great grief and pecuniary loss
of many excellent citizens of Liverpool and their friends —
certain native chiefs on the coast of Africa. Those vessels
that could not be profitably employed in the slave trade were
easily converted into privateers, and so great was the energy
displayed in their equipment, that, between the end of
August, 1778, and April, 1779, no less than 120 private ships
of war were fitted out.* Their total tonnage was 30,787,
carrying 1986 guns, and 8754 men. The largest of these
ships was a frigate of 30 nine-pounders ; that of the
heaviest metal carried 16 eighteen-pounders ; the other
vessels were mostly armed with six and nine-pounders.
The number of men forming the crews varied considerably
in the different vessels, a ship of 250 tons burthen carrying
140 men, while a ship of 1200 or 1400 tons carried only 100
men. "This formidable armament," says Troughton,
" proved a considerable annoyance to the hostile powers,
and captured several French ships from the East and West
* A list of the Liverpool privateers engaged in this war is supplied in the
appendix.
184 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
Indies, of such immense value, as enabled the merchants of
Liverpool not only to restore their credit and extend their
commerce, but to trade upon real capital." Dr. Aikin, in
his description of the country round Manchester, says,
" Liverpool has in different wars distinguished itself by the
spirit with which it has fitted out armed ships for the purpose
of annoying the trade of the enemy. How far this is a
useful spirit to a trading town, and in what degree the prizes
made have exceeded or fallen short of the expenses of the
outfits, we shall not inquire. Some of the prizes taken by
the Liverpool privateers were of very great value ; and their
effect in cutting off the resources of the hostile powers were
very considerable." "The undaunted courage and gallantry
of the crews of both the privateers and armed merchant
vessels of Liverpool," says Brooke, "command our applause,
and on numerous occasions excited the admiration of the
enemy." Sir James Picton, referring to this period,
observes, " there were two blots on the fair fame of Liver-
pool commerce which could not but have a demoralising
tendency on society generally. I allude to privateering and
the slave trade. . . Privateering, though practised to a
considerable extent, was in private hands, and did not come
within the purview of the Corporation, hence there is no
allusion to it in the records." Although it is generally held
that a corporation has neither a soul to be lost nor a
corporeal presence sufficiently tangible and "get-at-able" to
receive castigation, one feels that it would have been morally
to its advantage if the Corporation had had more to do with
privateering and less with slave trading.
The following description of the launching of the Mary
Ellen, a ship which played the double part of slaver and
privateer, is from the pen of " A Nonagenarian " : —
" My father was owner and commander of the Mary Ellen.
She was launched on the 4th of June, my birthday, and also
the anniversary of our revered sovereign, George III. We
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 185
used to keep his majesty's birthday in great style. The bells
were set ringing, cannon fired, colours waved in the wind, and
all the schools had holiday. We don't love the Gracious
Lady who presides over our destinies less than we did her
august grandfather, but I am sure we do not keep her
birthday as we did his. The Mary Ellen was launched on
the 4th of June, 1775. She was named after and by my
mother. The launch of this ship is about the first thing I can
remember. The day's proceedings are indelibly fixed upon my
memory. We went down to the place where the ship was
built, accompanied by our friends. We made quite a little
procession, headed by a drum and fife. My father and mother
walked first, leading me by the hand. I had new clothes on,
and I firmly believed that the joy bells were ringing solely
because our ship was to be launched. The Mary Ellen was
launched from a piece of open ground just beyond the present
Salthouse Dock, then called 'the South Dock.' I suppose
the exact place would be somewhere about the middle of the
present King's Dock. The bank on which the ship was built
sloped down to the river. There was a slight boarding round
her. There were several other ships and smaller vessels
building near her ; amongst others, a frigate which afterwards
did great damage to the enemy during the French war. The
g-overnment frequently gave orders for ships to be built at
Liverpool. The view up the river was very fine. There were
few houses to be seen southward. The mills on the Aigburth
road were the principal objects.
"It was a pretty sight to see the Mary Ellen launched.
There were crowds of people present, for my father was well-
known and very popular. When the ship moved off there was
a great cheer raised. I was so excited at the great ' splash '
which was made, that I cried, and was for a time inconsolable,
because they would not launch the ship again, so that I might
witness another great ' splash.' I can, in my mind's eye, see
the ' splash ' of the Mary Ellen even now. I really believe the
displacement of the water on that occasion opened the doors
of observation in my mind. After the launch there was great
186 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
festivity and hilarity. I believe I made myself very ill with the
quantity of fruit and g-ood thing's I became possessed of.
While the Mary Ellen was fitting- up for sea, I was often
taken on board. In her hold were long- shelves, with ring
bolts in rows in several places. I used to run along- these
shelves little thinking- what dreadful scenes would be enacted
upon them. The fact is that the Mary Ellen was destined
for the African trade, in which she made many very suc-
cessful voyag-es. In 1779, however, she was converted
into a privateer. My father, at the present time, would
not perhaps be thoug-ht very respectable ; but I assure
you he was so considered in those days. So many people
in Liverpool were, to use an old and trite sea phrase, ' tarred
with the same brush,' that these occupations were scarcely,
indeed were not at all, regarded as derogatory to a man's
character. In fact, during the privateering time, there was
scarcely a man, woman, or child in Liverpool, of any standing,
that did not hold a share in one of these ships. Although a
slave captain, and afterwards a privateer, my father was a
kind and just man — a good father, husband, and friend. His
purse and advice were always ready to help and save, and he
was, consequently, much respected by the merchants with
whom he had intercourse. I have been told that he was quite
a different man at sea, that there he was harsh, unbending,
and stern, but still just. How he used to rule the turbulent
spirits of his crews I don't know, but certain it is that he
never wanted men when other Liverpool shipowners were short
of hands. Many of his seamen sailed voyage after voyage
with him. It was these old hands that were attached to him
who I suspect kept the others in subjection. The men used to
make much of me. They made me little sea toys, and always
brought my mother and myself presents from Africa, such as
parrots, monkeys, shells, and articles of the natives' work-
manship. I recollect very well, after the Mary Ellen had been
converted into a privateer, that, on her return from a successful
West Indian cruise, the mate of the ship, a great big fellow,
named Blake, and who was one of the roughest and most
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 187
ungainly men ever seen, would insist upon my mother accepting
a beautiful chain, of Indian workmanship, to which was
attached the miniature of a very lovely woman. I doubt the
rascal did not come by it very honestly, neither was a costly
bracelet that one of my father's best hands (once a Northwich
salt-flatman) brought home for my baby sister. This man
would insist upon putting it on the baby somewhere, in spite
of all my mother and the nurse could say ; so, as its thigh xvas
the nearest approach to the bracelet in size of any of its little
limbs, there the bracelet was clasped. It fitted tightly and
baby evidently did not approve of the ornament. My mother
took it off when the man left. I have it now. This man used
to tell queer stories about the salt trade, and the fortunes
made therein, and how they used to land salt on stormy and
dark nights on the Cheshire or Lancashire borders, or into
boats alongside, substituting the same weight of water as the
salt taken out, so that the cargo should pass muster at the
Liverpool Custom House. The duty was payable at the works,
and the cargo was re-weighed in Liverpool. If found over-
weight the merchant had to pay extra duty ; and if short
weight, he had to make up the deficiency in salt. The trade
required a large capital and was therefore in few hands. One
house is known to have paid as much as ^30,000 for duty in
six weeks. . . . To return to the launch. After the
feasting was over, my father treated our friends to the White
House and Ranelagh Tea Gardens, which stood at the top of
Ranelagh-St. The gardens extended a long way back.
Warren-St. is formed out of them.
" As a young boy and an old man I have seen my native
town under two very diverse aspects. As a boy, I have
seen it ranked only as a third-rate seaport. Its streets
tortuous and narrow, with pavements in the middle, skirted
by mud or dirt as the season happened. The sidewalks
rough with sharp-pointed stones, that made it misery to walk
upon them. I have seen houses, with little low rooms,
suffice for the dwelling of the merchant or well-to-do trader
—the first being content to live in Water-St. or Oldhall-
188 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
St., while the latter had no idea of leaving- his little shop,
with its bay or square window, to take care of itself at nig-ht.
I have seen Liverpool streets with scarcely a coach or vehicle
in them, save such as trade required, and the most enlightened
of its inhabitants, at that time, could not boast of much
intelligence, while those who constituted its lower orders were
plunged in the deepest vice, ignorance, and brutality.
" But we should not judge too harshly of those who have
gone before us. Of the sea savouring greatly were the friends
and acquaintances of my youth. Scarcely a town by the
margin of the ocean could be more salt in its people than the
men of Liverpool of the last century ; so barbarous were they
in their amusements, bullbaitings, and cock and dog fightings,
and pugilistic encounters. What could we expect when we
opened no book to the young, and employed no means of
imparting knowledge to the old ? — deriving our prosperity
from two great sources — the slave trade and privateering.
What could we expect but the results we have witnessed ?
Swarming with sailormen flushed with prize money, was it
not likely that the inhabitants generally would take a tone
from what they daily beheld and quietly countenanced ? Have
we not seen the father investing small sums in some gallant
ship fitting out for the West Indies or the Spanish Main in the
names of each of his children, girls and boys ? Was it not
natural that they should go down to the " Old Dock" or the
" Salthouse," or the ".New Dock" and there be gratified with
a sight of a ship of which they — little folks as they were — were
still part owners ? We took them on deck and showed them
where a bloody battle had been fought — on the very deck and
spot on which their little feet pattered about. And did we not
show them the very guns, and the muskets, the pistols and the
cutlasses, the shot-lockers and magazines, and tell them how
the lad, scrubbing a brass kettle in the caboose, had been
occupied as a powder-monkey and seen blood shed in earnest ?
And did we not moreover tell them that if the forthcoming
voyage was only successful, and if the ships of the enemy were
taken — no matter about the streams of blood that might run
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 189
through the scuppers — how their little ventures would be raised
in value many hundred-fold — would not young- imaginations be
excited and the greed for gain be potent in their young hearts ?
No matter what woman might be widowed — parent made
childless, or child left without protector — if the gallant privateer
was successful that was all they were taught to look for. And
must not such teaching1 have had effect in after life ? I have
seen these thing's, and know them to be true ; but I have seen
them, I am glad to say, fade away, while other and better
prospects have, step by step, presented themselves to view.
"As a man I have seen the old narrow streets widening—
the old houses crumbling — and the salty savouring of society
evaporate and the sea influence recede before improvement,
education and enlightenment of all sorts. Step by step has
that sea element in my townsmen declined. The three-bottle
and punch-drinking man is the exception now, and not the rule
of the table."*
In November, 1776, the merchants of Liverpool gave
public notice that they would discourage the future em-
ployment of any persons, who, being masters of vessels,
should separate from their respective convoys, or otherwise
wilfully disobey the orders received from the commanders
thereof. In the same month, the Corporation, to avert the
inconveniences and hardships which the impress brought
on the freemen and other inhabitants of the town, and also
to the trade, business, and commerce thereof; and at the
same time to assist Government in manning his Majesty's
ships, offered a bounty of two guineas to every able seaman
volunteering to enter the navy, and to every volunteer
ordinary seaman a bounty of one guinea, over and above
the King's bounty. A committee of the Town Council sat
in the Mayor's office, within the Exchange, to examine and
enter such volunteers.
Captain Wilson, of the Union, on his passage was
boarded by an American privateer, of 10 six-pounders, and
* " Recollections of a Nonagenarian," by the late Mr. James Stonehouse.
190 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
103 men, called the Salty, Captain Munro, of Rhode Island,
who took out his cargo of ivory, and Malageta pepper,
clearances, etc., and all the letters. The privateer had just
taken a ship from Bristol, and another from London, and
put on board the Union 24 prisoners, and some provisions.
Two days later, the Union was boarded by another priva-
teer of six guns and 34 men, commanded by Captain Field,
of Rhode Island, and again by a third privateer, called the
Cabot, belonging to the Congress, of 14 guns and 130 men,
commanded by Captain Hinman, who searched the Union
and ordered her to stand to the N.W., which they did until
a fleet of ships came in sight, when one of them gave chase
to the privateer. The Cabot subsequently captured the
brig Watson, Captain Brison, from Jamaica for Liverpool,
which had on board the owner, Mr. James Bier, a man of
resolution and resource. The following letter written by
him from Dundalk, on December 3rd, 1776, tells how he
got his own again :—
"On the 2nd of October, in lat. 41, long. 45, I was taken
by an American man-of-war (as they call themselves) called
the Cabot, a brig" of 14 guns, commanded by Captain Elisha
Hinman, who had just before taken five large vessels. 1 was
carried on board the privateer, where I applied to the Captain
for leave to continue on board my own vessel, which he
positively refused ; however, after some conversation about
privateering, he consulted his officers, and then told me I
might go on board ; this gave me great pleasure. Had he
kept me, I should have taken their man-of-war, they having
only about 40 of their own people, and upwards of 80
prisoners. They took all my men, except the captain, one
boy, and a passenger, putting eight of their own people on
board. We were to proceed to New London or Rhode
Island. In about three weeks we got into soundings off
Boston, but that night I had determined to re-take her, having
brought over to my party two of their people, by promising
them ;£ioo. Accordingly, at 8 o'clock, they sent me a pistol
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 191
by the boy, on which I immediately jumped upon deck, clap'd
it to the prize-master's breast, and demanded him to surrender
the vessel, which he instantly complied with, at the same time
the captain and boy secured the lieutenant of marines in the
cabin. We then secured the hatches, till I got all the arms,
which compleated the business. I bore away for Halifax, but
the wind being" fair, stood on for Newfoundland. The wind
still continuing favourable, stood on for Ireland, where I struck
soundings in 27 days. We had but two barrels of beef and
three of bread when I bore away, but fortunately had two
turtles about 600 Ib. weight, which served us three weeks. We
ran in here in a hard gale of wind, where we lie in safety,
having (thank God) received no damage, except one boat
washed overboard, with studden-sails and some spare ropes.
Our fire and candles were intirely exhausted. I hope this will
be agreeable news, and remain &c., J. B."
The following are copies of the commission granted by
Admiral Hopkins, the American naval commander-in-chief,
to Captain Hinman, and of the latter's orders to the prize-
master put on board the Watson : —
" By the power given me by the Delegates of the United
Colonies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts-bay, Rhode Island,
Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pensylvania, the counties
of Newcastle, Kent, and Sussex, on Delaware, Maryland,
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia,
"To ELISHA HINMAN, Esquire,
I, reposing especial trust and confidence in your patriotism,
valour, conduct, and fidelity, do by these presents constitute
and appoint you to be first Lieutenant of the armed ships in
the service of the Thirteen United Colonies of North America,
fitted out for the defence of American Liberty, and for repelling
every hostile invasion thereof. You are therefore, carefully
and diligently to discharge the duty of First Lieutenant, by-
doing and performing all manner of things thereunto belong-
ing. And I do hereby strictly charge and require all officers,
mariners, and seamen, under your command, to be obedient to
192 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
your orders as First Lieutenant. And you are to observe and
follow such orders and directions, from time to time, as you
shall receive from the Congress of the United Colonies,
or Committee of Congress for that purpose appointed, or
Commander in Chief, for the time being-, of the navy of the
United Colonies, or any other your superior officer, according-
to the rules and discipline of war, the usage of the sea, and the
instructions herewith given you, in pursuance of the trust
reposed in you. This Commission to continue in force until
revoked by the Congress.
" Ship Alfred, Sept. 29, 1776.
"Signed EZEK. HOPKINS, Commander in Chief.
"The above is a true copy of the commission given me,
from under my hand 2d Oct., 1776.
" ELISHA HIXMAN.
" N.B. Since I received my commission, I received orders
from the Commander in Chief to take command of the Cabot.
" SIR, — You are to take charg-e or command of the brig-
Watson, Francis Brison, master, from Jamaica, bound Liver-
pool, and proceed with her to New London, Rhode Island, or
any convenient port in North America. On your arrival apply
to the continental agent; at same time advise Admiral Hopkins
of your safe arrival. — On board the Cabot, in latitude 40.36 N.
longitude 43.30 W. Oct. 3rd, 1776.
"ELISHA HINMAN."
The ship, Leghorn Galley, Captain Alexander M'Daniel,
belonging to Mr. Thomas Earle, was taken on her passage
from Liverpool to Jamaica, by an American privateer and
carried into Philadelphia. About the end of the year 1772,
Mr. Thomas Earle established a line of packets, sailing at
regular times from Liverpool to Leghorn, hence probably
the name of the vessel. This was the first line of foreign
packets established in Liverpool. Captain M'Daniel wrote
the following letter to Mr. Earle, from Nantz, on December
, 1776 :—
" I have nothing new to acquaint you with from Philadel-
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 193
phia, since the taking- of New York, which you no doubt have
heard of, only that a decisive battle was expected to be fought
when we left Philadelphia. Here is the Enterprise, Capt.
Weeks, at this place, belonging- to the Congress, mounting
16 six-pounders, 24 swivels, and 130 men. She brought over
Dr. Franklin, one of the Congress, who is gone to the court of
Versailles. She took a brig belonging to Cork from Bordeaux,
one Cod master, and a brig from Rochelle bound to Hull, one
Fetchett master, about fifteen leagues from this place, and has
sold both vessels and cargoes to the French. Here is also a
privateer belonging to Charles Town, South Carolina, com-
manded by one Cockran, mounting 12 four-pounders, and 80
men, besides four other vessels belonging to the Congress, all
taking in naval and military stores, and are arming them all."
It is worth noting here, that Dr. Franklin has left upon
record some very severe and disrespectful remarks, regard-
ing the picturesque and patriotic profession of privateering,
in which we — and it is hoped the reader — are at present
highly interested, but we are, on the other hand, morally
fortified by the equally vigorous utterance of another dis-
tinguished American statesman — Jefferson, who held that
privateering is a national blessing, when a country like
America is at war with a commercial nation.
In November, 1776, the ship Sam, Captain Richardson,
on her passage from Barbadoes for Liverpool, with about
20,000 dollars, and 52 cwt. of ivory on board, was taken in
latitude 20°, by the Independence privateer, of 10 guns and
45 men, John Young, commander, belonging to the Con-
gress. The ship was sent away to Philadelphia, with the
ivory and silver ; the captain and boatswain were landed at
St. Pierre's, Martinico ; the doctor, mate, and two servants,
and four of the crew were left on board the Sam, and all the
rest of the hands entered on board the privateer. " If the
French Governors suffer prize cargoes, without condemna-
tion, to be landed in their islands," observes a Barbadoes
N
194 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
correspondent, "our trade must most certainly be quite
ruined very soon."
The manners of the lower orders in Liverpool at this
period, are exemplified in the following incident. "Tuesday
afternoon," says the paper of January zyth, 1777, "some
riotous people assembled before a house in Frederick Street,
and dragged from thence a poor woman, whom they stripped
and inhumanly ducked a number of times in the dock, and
otherwise ill-treated, so that she now lies very ill at the
Infirmary. Proper steps are taking to discover and punish
the offenders. Their resentment was owing to her having
given information to the press-gang against a sailor, who
had lately married her in the north, had brought her here,
where he had a former wife, and refused to give her two
shillings to carry her home again." A subscription was
raised on her behalf in the town.
During the scare caused by the incendiary, John the
Painter, in January, 1777, "at a very great and most
respectable meeting of the mayor, magistrates, merchants,
and traders," held in Liverpool, it was resolved that a strong
and efficient watch be set every night from five o'clock in
the evening, till seven o'clock in the morning, to patrol round
the docks and through the town. Owners, masters, and
others interested, were recommended to have their ships
carefully watched, the persons in charge not to be allowed
any candle-light or fires aboard during their watch. A
committee was appointed to enforce the recommendations,
and a great number of gentlemen voluntarily offered them-
selves to be upon guard, by rotation, each night. Many
special constables were sworn, and the magistrates ordered
all disorderly, idle and suspected persons having no visible
means of getting their livelihood, to be taken up. A strict
lookout was kept on all loitering persons being in or coming
into the town, and the inhabitants who had lodgers whom
they eyed with suspicion, were invited to impart those
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 195
suspicions to the authorities — an excellent opportunity to
settle old scores. The committee met daily in the Council
chamber to receive the report of the preceding night's
watch, and a justice of the peace was at hand to deal with
offenders. "All riotous, disorderly, and idle persons,"
says the official order, "are hereby cautioned to forbear
their wicked courses, and to be early in their houses or
places of abode at nights ; and all strangers are desired to
keep in their inns in due time, and not be strolling about
the town at unseasonable hours, to prevent the inconvenience
of being taken up by the constables on the watch, the mayor
and magistrates being determined rigorously to put the
laws in force against all offenders. And the gentlemen,
merchants, traders, and inhabitants in general of this great
commercial town and port will heartily concur, and dili-
gently assist in their guard, care, and watching for the
safety and preservation thereof." Circumstances over which
he had no control prevented John the Painter from visiting
Liverpool and firing its shipping, and in the paper of
March 28th, his ghost is made to sing a doleful warning to
other "poor, deluded, guilty souls," to behold their fate in
him.
"On the 2Oth instant," says a letter from Barbadoes, dated
the 25th January, 1777, "the Thomas, Captain Collison, and
the Sarah, Captain Frith, both from Liverpool, fell in with
a 10 gun sloop, which soon boarded, and, sword in hand,
took the former; she and the prize then fired upon the latter
ship, which by having the heels of them, got off, but she
had the misfortune of being attacked again in the morning
of the 22nd inst, near the land, by a schooner of considerable
force, with which she had a long and smart action. The
enemy attempted sundry times to board her, but were
prevented by booms rigged out on each side of the Sarah,
whose mainmast has a six-pounder through it, the sails,
blocks, and rigging all cut to pieces, and his chief mate
196 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
wounded in the arm. He, poor gentleman, received two
musquet balls in his body, and though all imaginable care
was taken of him, immediately on his arrival in Carlisle-
bay, last Wednesday evening, he died the night before last,
and was buried yesterday morning. The engagement was
seen from the shore, and it is allowed that poor Frith
behaved gallantly. At the bottom of the invitations to his
funeral were these words —
* " Dulce et Decorum pro Patria Mori. "
"The people on board the Sarah imagine they dropped
the Captain of the schooner, and several of the crew, who
appeared to them to be chiefly French, Mulattoes, and
Negroes. The privateer was a good deal shattered in her
sails and rigging, and received several shots in her hull.
Several of the Independent Gentry are cruising to the east-
ward of this island, and some of them well fortified and
manned. One Fish, a Salem man, in the brig Tyrannicide,
of 14 guns and 120 men, has been very successful; the last
he took, that we know of, was a brig called the Three Friends,
one Helme, commander, from London, with a valuable
cargo of dry goods and provisions. Said capture was last
Saturday. The long boat was given to six of the hands,
who arrived here that afternoon, and reported that their
Captain and mate entered on board the privateer, carrying
with them a sum of money and upwards of 2000 letters for
this place. Such swarms of them are to the windward that
'tis to be feared they will do much mischief."
Mr. James Barton, second mate of the Thomas, writing
to his owners in Liverpool, from Newport, Rhode Island,
on February 23rd, 1777, says :—
" I suppose by this time you may have heard of our being-
taken ; but as it is uncertain, I shall just mention a few
particulars, and leave the rest to a superior officer. Suffice it,
therefore, to say, that on the 2ist of January last, in lat. 14 N.
* It is sweet and glorious to die for one's country.
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE, 197
and long-it. 56 W. from London, we were met with, engaged,
and took by an American Privateer, called the Revenge, whereof
Joseph Sheffield was the commander, after having two of our
people killed, and the Captain, Mr. Harper, and the Boatswain
wounded.
"Most of the crew, along with myself, were immediately
put on board the privateer ; but on the 23rd of January we fell
in with a French ship bound to Martinico, whom the privateer
obliged to take immediately on board her our Captain, Chief
Mate, and all the crew (excepting the Boatswain, who was
very ill wounded, a boy and myself, whom they detained and
would not suffer to quit the ship). We parted from the French
ship the same day, and stood for America with the privateer
in company. We had very bad weather after leaving the
privateer, and on the i4th of February made land, which
proved to be Rhode Island, and not having heard it was
taken, we stood in for the harbour, which we were very near,
when the privateer, our consort, ahead saw a sail and imme-
diately crowded all he could and stood from her ; we followed
his example, but it blowing very fresh at N.W. in about two
hours the sail came alongside of us, which proved to be his
Majesty's ship Unicorn, of 20 guns, commanded by John Ford,
Esq., who took all the prisoners on board his own ship, and
sent two officers and twelve of his men on board of us to take
charge of the vessel. We then stood for Newport with the
Unicorn in company with us till morning, when she left us and
went in chase of a sloop, and on the i6th of February we got
safely to anchor in the harbour. The privateer took all our
letters and papers from on board us. As soon as we arrived
here I put the Boatswain on shore, intending to get him into
the King's Hospital, which I was advised not to do by the
doctor, as he had no disorder but his wounds, and that if he
went there he might contract some distemper that would
retard his cure. I have since procured him private lodgings
and believe his leg will be amputated in a few days.
" Captain Wise and his boy, who were taken by the same
privateer in her last cruize, are on board, and I believe they
198 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
will come home with us. When our ship was taken we had
very little water, and the privateer was in the same case ; they
therefore thought proper to unstow our hold, and take our
wine, upwards of 180 firkins of butter, two hogsheads of bread,
two barrels of flour, four barrels of pork, a few bags of barley,
pease, &c. , five or six barrels of gunpowder, some small arms
and sundry other articles on board of them, for fear of our
vessel being retaken."
In 1779, the Thomas, Captain Barton, and the Sarali,
Captain Hooton, took a prize on their passage to Grenada.
The Sarah was subsequently lost at Anguilla. The Thomas
also captured a schooner laden with tobacco, and sent her
into St. Kitts.
A letter from Waterford, dated May ist, says: "We
have a certain account of five rebel privateers off Cape
Clear and Kinsale, waiting, it is imagined, for the New-
foundland fleet from hence, and transports from Cork.
The convoy is only a sloop of 14 guns. They take our
ships in our channel. Two of this port are taken. Where
it will end I know not." In the same month it was cal-
culated that the value of the West India ships that had
fallen into the hands of the Americans was upwards of
,£400,000 sterling. The following was given as " a perfect
list of the naval force belonging to the Congress," exclusive
of which there were upwards of 100 sail of privateers : —
SHIPS. GUNS. COMMANDERS.
The Virginia 28 James Nicholson.
Hancock 32 John Manly.
Boston 24 Hector M'Neal.
Tnimbull 28 Dudley Saltonstall.
Randolph 32 Nicholas Biddle.
Rainleigh 32 John Thompson.
Effingham 28 John Berry.
Washington 32 Thomas Reed.
Congress 28 Thomas Guinall.
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
199
COMMANDERS.
Charles Alexander
Lambert Weeks.
Abram Whipple.
John Hicks.
John Hodg-e.
John Hallock.
Hoysted Hacker.
Isaiah Robinson.
John Paul Jones.
James Josiah.
Elisha Hinman.
Joshua Olney.
James Robinson.
John Young1.
Elisha Warner.
Cook.
Lieut. Baldwin.
Lieut. Abberton.
In June, 1777, the Marlborough, Captain Dawson, on her
passage to New York, took the Three Brothers, Bentley,
from South Carolina, with rice, staves, and indigo, and sent
her to Liverpool. The night before they made Cape Clear,
Captain Bentley attempted to kill the prize-master, but was
prevented by the vigilance of the cabin boy. In 1778,
Captain Dawson brought into the Mersey a brig from
Boston, laden with boards, cider, etc., which he had taken
on his passage from Philadelphia. The Marlborough was
captured and carried into Bordeaux in August, 1780.
His Majesty's ship, Ariadne, took the Musquito privateer,
16 guns and 72 men, commanded by Captain Harris, and
fitted out in Virginia, by Captain Younghusband, formerly
of Liverpool. The Mary Ann, Captain Leigh, of Liverpool,
and her consort, a sloop, captured thirteen prizes, valued at
upwards of ,£10,000, and carried them into Tortola. The
Mary Ann, on her homeward passage, was lost on the
SHIPS.
GUNS
Delaware
24
Reprisal
16
Providence
28
Warren
o o
^^
Montgomery
24
Lexington
16
Hampden
24
Andre Doria
14
Providence
12
Defence
20
Alfred
28
Cabot
16
Sachem
10
Independence
10
Fly
IO
Columbus
—
Wasp
8
Musqueto
4
200 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
Tuskar, but all the crew were saved, as well as the indigo
portion of her cargo. The Hero, Captain Woodville, a
Letter of Marque, 16 guns, took a double-decked schooner,
150 tons, with boards, staves, etc., in the West Indies, and
the Valiant, Captain Naylor, took an American sloop, with
lumber, etc., from Boston. The Laurel, Captain White,
on her passage from Dominica, took a schooner bound from
Bilbao to Philadelphia, with bale goods.
Captain Wm. Buddecome, of Liverpool, was presented
with a silver cup, value ;£i8, by the merchants and masters
of 18 vessels belonging to New York, for his care in con-
voying their fleet between the West Indies and New York,
after the Falcon sloop of war had separated from them.
Captain George Ross, of London, was also presented with
a silver cup, value ^12, for assisting Captain Buddecome.
Letters from Dumfries mentioned that two American
privateers had anchored in the Solway Frith. One letter
says they had taken 14 prizes; another 9; another account
stated that two American vessels had appeared off Kintyre ;
that they had made 15 prizes, three of which they burnt, and
sent the rest to some port in France. A letter from Jersey
complained that the American privateers grew daily bolder,
having the effrontery to cruise even between Jersey and
Guernsey. The largest of them were only 10 gun vessels,
and on being pursued, they immediately made for St. Malo.
The following curious extract is from a letter received by
a Liverpool merchant from St. Vincent, and dated May
5th, 1777:-
" I had the pleasure of writing- to you a few days since by
the Bess, which ship we are in hopes is got clear of the islands,
as we find she has not been carried into that infernal place
Martinique, the nest of damned piratical scoundrels. The
great frigate, Oliver- Cromwell, took three prizes in last week,
one a Guineaman with 300 slaves, one a ship from London ;
have not yet heard what Guineaman she is, nor what the other
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 201
vessel is. The ship Champion, belonging- to Bristol, is taken
at Tobago ; she was going- from one bay to another, and had
150 hogsheads sug-ar, and 2.2 bales of cotton on board. They
are now discharging- her at St. Lucia. We do not find that
the Americans are so much protected any where as at Mar-
tinique and St. Lucia, which is under the same government.
Was their trade and communication cut off there, which two
frigates would in a measure do, no step the ministry could
take would distress them more ; it is from thence they are
supplied with every thing they stand in need of, not only arms
and ammunition, but men. A great many experienced officers
are gone to the continent ; and we have numbers of privateers
that are manned with French ; some have only an American,
and that perhaps a landsman, just to cloak their piratical
proceedings. It is said (and I believe founded on truth) that
Mons. le Compte D'Argout, present governor of Martinique, is
concerned with Bingham, the agent to the Congress, in nine
privateers. There are now about 20 sail of English ships in
Martinique. Negroes are cheaper there than in Africa, and
provisions than in Ireland."
The Sisters, Captain Graham, a Liverpool slave ship,
was taken on her passage from Africa to the West Indies,
and carried into Martinico with 163 slaves on board. The
Lydia, Captain Dean, from Jamaica to Liverpool, was
taken, and sold in Maryland, with the cargo, for ,£20,400
currency. The Grace, Captain Wardley, taken by the
Lexington privateer in the Irish Channel, was ordered to
France, but was recaptured by the prize master and some of
the people on board, carried into Torbay, and thence to
Liverpool. On the 2nd of June, 1777, the Elizabeth, Captain
Byrne, on her passage from Liverpool to Jamaica, fell in
with the Fly, an American sloop privateer, of 14 guns and
104 men, whom she fought for an hour and-a-half, when
the American ran alongside and boarded the Elizabeth,
sword in hand. The captain and crew of the Elizabeth
were cut and mangled in a shocking manner; three of them
202 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
were killed and thirteen wounded. The Johnson, Captain
Jones, from Liverpool to New York, made a gallant fight
of three hours against three American vessels (a brig of 14
guns, and two schooners of 10 and 12 guns), but in the end
was forced to accompany his captors to Boston. The
Johnson, re-named the Marquis de la Fayette, was subse-
quently captured by Sir George Collier.
Although all is said to be fair in love and in war, we
cannot but feel that the inducements offered to American
sailors by the British government, for the treacherous
capture of American ships, were unworthy of the British
name. In Williamson's Advertiser, of July i8th, 1777, we
read as follows : —
' ' As his Majesty has declared that the sailors on board the
American ships, who shall take the same from the person or
persons having- the command thereof, and bring- them into any
English ports, shall have two-thirds of what such ships and
cargoes shall be sold for (and for three years be exempted
from being impressed), it is apprehended that when the same
shall be properly known among the sailors, it will be the means
of bringing many a valuable ship and cargo into England,
which would otherwise go to the French ports."
That this bait was intended for American sailors, as well
as for British seamen in the rebel service, is very clearly
seen from a case which happened in Liverpool earlier in
the same year. In January, there entered the Mersey, "in
the presence of thousands of rejoicing spectators," the ship
Oxford, from York River, in Virginia, laden with 412
hogsheads of tobacco and staves. She had been captured
on Sunday, the nth of January, on her passage to Nantz,
by four of the ship's company, who overcame the rest of
the crew, eight in number, besides the supercargo and a
passenger. It appears that these "four resolute, brave
men, two of whom were Liverpool and the other two
Lancashire lads," had, in conjunction with others of their
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 203
comrades, who were put on board other vessels, combined
together in Virginia to attempt, on their passage, to take
the respective vessels they belonged to. " These brave
sailors," observes the paper of January 23rd, " say that a
brig loaded with tobacco, from the same place, with some
men, part of their association, may be daily expected to
arrive here. The Oxford originally belonged to Glasgow,
and was in the transport service when took by the Americans.
As this vessel was not taken by the officers and seamen of
his Majesty's ships of war, she becomes, by virtue of an
Act of the last session, and also the cargo, forfeited to his
Majesty, who will, no doubt, reward the brave captors with
the whole, or the greatest part of this valuable prize; which
it is hoped will encourage all seamen, that may be engaged
in the Rebel Service, to imitate these brave fellows."
Another ship called the Aurora, was captured under
similar circumstances. She had sailed from America for
Nantz, with about 416 hogsheads of tobacco from York
River, and was manned by Americans, Frenchmen, and
four or five Englishmen. On the passage the Englishmen
contrived to make prisoners the captain and the rest of the
crew, when, putting her head to the wind, they brought the
vessel safely into the Mersey. She was condemned as a
droit of Admiralty, and the tobacco was sold "duty free
and for inland consumption only " at Messrs. Backhouse's
warehouse in Church Street.
"The Lords of the Admiralty," says the paper of July 4th,
1777, "have rewarded the brave seamen who took and
brought in here the Aurora, loaded with tobacco, in January
last, with two-thirds of the cargo, which will be to each
of the eight English seamen, who made the seizure,
^1828 2S. gd., and to each of the five American seamen,
who assisted to bring the ship into this port, ,£914 is.
* From this it would appear that Sir James Picton, in his "Memorials of Liver-
pool," and the compiler of the "Annals of Liverpool " in Gore's Directory, are
204 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
The names of the five Americans were Jesse Jenkinson,
Jesse Topping, Gilbert Welsh, Joseph Walker, and Hugh
Johnson. On their arrival here, they were impressed on
board his Majesty's tender; but, on their applying to the
Admiralty, they will, without doubt, each receive their
respective shares."
Something of a similar nature occurred in 1862, when a
ship called the Emilie St. Pierre arrived in the Mersey,
commanded by Captain Wilson, who had recaptured her
from a Federal American prize crew. Sir James Picton,
referring to a certain villa in Everton Terrace, built by Mr.
James Parke about the beginning of the present century,
and occupied by him for many years, says, "its last
occupant, Captain William Wilson, was rather a noticeable
man. In 1862, when in command of the Emilie St. Pierre,
he endeavoured to run the blockade into Charleston, South
Carolina, but was intercepted and captured by the Federal
war steamer James Adger. A prize crew was put on board
to carry the vessel to Philadelphia, Captain Wilson, with
his steward and cook, being alone retained. By an amazing
combination of stratagem and daring, the whole crew were
made prisoners and put in irons by Wilson and his two
assistants, who, unaided, navigated the ship and brought
her in safety across the Atlantic into the Mersey, where she
arrived on April 2ist. As might naturally be expected,
Wilson received quite an ovation.* By a subscription
incorrect in stating that " thirteen seamen received each ,£1,828 2s. gtl. as share of
prize money, being only one-third of the value of the prizes taken." Stonehouse, in
his " Streets of Liverpool," states that the cargo of the Aurora sold for upwards of
,£30,000. The proportion received by the seamen was, therefore, two-thirds
(=,£19,195 8s. lo^d.) as graciously ordained by that wise monarch, who lost us
thirteen colonies. We suspect that the Oxford was really the Aurora, as the
latter name does not appear in the arrival lists, although her cargo was advertised
and sold, whereas there is no further mention of the Oxford and her cargo. Other
ships, however, captured in the same manner, arrived in Glasgow and other ports.
* The present writer, then a boy, had the pleasure of being in the company of
Captain Wilson a day or two after his arrival in Liverpool, and the romantic
impression made by seeing and hearing one's first live hero remains undimmecl
after the lapse of 35 years
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 205
amongst the merchants, he was presented with a gold
chronometer, and a tea and coffee service. From the
Mercantile Marine Association he received a gold medal,
and from the owners the sum of ,£2,000. The cook and
steward received ^320 each. Captain Wilson died in
September, 1868, and the house has since been removed.*
The following is a copy of a letter from Captain Nehemiah
Holland, probably the same who so bravely defended the
Ann Galley, as already recorded :—
"At sea, ship Sarah Gonlburn, lat. 44.0 N. long-. 39.00 W.,
1 9th July, 1777:—
"GENTLEMEN, — I congratulate you upon a prize I have
taken this day, named the Sally, Thomas Tracy, master, from
Charles Town, South Carolina, bound to Nantz, loaded with
470 whole, and 120 half barrels rice, and betwixt twenty and
thirty casks of indigo. I have put in Mr. Smith as prize master,
who will acquaint you of every particular since our sailing. Am
in a hurry to dispatch the prize, as I am informed there were
30 sail more to sail from Charles Town the day after them, and
am anxious to be amongst them. You'll please remember me
to my friends, as I have not time to write them. I remain,
Gentlemen, Your much obligeed humble Servant, N. HOLLAND.
" P.S. Mr. Smith has behaved very well with me, and
executed his office as I could wish. Would be much oblished
to you to assist him in another birth."
Mr. Smith brought the valuable prize safe into port in
August.
"On Sunday last," says the Liverpool paper, of July 25th,
1777, "arrived here, the ship Pole, Captain Maddock, in
twenty-four days from New York. On the i2th inst at p.m.,
in lat. 50 , long. 20°, she fell in with the Tartar, a rebel
privateer, mounting 20 nine-pounders on the main-deck,
8 four-pounders on the quarter-deck, and 4 four-pounders
on the forecastle, full of men, supposed two hundred at
* " Memorials of Liverpool," vol 2, pp. 357-8-
206 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
least ; had an image head, and quarter galleries. All her
guns on the main-deck were painted black ; those on the
quarter-deck and forecastle red. The ship was painted
black and yellow, with tarred sides, and short topgallant
mastheads. She bore down on the Pole under English
colours, enquired from whence she came, and whether she
was a King's ship. Being answered in the affirmative, the
captain gave orders to hoist the Thirteen Stripes, and fire
away, on which the engagement began, and continued from
five until about twenty minutes past eight, when the
privateer sheered off. Captain Maddock had two mates
and a passenger wounded, and supposes that near one-half
of the people belonging to the privateer must be killed or
wounded, he having cleared their forecastle of men three
different times, and says he heard dreadful cries among
them. The Pole had 16 six-pounders, and only forty people,
passengers included. Both officers and men behaved
gallantly, and to Captain Maddock's entire satisfaction.
One of the passengers, an elderly woman belonging to
Liverpool, but who had been twenty-seven years in America,
handed the cartridges to the men. The ships were within
hail of each other during the whole engagement. The
word "Tartar" was observed on the privateer's stern, and by
a list handed about at New York, Captain Maddock finds
she was commanded by one Davies, a Welshman, and
mentioned there to have 32 guns."
On her passage from Liverpool to New York, in Sep-
tember, 1777, the Pole took the Friendship, from Bordeaux
for Boston, but the prize was retaken by an American
privateer. In 1778, the Pole took the Hannah schooner,
and sent her to Jamaica, and the Prince and Liberty, an
American brig laden with wine, rum, molasses, and dry
goods, which she carried to New York. In 1779, she
captured the Salisbury, from Maryland for Nantz, with 140
hogsheads of tobacco, and the Hector from Martinico for
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 207
France with sugar, coffee, and cotton. The Pole was
herself taken the same year, on her passage to Jamaica, by
the Boston and Confederacy, " Continental frigates," and
carried into the Delaware.
According to the London Gazette, of the i ith of July, 1777,
the English cruisers on the coast of America, captured
between the ist of January, 1777, and the 22nd of May
following, 203 American vessels, besides recapturing fifteen
British vessels taken by the Americans. Thus the work of
destruction and the ruin of commerce proceeded with equal
vigour on both sides, for the American privateers wrought
havoc in the Channel.
The Gregson, Captain Wotherspoon, was attacked by two
privateers, but beat them both off.
The Fancy, Captain Allanson, on the passage from
Jamaica to Liverpool, had an engagement in the Gulf with
an American privateer of 10 guns and 50 men, killed three
of her men, and obliged the captain to produce his papers,
which were French, "and then let him go about his
business."
The J ohn, Captain Watkins, from Liverpool for Halifax,
was taken by an American privateer, and retaken by the
Milford man-of-war, who put a midshipman and two seamen
on board to carry her to Halifax, but in her passage, she
was again taken by an American privateer.
The paper of July nth, 1777, contains an abstract of the
Act authorising the carrying of the captures therein men-
tioned into any part of his Majesty's dominions in North
America ; and for ascertaining the value of such parts of
ships and goods as belonged to the recaptors. After
reciting the Act of George III. (for prohibiting all trade
and intercourse with the rebellious colonies ; and two other
Acts for restraining the trade and commerce of the said
colonies ; and to enable persons appointed by the King to
grant pardons, issue proclamations, etc.), it enacts :—
208 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
" i. That any persons authorised by the King" to grant
pardons, &c., may by licence or warrant authorise captors, or
other persons in their behalf, to carry their captures into any
port, &c. , in any of his Majesty's dominions in America :
" 2. That all captures already carried into New York, or
which, before August ist, 1777, shall be carried in there, or
into any of his Majesty's dominions, with such licence afore-
said, shall be deemed to have been lawfully carried into such
port ; and after condemnation, may be brought into this
kingdom, or any of his Majesty's dominions, upon payment
of the same duties, and subject to the same regulations as they
now are :
" 3. That when any ship, &c. , taken by virtue of the above
Act, or any goods therein, shall be proved in any of the
Admiralty or Vice-Admiralty Courts in America or the West
Indies, to have belonged to the subjects of Great Britain or
Ireland, or any dominions in allegiance to the King, and to
have been taken by any of the inhabitants of the rebellious
colonies, and to be in the possession of such unlawful captors,
when retaken; such ship, &c., shall be restored to the owners,
they paying one eighth of the value to the recaptors, or giving
sufficient security to do so, for salvage ; and the judge of the
court wherein such ship shall be decreed to be restored shall
cause the same to be appraised by persons named by the
claimant and recaptors, or they not agreeing, by the Court,
such persons being sworn truly to appraise the same ; and no
retaken ship, &c. , shall be sold for payment of salvage, or on
any other account, unless with the owner's consent, except
where there shall be no claim for such retaken ships, &c., in
which case, the said judge shall order as much of the cargo to
be sold as will pay the said ^th and the expenses of appraise-
ment, &c. , and if the cargo be not sufficient, the ship, &c. , to
be sold, and the remainder, after paying the salvage, to be
deposited in the registry of the Court, for the owners, who
may afterwards claim the same ; and except also any part of
the cargo appear in a perishing condition, when the same may
be sold for the benefit of the concerned."
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 209
The Fanny, Captain Wignall, on her passage from Liver-
pool to Halifax, had an engagement with an American
privateer, of 16 or 18 guns, for two hours, when the
"rebel" sheered off. Captain Wignall believed that she
sunk, as he lost -sight of her about two hours after she left
him, although the weather was clear and but little wind.
Captain Wignall expended in the engagement — "89 rounds
of shot, 1 8 Ib. double-headed ditto, six canisters of copper
dross, 295 Ib. of grape shot, in number 1295, making in all
1420 shot and about 250 Ib. of gunpowder, beside musquet
shot, which was a great many." His officers and men, he
tells us, " behaved like true British tars."
In July, 1777, the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty
informed the merchants of Liverpool that they had stationed
his Majesty's ships the Albion, Exeter, Arethnsa, and Ceres
to cruise between the coasts of Great Britain and Ireland in
quest of American privateers, and for the protection of the
trade in those ports. The commanders were directed to
enquire for intelligence respecting such privateers, as
follows : — The Albion and Ceres at Dublin and at Campbel-
town ; the Exeter at Milford Haven and Cork alternately ; the
Arethusa at Whitehaven, in her way up channel, and after-
wards at Campbeltown and Carrickfergus. Other cruisers
were stationed between Scilly, the coasts of Ireland, and
Milford Haven for the like purpose. It was certainly high
time for their Lordships at the Admiralty to bestir themselves,
for in this very month of July the American privateer, General
Mifflin, of 20 six-pounders, fitted out at Boston, and com-
manded by Walter Day, made her appearance in the Irish
Channel, and captured many prizes, including the James,
from Glasgow to Oporto, taken the day after she left
Glasgow ; the Rebecca, from Liverpool to Limerick ; the
Mary and Betty, from Liverpool to Ballyshannon ; and the
Priscilla, from Sligo to Liverpool, with linen yarn. Most
of these vessels, and of the other prizes taken by the
o
210 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
American privateers, were sent to France to be sold. The
Mary and Betty was given back to the crew, after being
plundered of the most valuable part of her cargo. The
General Mifflin was originally a Liverpool vessel called the
Isaac, engaged in the West India trade, and commanded
by Captain Ashburner, and most likely the very ship com-
manded by Captain Clatworthy during the Seven Years'
War, both as a privateer and as a slaver. The Liverpool
paper gives the following account of the ill-treatment of
Captain Richard Cassedy, of the Priscilla, who was taken
by the General Mifflin : —
"These sons of freedom seized all the captain's clothes
that were worth anything-, and £88 in cash ; every one of his
men they took on board the privateer, plundered the vessel
of spare rigging, stores, &c., and one bale of linen, part of
the cargo, which chiefly consisted of yarn ; and after leaving
several of the crew on board, ordered the captain to be bound
hand and foot, and put into confinement. In this miserable
situation he remained until the igth of July, when his vessel
was retook by the Union, letter of marque, of London, within
ten leagues of Bordeaux, and carried into Fowey. The
privateer's people split all the sails, except the foresail, by
carrying, whenever they saw any vessel. Captain Cassedy
was in a very poor state of health when they arrived at Fowey,
and not able to stand, through the cruel treatment he received.
His remaining so long bound occasioned his flesh to swell to a
shocking degree. All his prayers and intreaties were in vain ;
the inhuman tyrants had no compassion. Surely the fear of a
single man retaking the vessel, could not induce them to this
barbarity. She was a constant Irish trader, had not a single
gun on board, nor ammunition, or warlike weapons of any
kind."
Captain Edward Forbes, of the ship Sparling, 300 tons
burthen (carrying 10 six-pounders, 4 four-pounders, and 8
swivels), belonging to Mr. John Sparling, writing from
Kingston, Jamaica, on July 23rd, 1777, says : —
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 211
" I arrived here safe, after a passage of six weeks. In
crossing- the Bay, I saw several ships, but passed none without
bringing them to, boarding and examining them. Off the
Western Islands saw a brig privateer, who, on my giving
chase, thought proper to alter his course and make the best of
his way. I saw nothing more until I was within fifteen leagues
of this island, where I was attacked by a large privateer sloop
of 12 guns, a number of swivels, blunderbusses, and full of
men. They attacked me at four o'clock in the afternoon,
with a great deal of vigour, for an hour and-a-half, and then
sheered off. I attempted to give chace, but soon found she
could sail two feet for my one. She then got her graplins out
for boarding when dark, and attempted it three times, but
perceiving his intentions, disappointed him, and threw him off
his guard, by which means I got our guns to bear, which made
him sheer off to refit ; this I was not sorry for, as it gave us
an opportunity to do the same, for our braces and running
rigging were often shot away. The engagement lasted six
hours. Getting all my guns to bear, in less than a quarter of
an hour I lost sight of him. The ship is a good deal damaged
in her rigging, sails, and hull, but no lives lost, which is owing
to the good shelter we had on deck, as she constantly fired
small arms. I found the sloop' had great advantage over us,
we being square rigged, she always kept on my quarters. The
Sparling's sides are hard, but the yankies found means to shew
daylight through her in several places, but hope to repair her
at a small expence. There is three feet of the starboard
quarter entirely knocked out, and some shot in the bends. My
men behaved during the action with the greatest courage, and
very attentive to command."
In 1778, the Sparling took a prize named the Isaac, which
was recaptured by a privateer, which in its turn was taken
by a King's ship.
Captain James Collinson, of the ship Will, writing to his
owners from Dominica, on October I3th, 1777, says :—
" I congratulate you on our arrival here, on the 8th of
212 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
October. On the yth, we fell in with a rebel privateer sloop
with 10 guns and 16 swivels, which wre defended ourselves from
for full five hours. She boarded us on the larboard quarter
with twelve men, which we killed, and made them cry out for
quarter several times, but still kept a brisk fire upon them, and
paid no regard to their crying- for quarter, as they still had their
colours up. They were half an hour under our quarter, where
we made them fast to us. By their cutting their ropes they
cleared from our quarter; then we stood to the northward, and
cleared ship ready for them again ; when clear, gave chase, and
came up with them, gave them three broadsides and three
cheers, and left them, as we should run a risk of losing the ship
if we had taken them all, though I imagine we killed 40 or 50 of
their men ; and by information, I find she had on board 120.
" At noon the same day, we fell in with a schooner of 14
carriage guns, which we fought for six hours, and gave them
the same as above, but are not certain what number of men we
killed, as she did not board us, but was prepared with stinkpots
on her bowsprit end. We should have sailed for Jamaica in
three days after our arrival, but for the damage we got by the
sloop ; she carried all the iron stantions away on the larboard
quarter. We have not one man killed or wounded, and all
behaved like true Britons. We fired the small arms three times
for their twice, and every man obeyed his orders. I will write
you more particulars from Jamaica, as I strained my forefinger
on my right hand in the engagement, but came to no more hurt,
although there was a swivel ball came through the speaking
trumpet in my right hand. We boarded five sail coming out,
but could not condemn them."
Immediately on the Will's arrival at Dominica, the
following paper was subscribed by a number of gentlemen,
and ,£72 6s. collected.
"For the encouragement of the twenty-five brave fellows
belonging to the ship Will, Captain Collinson, who, on the 7th
inst., gallantly defended the said ship for five hours against a
rebel privateer of fourteen carriage guns and about 120 men,
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 213
and obliged the privateer to sheer off; likewise a schooner
privateer of the same force. We subscribers hereto, have
given the sum opposite to our respective names."
At this period, on the arrival of privateers, slave ships,*
and other armed vessels in the river, it was customary to
salute the town with a discharge of cannon, which, from
negligence, were sometimes loaded with ball. For the
prevention of accidents, the following order was issued by
the magistrates : —
"The late alarming circumstances of vessels coming from
sea, and those lying in the river, frequently firing balls from
their cannon, to the great and imminent danger of the lives
and property of the inhabitants of this town, we, the grand
jury, having a power invested in us for that purpose, do order,
that every captain, or any other commanding officer for the
time being, of any ship or vessel, suffering any cannon loaded
with ball, or any other shot whatsoever, to be fired from on
board such ship or vessel, after such ship or vessel has come
round the Black Rock, shall pay twenty pounds for every and
each gun so fired, loaded with ball or other shot. And we
farther request, that this order may be publicly printed in the
newspaper, that no person may plead ignorance thereof; and
we recommend that the penalty hereby inflicted may be appro-
priated to the fund of the Seamen's Hospital."
In a letter from Captain James Wiseman, of the Isabella,
of Liverpool, dated St. Vincent's, January 2oth, 1778, is the
following description of a hot engagement between her and
American war vessels fitted out by the Congress :—
* The paper of November I4th, 1777, gives an instance of this dangerous
practice of firing guns when entering the port, adopted by the slave ships : —
' ' Wednesday before last, a Guineaman coming in and firing, a shot from a six-
pounder passed very near a servant of Richard Parry Price, Esq. ; and broke a
tree near to his pleasure ground at Berkhead. Care certainly ought always to be
taken to draw the shot before the guns are fired in the river. Yet, tho' nothing
can be more absurd, dangerous, and deserving of punishment than thus firing with
shot, this is the third instance which has happened lately. One of the shot
passed thro' Water-Street and Dale-Street, and another over the Old Churchyard.
So imprudent a practice should be checked by the merchant no less than the
magistrate." Mr. Price was lord of the manor of Birkenhead.
214 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
"We sailed from Cork i5th December, and had a fine
passag-e of four weeks ; and on the 8th January met with an
American brig privateer of 16 guns, and fought her for two
hours and a half, yard arm and yard arm. We gave her the
first and last broadside. I believe she is sunk. We had
killed Mr. Godwin, passenger, and John Taylor, seaman,
and wounded John Manesty ; third mate shot in the hand,
which is since amputated, and he is likely to do well ;
Rowland Evans shot in the leg, since amputated and he is
dead ; John Jones shot twice through the knee ; we expect he
will recover. John Webster received a shot in the thigh and
another in the arm, but likely to do well ; six or seven others
slightly wounded. We received 132 shots in our hull and
masts, a six pounder went through our mainmast, six foot
above deck, and four others higher up, and our main top mast
almost shattered to pieces, three shots in our mizen mast, one
of them about six foot above .deck, and numberless in our
hull, most of them betwixt wind and water, and all our rigging
entirely shot away. Our Ensign halyard being shot away,
and the Ensign falling down, the privateer thought I had
struck and gave a huzza., which was answered by a broadside
from us. The Captain hailed me to strike, telling me he
would never leave me, which I believe were his last words, for
I never saw or heard him afterwards ; in short, the engage-
ment was hot, and I believe fatal to them, for we could see
them falling out of the tops, and hear their shrieks and groans.
It falling dark and our rigging being cut to pieces, we could
not work our ship, and so lost our prize. The next day, we
were chased by a sloop, but when she came within view of our
guns, she hauled her wind and run away ; our rigging being
gone, we were in no condition to follow her. On the nth we
were chased by a brig and a sloop, who soon came up with us
(the brig first, and hailed from Halifax, bound on a cruize to
the westward) and then dropped astern to his consort, when
we got our stern chaces to bear on them and began to fire
away, our people still in good spirits ; the third shot we
carried away the brig's cross jackyard, sent several shots into
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 215
her bows and rigging", and beat them both off. The brig-
stayed along- side of us for two hours, and told me that
General Burgoyne and his army were defeated by the rebels.
The next day, being- the i2th, we arrived at St. Vincent's and
were received by every one with great applause."
The following additional particulars appeared in the St.
Vincent Gazette of March yth, 1778 :—
" The brig that first engaged the Isabella, Captain Wiseman,
was the General Sullivan, Capt. Darling, of 14 guns, 4 and 6
pounders, fitted out by the Congress ; and had at that time, by
the Captain's account, 135 men on board, most of whom were
able seamen. She arrived at Martinico a few days after the
engagement in a most shattered condition, her mainmast so
much wounded that Capt. Darling was obliged to get another ;
the bowsprit carried away, and the hull, rigging, etc., greatly
damaged. Captain Darling says he had eleven men killed and
twenty-three wounded, many of them very dangerously, — and
gives Capt. Wiseman and the crew great credit for their spirited
behaviour and good conduct. He expressed great surprise
when he found the Isabella had only fifty men ; acknowledged
he was obliged to sheer off, and that it was the second drubbing
he had got from Liverpool men, and wished not to meet with
any more armed vessels belonging to that port. There is
certainly a great deal of propriety in his remark, as the
merchants of Liverpool have entered more into the spirit of
arming ships than any others in England, in the present contest.
Being a mercantile people, they choose to bear the additional
expence, rather than have their trade annihilated, which has
raised their town, in the last century, from an obscure fishing
place to that of being the second commercial port in Great
Britain. The second brig that engaged the Isabella was the
Resistance, Captain Tue, of 14 guns and 100 men, and the sloop
that was in company was the Rambler, Capt. Stanton, of 10
guns and 70 men.
" The zeal and loyalty of the Merchants of Liverpool, in
favour of Government," says Williamson's Advertiser \ of
216 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
February 27th, 1778, "is eminently evinced by the number
of vessels they have already armed and stationed for the
annoyance of the commerce and communication with the
natural enemies of Great Britain. The following- are now
cruising in the American seas, on the coasts of Carolina
and Virginia, the Sarah Goulburn, Captain Holland, of 20
six and nine-pounders ; the Brilliant, Captain Priestman,
of 20 six and nine-pounders ; the Belcour, Captain Moore, of
18 six and nine-pounders ; the Pole, Captain Maddock, of
1 8 six and nine-pounders ; and the Active sloop, Captain
Powell, of 12 four-pounders."
In February, 1778, an enquiry took place before the
House of Lords, as to the amount of injury done to British
commerce from the beginning of the war, in which it was
stated that the number of vessels destroyed or taken since
the commencement of the war was 773, or, after allowing
for those retaken, 559 ; that their value, at a very moderate
computation, was ;£i, 800,000 ; that of the ships thus taken,
247 were engaged in the West India trade ; that all articles
imported from America had risen enormously in price ;
tobacco from 7^d. to 25. 6d. per Ib. ; pitch from 8s. to 355.
per barrel, and tar, turpentine, oil, and pig iron in the same
proportion.* It was considered a sufficient answer to this
statement to show that the English cruisers had taken 904
American vessels, of the value of ,£1,808,000. "It was
forgotten," says Baines, "that the enormous sums taken
from the merchants of England were not transferred to the
merchants of America ; nor those taken from the merchants
of America transferred to those of England; but that the
whole were taken from commerce and turned into prize-
money."
In January, 1778, Captain Jolly, in the Ellis, on the
passage from New York to Liverpool, took the Endeavour,
* In 1777, sugar sold in Carolina at upwards of £$ sterling per cwt.
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 217
from North Carolina, with flour, staves, and 43 hogsheads
of tobacco, and the Nancy, from Essequibo, with coffee,
cotton, and 115 hogsheads of rum. Later in the year,
Captain Jolly, in the Gregson, and Captain Washington, in
the Ellis, cruised in consort, and took the La Ville du Cap,
from St. Domingo to Nantz, with 224 hogsheads, 6 tierces,
and 12 barrels of sugar, 392 casks and 275 boxes of coffee,
1 6 bales of cotton, 45 barrels of rum, and 6 barrels of indigo.
Their next prize was LI Aigle, "a large new snow, 70 feet
keel and 24 feet beam, pierced for 16 guns," from Port-au-
Prince for Nantz, with sugar, cotton, indigo, coffee, etc. In
October, the Gregson took a privateer sloop of 10 guns,
eight swivels, and 64 men, threw the guns overboard,
dismantled her by taking on board her swivels, small arms,
spare sails, cables, etc., and sent her home. On October 23rd,
the Gregson boarded a snow with passengers, belonging to
St. Pierre and Miquelon, but they had a pass from Admiral
Montague, to go unmolested to France. On the following
day, the Gregson captured the snow La Genevieve, from
Nantz to St. Domingo, laden with wines, flour, etc. The
Ellis also took the snow Josephine, bound for Dunkirk,
loaded with oil, soap, brimstone, casks of straw hats, and
boxes of lemon. ' < Yesterday, " says the paper of November
27th, " arrived here the Gregson, Captain Jolly, from a
cruize, and brought in with her a large ship bound from St.
Domingo to Nantz. This is the sixth prize, the Gregson and
Ellis, who sailed in consort, have taken ; three of them fine
ships from St. Domingo to France." In May, 1779, we read
that the Ellis, Captain Washington, " who had sent into
Liverpool five valuable prizes," had been captured, and
carried into Martinico, and in March, 1780, it is stated that
the Ellis had been re-taken by Admiral Parker. She was
a vessel of 340 tons burthen, carrying 28 guns and 130 men ;
the Gregson, of 250 tons, carried 24 guns and 120 men.
Both vessels belonged to Messrs. Boats and Gregson.
218 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
The Clarendon, Captain Amery, arrived at Jamaica from
Liverpool, with a fine brig, called the Defense, from New
London for Martinico, with staves, lumber, etc., which she
had captured on her passage.
A Liverpool vessel, commanded by Thomas White, fell in
with an American privateer, of 14 guns, and upwards of 100
men, to windward of Antigua. For some reason, Captain
White's people refused to fight, whereupon the brave
commander blew his vessel up, and only ten of the crew
were saved, and put on board a Dutch vessel.
The Tom, of 12 six-pounders, Captain Lee, arrived at
New York, after a passage of eight weeks, from Liverpool,
during which he captured two vessels loaded with fish and
lumber, and a schooner of 10 guns and upwards of 40 men.
As he could not spare a prize crew to take the schooner
home, he took out her guns, disabled her mainmast, and
providing "the rebels" with bread and water, turned her
adrift. Soon afterwards, he met another privateer of 12
guns, which he fought for over an hour, and would have
taken her had she not greatly outsailed him. In 1779, the
Tom arrived at Antigua with a prize laden with fish and oil,
and in February, 1781, he captured the De Koningin Esther,
laden with 200 hogsheads of sugar, 1,000 bags of coffee, 300
bags of tobacco, 100 bags of cocoa, 300 hides, and 24 casks
of indigo ; and also the Jacobus, with 140 casks of sugar,
1,400 bags of coffee, 48 casks of indigo, 100 bags of tobacco,
200 bags of cocoa, and 1,200 hides. A few months later,
the Tom, in company with the Greyhound, captured a French
cutter of 1 6 guns and 120 men, and carried her into London-
derry. The cutter had four ransomers for 150 guineas on
board.
"The Liberty, Wardlaw, and the Prince George, Gardner,
both from Martinico, are safe arrived here," says the news-
paper of March 2oth, 1778. " They being both defenceless
and arriving safe without molestation, we may reasonably
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 219
presume the privateers are not so numerous, at least in the
homeward bound track."
The John, Captain Watkins, and the Suffolk, Captain
Bower, both missing ships, from Liverpool bound for New
York, arrived safe at Antigua, having captured a large
schooner laden with tobacco, etc.
The Sally, Captain Smith, upon a cruise in the West
Indies, took an American vessel loaded with timber, and
sunk a privateer of 12 guns ; and another ship, belonging to
Liverpool, took three prizes on the coast of Carolina. The
Toms, Captain Houghton, also cruising in the West Indies,
took a schooner laden with spermaceti, candles, etc.
The Lydia, Captain Evans, on her passage from New
York to Barbadoes, took a very valuable ship loaded with
masts, etc.
The Richard, Captain Lyon, arrived at New York from
Liverpool, with a prize worth ,£4,000, taken on the passage.
The Sparling, Captain Denny, arrived at Philadelphia,
with a vessel from Charleston for Amsterdam, loaded with
rice, etc., which she had captured.
The Mersey, Captain Gibbons, on her passage to Phila-
delphia, took a schooner bound to Boston, loaded with
coffee, molasses, etc.
In February, 1778, the Fanny, Captain James Wignall,
arrived in Liverpool from Philadelphia, after a passage of
thirty-one days, bringing in 35 American prisoners taken
out of an American privateer, captured by her on the
passage, and ordered for Liverpool. The Fanny was herself
taken in the following July near Sandy Hook, on her pas-
sage from Liverpool to New York, by one of the French
fleet under Count d'Estaign. The following account of
the usage of the prisoners by the French was written by
Captain Wignall : —
"About seven in the evening the Langezant frig-ate of 36
guns took us. As soon as the boat came alongside, we
220 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
were hurried into it, without clothes or bedding, the officer
promising- us all our clothes, &c. , should be safe, and that we
should have them in the morning. We were carried on board
the frig-ate, and remained there about an hour, then part of us
were sent on board the Languedoc, Count d'Estaign's ship.
They put us down in the forehold altogether, and about five
in the morning ordered us up on the forecastle, where an
officer came and searched us all one by one, all our pockets,
shoes and stockings, &c. , and took from us all our money,
watches, papers, &c. , then ordered us down into the hold
again, where we were almost smothered, and not so much as
a drink of water. About noon, I made a motion to the
sentinel to permit me to go upon deck on a necessary occasion,
which was granted. I then went upon the quarter deck, where
I found an officer that could understand English. I desired
that we might have permission to come on deck to have air,
and that we might have some provisions and water; the answer
was we had been forgot. We were then ordered upon the
poop, and had served us some bread and stinking cheese, half
a pint of wine and half a pint of water per man. About two
in the afternoon, an officer came to me, and asked for the key
of the strong box, as he called it, (that was the chest where
the money was) ; I told him the key was on board the prize,
and if he would permit me to go there, I would get it. A boat
was immediately manned, and we went on board, but when I
was on board, he would not permit me to bring my clothes or
bedding with me.
"The next morning I saw the Admiral, Count d'Estaign.
I went to him and begged the favour of him to permit us to
go on board the prize for our clothes, which was granted for
four of us to go, and was immediately done ; but when we
came on board, found our clothes and bedding all gone.
What chests were left were all empty, and we all returned
as we went. We then made out a petition, and I presented
it to the Count, setting forth our distresses. He then gave
me an order to go on board the frigate, and have her searched
for our clothes. I went on board, and the captain ordered
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 221
one of his officers to go down and search for them, but all to
no purpose, as they would not find any of them, and that was
not the worst, for several of my men had part of their clothes
stripped off their backs.
" August 2, about noon, we landed on Point Judith, 245 in
number ; at four in the afternoon began our march towards
Providence ; at eight arrived at North Kingston ; about nine
had a little raw salt pork and bread served us, that being the
first victuals we had tasted that day. The ground that night
was our bed, the clouds our covering.
" August 3, at seven in the morning, we began our march ;
at eleven arrived at a town called Greenwich. We halted four
hours, it being very hot, but nothing to be got to eat. About
three in the afternoon we moved forward, at nine arrived at
Providence, and were put into the market-house for that
night ; we had walked thirty miles that day, but nothing to
eat. At six in the morning we were turned out, and marched
through the streets into a yard to be viewed and mustered.
At about nine we were marched down to the river near the
bridge, embarked in boats and sent down the river and put on
board a ship called the Aurora, lying at Fox's Point, where
we were confined altogether, in number 225. About four in the
evening we had some beef and bread sent down to us, having
then been forty-five hours without victuals or drink, except
water ; and when we complained, they comforted us with
saying we were too well used, with several other speeches to
the same purpose and mortification. The ship had no cover-
ing for her hatchways, and when it rained there was scarce a
dry place to be found under deck, and nothing to lie on but
the bare planks. We then lived middling for three weeks,
then were put to one quarter allowance for twelve days ; after
that to half allowance for sixteen days. We then petitioned
General Sullivan, telling him we were nearly starving for want.
He then ordered us full allowance, which was continued as
long as we stayed there, but the provisions very often were so
bad, that nothing but hunger could make us eat them.
" October 7, we were put on shore out of the prison ship,
222 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
and marched about five miles on our way towards New London,
where we arrived the i2th. On the i5th, were marched back
again to Norwig ; the 22nd, were marched back to New
London, and on the 23rd were embarked on board the
Carlisle, and on the 28th arrived at New York."
In 1778, the Belcour, Captain Moore, on her passage to
Jamaica took a schooner valued at ,£1,200, and some time
later a French brig with salt and bale goods, worth ,£2,500.
A letter dated Old Harbour, May gth, 1779, gives the
following account of a terrible catastrophe which attended
the capture of this ship :—
" In our passage from Halifax to Jamaica, we unfortunately
fell in with a French frigate off Coycas, one of the Bahama
Islands, called the Minerva, taken from the English about
five months before. We engaged her full two hours and an
half, the furthest distance she was off was not more than
pistol shot, a great part of the time yard arm and yard arm,
as we term it, but that you may better understand it, her sides
and ours touched each other, so that sometimes we could not
draw our rammers. The French, I assure you, we drove
twice from their quarters, but unluckily their wadds set us on
fire in several places, and then we were obliged to strike. You
may consider our condition, our ship on fire, our sails, masts
and rigging being all cut to pieces, several of our men severely
mangled. The French seeing our ship on fire, would not
come to our assistance for fear of the ship blowing up, as soon
as the fire reached the magazine, which it did five minutes
after I was out of her. The sight was dreadful, as there was
many poor souls on board. You will be anxious to know
how we that were saved got out of her. We hove the small
boat overboard in a shattered condition, being almost shot to
pieces, and made two or three trips on board the frigate before
she blew up. The next morning, we picked up four men that
were on pieces of the wreck. The following is a list of the
unfortunate men who lost their lives : William Ion, second
mate ; Peter Thompson, third mate ; Daniel Gibson, surgeon ;
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 223
John Lyon, surgeon's mate ; Thomas Anderson, Wm. Wood,
Absolom Crippin, Lawlens Madget, John Kelly, William
Crowby, James Carey, James Wrinkle, Edward Mahoney,
Richd. Wellsted, George Cample, seamen ; three negroes and
a child, passengers."
In April, 1778, the famous corsair, John Paul Jones,
cruised in the Irish Channel in the Ranger privateer,
committing much havoc. He sailed boldly into the harbour
of Whitehaven, and set fire to the shipping. He then sailed
northward, and afterwards landed in the Scottish Isles,
remaining on the coast for a considerable time, but occasion-
ally taking refuge in the French and Dutch ports when
hard pressed by English cruisers, or when short of supplies.
More fortunate than his predecessor, M. Thurot, Paul
Jones escaped all attempts at capture, and retired safe to
America with his booty. Liverpool was well prepared to
give the daring adventurer a fitting reception. " We have
the pleasure to inform the public," says the paper of May
ist, 1778, "that there are two grand batteries here of 27
eighteen-pounders, in excellent order for the reception of
any mad invader whose rashness may prompt him to attempt
to disturb the tranquility of this town. George's battery is
commanded by the Mayor, and the Queen's by Captain
Hutchinson, both of them accustomed to the thunder of
cannon, as are also the several captains and assistants
stationed to each gun, which are shoted, etc. Centeries
are fixt, and all the requisites so regulated as to be ready
for action at the shortest notice. The King's battery for
thirty-two-pounders is preparing with expedition, under the
direction of Lieutenant-Colonel Gordon, an experienced
engineer. To these securities will be added the Hycena
frigate, a King's ship built here, which in a day or two will
be fit for sea, and will be moor'd in the river; for our security
by land we have two companies of Veterans, and four
companies of the Liverpool Blues, commanded by General
224 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
Calcraft, who resides in Liverpool." The following vessels
were afterwards sent to cruise in St. George's Channel : — the
Thetis, 32 guns ; the Stag, 28 ; the Boston, 28; the Heart of
Oak, the Satisfaction, and the Three Brothers, all of 20 guns.
Early in 1778, the Active, of 14 guns and 80 men, Captain
John Powell, upon a cruise on the coast of America, took
no less than fourteen prizes, mostly loaded with tobacco
and rice, and sent them into St. Augustine. In September
of the same year, the Liverpool paper stated that the Active
had been very successful on her second cruise, having
carried into St. Augustine a large brig loaded with 1 100
tierces of rice and indigo, and a schooner with 72 hogsheads of
tobacco, and it was supposed that she had had further success.
" Last week," says the Liverpool Advertiser, of September
25th, 1778, "arrived here the Santa Maria, from Barcelona
for Honfleur, loaded with brandy, etc., taken by the Wasp
privateer, belonging to this port ; and on Friday, the
Minerva, from Hispaniola for Dunkirk, taken by the Sarah
Goulburn, in the Bay of Biscay, with upwards of 118 hogs-
heads of tobacco, etc., on board ; and yesterday the Sarah
Goulburn arrived here with another prize called the Amiable
Magdalaine, from Guadaloupe for Nantz ; her cargo con-
sists of 595 hhds. of sugar, 1 19 casks of coffee, 145
bales of cotton, 1600 Ib. of ivory, and some dollars ; also
the Lady Granby privateer, with a fine brig, called the
Lady Louisa, that she had taken, from Newfoundland to
Bordeaux, laden with fish."
In 1779, the Sarah Goulburn, Captain Lewtas, fell in with
a tobacco ship, and chased her eight hours, but by heaving
a great part of her cargo overboard she got away. In 1780,
she took a shallop, loaded with coffee, and in 1781, on a
cruise from New York, she captured two vessels, one from
France, and the other from Holland ; and soon after
arrived at Jamaica with a Dutchman of 400 tons, laden
with sugar, etc., which she had captured.
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 225
In September, 1778, the Lady Granby privateer, brought
into the Mersey, a French snow, called Le Bon Chretien,
loaded with fish and oil from Newfoundland. On the 2nd
of October, we are told that "several ladies of the first rank
are about following the patriotic plan of the Marchioness of
Granby, by opening subscriptions for fitting out privateers,
and it is expected, in a very little time, several will be
manned and sent to sea against our perfidious enemies,
merely by British pin-money." Lady Granby was very
popular in Liverpool. The privateer named after her, the
" Marchioness of Granby" of 260 tons, 20 guns, and 130
men, was owned by the Marquis of Granby and Mr. Nicholas
Ashton. There was a smaller privateer, called the "Lady
Granby" of 45 tons, 10 guns, and 60 men, owned by Messrs.
Ashton & Co., in which the Granbys doubtless had an
interest. On June :8th, 1779, we read that the sloop Lady
Granby, Capt. Powell, took and carried into Antigua, a
French snow, laden with salt, dry goods, wine, and
brandy.
In December, 1778, the Marchioness of Granby, Capt.
Rogers, captured a Dutch ship with a French cargo on
board, and sent her for Liverpool, but the prize was lost on
the coast of Ireland, all but two of a crew of fourteen
perishing. On the 2Oth of January, 1779, the Marchioness
of Granby, cruising in latitude 44.34 N., took the Le Labour,
from St. Malo to New England, with sundry merchandize,
also a Dutch snow for Cadiz, with a cargo of brandy. The
Marchioness of Granby was captured, after an obstinate
engagement, by the French frigate Sensible, 26 guns, and
carried into Brest.
In Williamson's Advertiser, of October 23rd, 1778,
appeared the following tribute to the charms of Lady
Granby, who in the spring of the following year "was
safely delivered of a son at the Marquis's house in Har-
rington Street."
226 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
TO THE MARCHIONESS OF GRANBY.
In beauteous Granby nature sure design'd
The fairest form to clothe the sweetest mind :
She joins in Granby, courteous, great and good,
The brightest virtues with the noblest blood ;
And from her heart, so generous and humane,
Impels benevolence through every vein.
What graceful affability and ease !
How great the power, how kind the wish to please !
Go on, fair excellence, to charm mankind,
Your beauteous face the transcript of your mind ;
Teach them what praise to virtue's charms belongs,
And live a lesson to admiring throngs ;
That wondering courts may this great truth relate,
Virtue adds lustre to the noblest state.
In the same month, " An Old Seaman " issued the follow-
ing " Invitation " :—
Rouse, British Tars ! Old England's boast,
Drive all her foes on either coast —
Let Lewis know and feel that we
Can yet avenge his perfidy,
While Keppel has the Key of Brest.
Be Ready, Lads— slip out in quest
Of riches bound to faithless France,
And bravely take another chance.
Revenge and Riches both invite
A Foe insidious to requite ;
May your attempts, my willing Boys,
Be crowned with Honor, Wealth and Joys !
On the 25th of September, 1778, Williamson's Advertiser
published a list of 18 privateers fitted out in Liverpool, in
addition to which there were many others preparing for sea,
besides several "Letters of Marque," carrying from 16 to
28 guns. It was computed that at that date — not five weeks
since letters of marque were issued — prizes worth upwards
of ;£ioo,ooo had been brought into the port.
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 227
In September, the Jenny, Captain Ashton, in her passage
from Liverpool to Tortola, in company with the Betsey and
the Buckingham, of Lancaster, captured a very valuable
prize called Le Marquis de Brancas, bound from St.
Domingo for Nantz, with a cargo of sugar, coffee, indigo, etc. ;
also a brig from Newfoundland for Havre, with fish, and
sent both of them into Cork. The Jenny carried 12 guns
and 30 men, and was owned by Messrs. Ashton & Co., of
the Island of Tortola.
In the paper of December 4th, we read that the Bellona,
Captain Fairweather, a vessel of 250 tons burthen, 24 guns
and 140 men, belonging to Messrs. Bolden & Co., on a
cruise from Liverpool, took a schooner loaded with 75
hogsheads of tobacco, and sent her for Liverpool, but
unluckily she got ashore in Carnarvon Bay and bulged. On
the i8th of the same month, it is stated that the Bellona had
taken a sloop called the Canister, bound from Virginia to
France, with 58 hogsheads of tobacco. On January 3ist,
1779, the Bellona carried into Lisbon the snow U Amitie, of
1 8 guns, 10 swivels, and 54 men, bound from St. Ubes to
South Carolina, with a cargo of salt, wine, oil, fruit, soap,
and several chests, supposed to be arms. In April, 1779,
she took a ship called the Necessary, and in May, 1780, it
was stated that she had arrived at Jamaica with a prize
valued at ^4000.
The following is extracted from the log of the Bellona,
on her passage from Lisbon to Liverpool, in April, 1779:—
" April 25th. Gave chace and spoke the snow Vro-w
Theadora, from Barcelona to Rotterdam ; spoke a Dutch ship
from Barcelona bound to Amsterdam ; 27th, saw two sail, one
astern chasing us, the other under the lee bow ; away to the
.ship under the lee, he laying- by under English colours, fired
two guns to leeward, which he answered with two to wind-
ward. Made sail and stood from him, he still firing shot and
standing after us under English colours. The said ship
228 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
mounted 24 guns upon one deck, and six on the quarter deck,
being- a long frigate-built ship, with a plain stern and gilt
image head. 2gth, fell in and spoke the Vroiv Theadora that we
spoke the 25th. 3oth, saw a sail standing towards us ; down
steering sails and stood towards her ; came near, when she
put about and stood from us, making and shortening sail, as
she out-sailed us, and never would come near ; hove about
but she did not follow. Seeing that, kept the ship her course,
and in a short time she came down towards us ; shortened
sail, when she hoisted American colours and fired a gun,
which was returned several times with the nine pounders.
As they scarcely reached her then, she made sail, when we
crowded all after her, but the wind being light, she got away.
By the description of the vessel in Lisbon, she is called the
Vengeance, fitted out at Vigo, in Spain, mounting 20 guns,
very low, with an image head. May ist, spoke the ship
Tartar, Captain Lloyd, from Bristol ; out five weeks, had
taken nothing. 5th, at four a.m. saw a sail one mile and half
under our lee quarter. Perceiving her to be a very large
frigate-built ship, in chace of us, thought it prudent to run,
as having many people ill ; in nine hours near out of sight,
when she left off chace. 6th, spoke the St. Bees bark, belonging
to Whitehaven, Capt. Williamson, from Cork, bound to New
York ; sailed in a convoy of 24 sail, out 18 days ; lost the
fleet 2gth April, yth, at seven a.m. saw a sail bearing down
upon us, shortened sail to wait for her, proved to be the Tyger,
Capt. Shaw, from Bristol, mounting 22 guns, out eleven weeks,
and taken one St. Domingo man."
On the 28th of September, 1778, a large ship, bound from
Archangel for Marseilles, laden with tar, hemp, and iron,
arrived in the Mersey, a prize to the Delight, Capt. Dawson,
a vessel of 120 tons, 12 guns, and 39 men, belonging to
Messrs. Rawlinson & Co.
The St. Peter, Capt. Holland, upon a cruise from Liver-
pool, fell in with and captured a French East Indiaman,
called the Aquilone, valued at upwards of ,£200,000, but
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 229
most unfortunately, Capt. Holland and his prize afterwards
met with a French man-of-war of 74 guns, and a frigate,
who took him and his prize, and carried them into Port
L'Orient. The St. Peter, 320 tons, 22 guns, and 147 men,
was owned by Messrs. Holme, Bowyer, & Kennion.
The Thomas Hall, Capt. Beard, one of the fleet from
Jamaica for Liverpool, having parted with the convoy in a
gale of wind, had the good fortune to capture a ship loaded
with rum, which she carried safely to Cork.
The Rumbold, Captain Fayrer, a vessel of 250 tons
burthen, 20 guns, and 57 men, owned by Messrs. Caruthers
& Co., captured a large ship from Alicant, with a cargo of
brandy. In 1779, on her passage from Liverpool to Africa,
she took a French Guineaman called the Ulysses, with 302
slaves, and about two tons and-a-half of ivory on board. In
April, 1781, the Fortuna of Flensburg, laden with fruit and
wine, another prize to the Rumbold, arrived in the Mersey.
On the i4th of October, 1778, the cooper of the Brilliant,
20 guns, Captain Priestman, wrote from New York, as
follows : —
" We arrived here on the 26th of September, after a passage
of ten weeks. On the i6th of Sept. in lat. 38 N. long. 65 W.
we had a very hard engagement with an American privateer of
28 guns, which lasted for nine glasses, when the privateer ran
away ; and being a faster sailing vessel than ours, we could
not come up with her, having great part of our rigging shot
away, and our masts wounded. I believe she was much worse
shattered than us. We had three people wounded. I was
shot in the hand by a piece of cross-bar shot, but am mending
fast. On our passage, we saw several privateers, but none
durst engage us but the one mentioned before. We were
dogged two days by two privateers and sloops, but imagine
they did not like our appearance, as they would not come near
us. Our ships of war and cruisers are bringing in here French
and American prizes daily."
As security against privateers, all vessels were ordered to
230 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
sail under convoy, and in large fleets. In the third week in
September, 1778, it was announced that all the principal
fleets had arrived safely, namely, the Jamaica fleet at Liver-
pool and Bristol ; the Leeward Islands fleet at Plymouth,
and the Lisbon and Spanish fleets in the Downs. The
arrivals that week were the largest that had been known for
many years. In October, the London underwriters cal-
culated that the losses sustained by the French since the
proclamation of reprisals already amounted to upwards of
;£ I, 2OO,OOO.
The Two Brothers, Captain Ralph Fisher, a vessel of 150
tons, 16 guns and 39 men, sailed for a cruise in company
with the Young Henry, Captain Currie, of 270 tons, 18 guns
and 60 men, belonging to Messrs. Hartley & Co. The
following letter was received from Captain Fisher by Messrs.
Roberts & Co., the owners of the Two Brothers: —
" Ship Two Brothers, at Spithead, 3rd October, 1778.
"GENTLEMEN, — I have the pleasure to acquaint you \ve
arrived safe here this day with a French East Indiaman of 500
tons, deeply laden, from Bengal, which we took on Tuesday
the 29th of September, in lat. 47.28 N. long. 10.30 W. At
six in the morning we discovered two sail in the N.W. quarter,
wind at S.S.W. upon which the Henry and me gave chace to
the northwardmost of them. At eight, I found she wronged
us much, and was afraid she would pass to windward. I left
the Henry chacing, and hauled for the westermost ship. At
ten I just weathered her, at a long shot, (she was standing to
the Eastward) notwithstanding her formidable appearance, I
wore round and gave her a broadside, which was well directed.
She still stood on, thinking to outsail us and get clear, which
I believe she would, had not the second broadside of grape
and round shot, which we poured into him, immediately cleared
his decks, and he struck to the Brothers. The Henry had
given over the other chace, and passed us a league to leeward ;
and when she struck he was a long way astern. As she is
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 231
such a valuable prize, we thought it most prudent for both of
us to convoy her into port. I put two mates (Mr. Callow and
Mr. Pugmore) and twelve men on board ; Currie the same
number. She is called the La Gaston (her first voyage). She
is 90 feet keel and 28^2 feet beam, frigate built, and would
carry 32 guns. She has only 6 nine-pounders on board and 60
men, including passengers, amongst which is a French General
called Nardierre, a Chevalier of the order of St. Lewis. By
the General's account she is worth 2,000,000 of livres ; I think
she is worth more. I beg you will write me by return of post,
to the care of the postmaster at Portsmouth ; but I think one
of you coming yourselves post would be requisite ; I wish you
would. We have sent off express to Mr. Hartley. As dull as
the Brothers sails we have stumbled upon a noble acquisition.
I had near lost her for want of a fast sailing ship. Had they
stood another broadside by keeping all crowded as they had,
they would have got clear. The Henry was too far to leeward
to have come up with her. At three o'clock the same day we
took the prize, we fell in with the Ellis and Gregsori* who
informed us that the day before they had been chased by three
French frigates, and that they saw a French 60 gun ship with
a prize, a large black ship, standing to the S.E. Inclosed you
have the French Captain's account of the cargo, but by
information of some of the passengers, there is four trunks of
valuable merchandise, and other packages of value. Am,
Gentlemen, your most humble Servant, RALPH FISHER.
" 400 Bales of Muslin and White Bafts, 150 Tons Saltpetre,
190 Bales Cotton, n Pipes, 138 Half Pipes, 34 Bags Sago,
4 Casks Tortoise Shell, 40 Barrels Coffee, 50,000 Billets Ebony,
besides other packages of value."
On Sunday, October 4th, 1778, the Mary, Captain
Bonsall, a vessel of 130 tons, 16 guns, and 40 men, belong-
ing to Messrs. Drinkwater & Co., arrived in the river
* The Editor patriotically remarks: — "The Gregson and Ellis both belong to
this port, and as they are two fine ships and manned with brave seamen, if they
got up with the other East Indiaman, we doubt not her being soon brought to
England."
232 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
Mersey with a ship she had captured in the Bay of Biscay
in her passage from Liverpool to Dominica. The prize
was called Le Grand Athanase, from Port de Paix for
Nantz, loaded with about 200,000 Ibs. of tobacco and other
goods. In December, the Mary arrived from a cruise,
bringing in with her another prize, called LlEquite, bound
from St. Domingo for Bordeaux. Her cargo consisted of
239 hhds., 6 tierces, 9 barrels first white Sugars.
67 ,, 58 ,, 184 ,, 1 1 8 bags of Coffee.
2 ,, 3 ,, i ,, 3 ankers Indigo.
16 Bales, 10 bags Cotton. 2 Barrels Cocoa.
i barrel tortoise shell.
The paper of December iith, describes how the prize,
coming into port, was run aground, on the Dove, "and
coming round the Rock, beat off her rudder, which was
washed away; when very bad weather coming on, no boats
could be got to tow her into the dock. A temporary rudder
was sent off to her, but after cutting three cables, being
three times ashore, and losing three boats, she at length
was run ashore near the New Ferry, with one anchor and
cable at her bow, which were never let go. 'Tis to be
feared the ship will not be got off, but the materials and
greatest part of her cargo are saved." Such were some of
the difficulties of navigation prior to the advent of those
powerful steam tug-boats which have rendered incalcul-
able services to the shipping of the port. But LlEquit&s
dramatic career was not yet closed. What followed is
related by Troughton as an instance of the daring
depravity of the inhabitants on the Cheshire coast. A
number of lighters were employed to take out the cargo.
On the second day, the people from the country, assem-
bling in their hundreds, swooped down upon the vessel,
threatening destruction to all who opposed them, forcibly
seized and carried off great quantities of the cargo, in con-
sequence of which lawlessness, it was found necessary to
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 233
call in the aid of the military. Application was accordingly
made to the Mayor of Liverpool, and the commanding officer
of the Leicestershire Militia stationed there, both of whom
declined interfering, the transaction being in another county.
The owners of the privateer then sent over arms to their
people, for the defence of the vessel. On the following
night a numerous mob again assembled, and in spite of the
entreaties of the four men who guarded the property, pro-
ceeded to renew their depredations. The guard then fired
several times over the heads of the most desperate of the
plunderers, and at last, for the preservation of their own
lives, fired directly upon them, killing one man. This
resistance, however, only exasperated the mob, and in the
end, to prevent farther bloodshed, the men upon guard took
to their boat, and left the prize to the robbers.
In April, 1779, the Mary fell in with the rebel privateer
Vengeance, Captain Wingaze Newman, of 22 six-pounders
and 90 men. The Mary had only 16 four-pounders, and 48
men and boys, having a short time before sent fifty-five
people away with a prize. In the engagement which ensued,
lasting one hour and-a-half, the Mary had three men killed
and twelve wounded ; her main topmast was carried away,
the mainmast cut two-thirds through ; she received thirty
shots in her hull, five of which were between wind and
water, three of her guns were dismounted, and the rigging
all cut to pieces. In this condition, the brave Captain
Bonsall was obliged to strike his colours, and the Mary
was carried into the port of Newbury. She did not remain
long, however, in the hands of the Americans, being retaken
and carried into Antigua.
In August, 1778, the Molly, Captain Kendall, from Liver-
pool for Africa, took the La Verturane, from Port-au-Prince
for Havre, with sugar, coffee, cotton, indigo, etc. Being
a valuable prize, Captain Kendall returned back to convoy
her safe to Liverpool, but, meeting with the Stag man-of-war
234 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
between Holyhead and Tuskar, the prize was taken from
him, and arrived in Liverpool on December lyth.
On her passage from Africa to Jamaica, with 412 slaves,
the Molly took and carried in with her, a valuable prize laden
with provisions, etc. In March, 1781, we read that she had
arrived at Jamaica from Africa, with a cargo of 514 slaves,
which was an immense success, considering that she had
buried 106 poor wretches on the middle passage. The Molly
belonged to Messrs. Gregson & Co. She was 260 tons
burthen, and carried 16 guns and 70 men. The Nancy,
Captain Nelson, a slaver of 150 tons burthen, 16 guns and 50
men, owned by Messrs. Pringle & Co., managed at about the
same time to convey to the same elysium, 610 slaves, doubt-
less to the great disappointment of the sharks, which followed
these floating dungeons with expectant eyes. In December,
1782, we read of the Molly, Captain Kendall, being well on
the coast of Africa with 650 slaves, and in April, 1783, it was
announced that La Joletta, prize to the Molly, had arrived in
the river Thames. Happy was the merchant who possessed
brave and skilful captains, who, not only secured large
cargoes of eligible and healthy negroes, but picked up rich
argosies on the passage.
In October, 1778, Captain Robert Bostock, of the Little
Ben, 1 10 tons, 14 guns, and 50 men, wrote from Exeter to his
owners, Messrs. Radcliffe & Co., in Liverpool, as follows:—
" I am just arrived here, in company with the Molly
privateer, belonging- to this port, with the snow Le Mallie,
Capt. Mouroy, from Port Prince, bound to Bordeaux, laden
with sugars, coffee, indigo, and cotton ; they calculate the
value here to be ^20,000, and a Dutch ship loaded at Mar-
seilles, and bound to St. Villeroy, with brandy, oil, soap, &c.
I spoke the Gregson on Monday last, who had parted with the
Ellis. She was chased by three French men of war, and he
saw them take an English ship, which he was afraid was a
Liverpool vessel. I was very near being taken by a French
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 235
4O-gun ship ; she gave us three broadsides, but we being the
best sailor, got clear of her."
The paper of October 3Oth, mentions that "the Little Ben,
from Liverpool for Africa, and the Molly, belonging to
Exeter, had taken a snow bound from Martinico for Nantz,
laden with 178 hogsheads of Muscovado sugar, 50 hogs-
heads, 74 tierces and barrels of white sugar, 5000 Ibs. of
indigo, 6,500 Ibs. of cotton, and 103,896 Ibs. of coffee. In
July, 1779, the Hope, Captain .Potter, arrived from Africa,
and reported that the Little Ben had left the coast full
slaved, and that the Rose and the Spy had likewise left the
coast to escape the French frigates, but intended to return
to finish their trade, after the French had passed." The Spy,
Captain Rigmaiden, and the Rose, Captain Jackson, were
both vessels of 120 tons, belonging to Messrs. J. Zuill & Co.,
and each carried 14 guns and forty men.
At the end of October, 1778, the Knight, a vessel of 220
tons burthen, 18 guns, and 80 men, belonging to Messrs.
Hindley, Leigh & Co., Captain Wilson, brought safe to
Hoylake a large ship from St. Domingo, called La Plaine
du Cap, which she had captured. On the 27th of November,
another prize, taken by the Knight, arrived in the Mersey,
the Catharina, from Cadiz for Havre de Grace. The cargo
consisted of 418 packs of wool, 174 tanned hides, 25 barrels
of wine, 16 barrels of cochineal, 28 bales of indigo, 2 bales
chocolate, 6 chests gum copal, 5 chests of medicines, 4
chests vanigla, 26 pipes sweet oil, one case of books, and
one bale of camlet ; the whole valued at ,£25,000. In the
Liverpool paper of January 8th, 1779, we read how the
Knight, upon a cruise, captured a fine East Indiaman called
the Deux Amis, from China, with a valuable cargo on
board, and was convoying her into Liverpool, but in a gale
the prize was forced on shore upon the point of Ayr, while
the Knight went on shore in Conway Bay, with the loss of
her masts only. The crew of the prize, when she filled
236 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
with water, endeavoured to save themselves by getting
upon the shrouds and masts, but the sea breaking over
them, and the night being intensely cold, only nine English-
men and one Frenchman survived it ; the rest, thirty-two in
number, were starved to death, and the ship broke to pieces.
A great part of the cargo was saved. In July, 1779, the
Knight was sunk by a French frigate. Her crew were
saved and landed at Oporto.
The following quotations from a letter dated Baltimore,
U.S., December i2th, 1778, show the distress which pre-
vailed in that country during the war : — " Dry goods 1500
per cent, advance. Exchange 600 per cent, few good bills.
Hard money 500 advance on current cash. Gunpowder,
lead, shot, earthenware, sells at 2500-3000 per cent."
In October, 1778, the Viper, Captain Cowell, 160 tons
burthen, 18 guns, and 80 men, belonging to Messrs. Birch
& Co., captured a valuable prize called La Judicieux, from
Port-au-Prince for Nantz, laden with sugar, coffee, indigo,
cotton, sweetmeats, copper, and lignum vitas. On the i/th
November, in the Bay of Biscay, the Viper took the snow
La Amiable Annette, bound from Cape Fran9ois to Nantz,
with sugar, coffee, cotton, and indigo. On the 8th of March,
1780, the Viper, in company with the Dick, Captain Hewin,
took the Uriah, from Newberry to Hispaniola, with lumber,
etc., and on the i7th of the same month, they captured the
Count d'Estaign, of 18 guns, from Cadiz to Virginia, laden
with wine and salt. They carried both prizes to St. Kitts.
The Viper also took a schooner from Salem for Grenada,
laden with wine and lumber, and carried her into Antigua.
In 1782, she recaptured the Parnassus, from Liverpool for
London.
At a council held on the 7th of October, 1778, the Cor-
poration resolved to give a bounty of four guineas per man
to able seamen, not exceeding 40 in number, who should
enter as volunteers on board his Majesty's ship Penelope,
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 237
built in Liverpool, "they being first fairly proved to be
volunteers and not impressed men, before the committee oi
the council formerly appointed for the purpose."
The Juno, Captain Beaver, a small vessel of 90 tons
burthen, 14 guns, and 40 men, belonging to Messrs.
Hartley & Co., in her passage from Liverpool to Africa,
took a large Dutchman with a French cargo, which she
sent to Liverpool.
In October, 1778, the Tartar, Captain Allanson, captured
the Le Concorde, of 500 tons burthen, from Bordeaux, with
2,500 barrels of flour, 800 barrels of beef, 200 hogsheads of
wine, and above 20 bales of dry goods, in which were 600
ounces of silver. On February 26th, 1779, the Tartar
carried into Antigua, a large New England brig, laden with
380 hogsheads of tobacco. In the paper of May 28th, 1779,
we read that Captain Allanson on his passage to Jamaica,
captured a French slaver, from Angola with 692 slaves,
who were sold in Jamaica for ^25,560, currency ; a stroke
of business which must have caused great satisfaction in the
office of the owners, Messrs. J. Backhouse & Co. Captain
Allanson also took the schooner Victory, from Nantucket,
with lumber, fish, and oil ; and on his passage home, the
sloop Hazard from Providence, with lumber. The Tartar,
though worthy of her name, was not a formidable craft to
look at, being only 90 tons burthen, carrying 18 guns, and
80 men.
It may be easily imagined from the nature of their
employment afloat, that the privateersmen, when they
came into port, were not exemplary pillars of law and
order. As a matter of fact, they were a rough and lawless
set, the terror of the town, committing many outrages, and
breaking open the guard-house to release the impressed
seamen there confined. Their riotous behaviour became
so alarming as to demand magisterial notice, insomuch
that, towards the close of the year 1778, during the
238 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
mayoralty of William Pole, the following caution was
published under his authority : —
" Great complaints having been made to me, as your chief
magistrate, that of late, numbers of seamen and others,
engaged and entered on board the several privateers, and
letters of marque vessels equipping at this port, to cruize
against his Majesty's enemies, do frequently assemble them-
selves, and go armed in a riotous and unlawful manner through
the town, and its environs, as well in the day as in the night
time, without any commission or other officer being in com-
pany, or to command them, to the great annoyance of the
inhabitants and others, and who have committed several
outrages thereby against his Majesty's peace, and the laws
of our country in particular, in forcibly breaking open, and
rescuing several impressed seamen out of the houses for the
reception of them. These are, therefore, in his Majesty's
name, for the future, to caution all such persons assembling
themselves in such an unlawful manner and mode, and from
committing such unlawful breaches of the peace, and violations
of the laws, otherwise, I shall be under the most disagreeable
necessity of calling unto my assistance, for the preservation
of the lives and property of his Majesty's peaceable subjects in
this town, the military stationed here, of which, I hereby
require all such persons to take notice, at their peril."
This remonstrance had its proper effect in deterring a
lawless banditti from the perpetration of outrages.
The Bess, 270 tons, 18 guns, and 100 men, Captain Perry,
belonging to Messrs. Slater & Co., on her passage from
Liverpool to St. Vincent's, captured in the Bay of Biscay an
American snow called the St. Croix, with 49 hogsheads (or
40,000 Ibs.) of tobacco ; 102 hogsheads, 6 half-hogsheads, and
two barrels white sugar; 24 hogsheads, 3 half-hogsheads,
.and one barrel of brown sugar; 1 16 hogsheads, 15 half-hogs-
heads, and 28 barrels of coffee ; and 826 dollars. In January,
1779, the Bess, in company with the Saville, of Bristol, took
a rich snow, named the Proteus, bound from Philadelphia to
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 239
France, with 281 hogsheads of flax seed, 166 hogsheads of
tobacco, 52 casks of pot-ashes, 15,000 staves, and 140 beaver
skins.
The Arethusa, Captain Jones, a vessel of 150 tons burthen,
18 guns, and 92 men, belonging to Messrs. Nelson & Co.,
took a brig from Bayonne, loaded with wine and flour, and
sent her for Liverpool, but she was stranded near Waterford.
The crew and part of the cargo were saved. The Arethusa
soon afterwards captured a schooner loaded with tobacco,
and sent her for Liverpool. In November of the following
year, we read that the Arethusa had taken and carried into
the Bermudas, two prizes, one a sloop laden with 59 hogs-
heads of tobacco from Bird's warehouse, James River,
the other from Salem for Cape Fran9ois, laden with fish
and lumber. In company with another privateer, the
Arethusa captured a prize which was sent to the Bermudas,
and another from Carolina, which she sent to New York.
On the 28th of October, the Carnatic, East Indiaman, was
taken by the Mentor, Captain John Dawson. This was said
to be the richest prize ever taken and brought safe into port
by a Liverpool adventurer, being of the value of ,£135,000.
"A box of diamonds of an immense value," says the Liver-
pool paper, of November 271)1, " was discovered on Friday
on board the Carnatic, French East Indiaman, which is
arrived in the river, to the no small satisfaction of the
captors." This lucky hit was due in a great measure to the
sagacity of Captain Dawson. War with France had com-
menced in April, but Admiral Keppel only put to sea to
look for the French fleet on June lyth. Captain Dawson
boldly sailed southwards to intercept the French East India-
men, which had put to sea before the declaration of war, and
met with the reward which his pluck and foresight deserved.
The Mentor, 400 tons burthen, 28 guns, and 102 men,
belonged to Messrs. Baker & Co. Mr. Baker became
Captain Dawson's father-in-law, and partner in the noted
240 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
shipbuilding firm of Messrs. Baker & Dawson, on the
Estuary Bank. Mr. Baker was mayor in 1795, and died
during his year of office. Messrs. Baker & Dawson bought
the Mossley Hill Estate, and erected thereon the mansion
which, in joke, was called by the wags, "Carnatic-hall."* In
1778, the firm bought the manor of Garston of the Corpora-
tion of Liverpool, and in January, 1791, they conveyed their
undivided moieties to Mrs. Elizabeth Kent, widow of Mr.
Richard Kent, of Duke Street.
In the Binns' Collection, at the Brown's Library, is the
following undated newspaper cutting : —
"A RELIC OF OLD LIVERPOOL.
" The fire which took place on Monday last at Carnatic-hall,
situate on Mossley-hill, promises to complete the destruction
of a mansion not a little associated with the fortunes and
history of Liverpool and its leading1 citizens during- the last
100 years. It is well known what a prominent part Liverpool
took in fitting out privateers against the French and other
enemies at the commencement of our American troubles in
1775. But it was in November 1778, that the richest prize
ever taken by a Liverpool adventurer fell into the hands of
Captain John Baker of the Mentor, a ship of 400 tons, 28 guns,
102 men, and belonging- to the Bakers and Pudsey Dawsons —
names then of repute in commercial circles. The prize, a
French East Indiaman, the Carnatic, turned out to have on
board a box of diamonds, valued at ^135,000. With the
proceeds of the prize and after it Carnatic-hall was built and
* Carnatic-hall, re-built in princely style, is now the residence of Mr. Walter
Holland. Towards the close of the eighteenth century, Mr. Samuel Holland, grand-
father of Mr. Walter Holland, the present owner, came to Liverpool from Knutsford,
in Cheshire, from which place the present Henry Holland takes hi-; title of Viscount
Knutsford. Mr. Samuel Holland was no doubt largely engaged in privateering,
like other Liverpool shipowners in the long war with France. He is said to have
been on hoard one of his own privateers, and commenced an engagement with either
a British man-of-war or another privateer, in the Mediterranean (each vessel having
hoisted a wrong colour to deceive an enemy) before the mistake was found out.
The family of Holland is an old one, and was resident in the neighbourhood of
Liverpool farther hack than the days of the valiant Nehemiah, who commanded
the Ann Galley and the St. Peter.
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 2«
appropriately named. Though the name of its architect is not
known, the proportions of its rooms and their decoration
denoted a superior hand — possibly that of Adams. It is not
known for certain whether there remain any of the family of
the builders of the mansion, though about twenty years ago a
woman claiming to be so descended appealed for alms to the
then occupants of the house. Anyhow, the latter after remain-
ing in the family of its builders till about 1830, came into the
possession of the Ewarts, one of whom was sometime member
of Parliament for Liverpool, and in 1838, shorn of part of its
acreage, it was purchased by the late Charles Lawrence,
grandfather of Mr. W. F. Lawrence, M.P. In 1886, after
the death of Mrs. G. H. Lawrence, the property was sold to a
syndicate, and lately came into the hands of the present owner.
In 1847, during the mayoralty of Mr. G. H. Lawrence, Sir
Robert Peel visited Liverpool, and slept at Carnatic-hall, as
the guest of Mr. Charles Lawrence. In 1886, an old and
interesting print, which always hung at Carnatic-hall through
its many vicissitudes, representing the capture of the Carnatic
East Indiaman, was forwarded by the representatives of the
then owners to the authorities at the Brown Library. It is
probably lost under the accumulation of similar curios, but it
would seem worth while for the authorities to provide some
room specially devoted to commemorate Liverpool in the olden
days, and to set out a selection of prints and curios of special
interest. It is probable the old picture depicting the capture
of the Carnatic, however poor as a work of art, might be not
the least attractive exhibit, and stimulate many a youth to
deeds of daring and laudable ambition." *
In August, 1779, we read that the Mentor had captured
two prizes on her passage to Jamaica. In that year she
* The writer of the above interesting article is incorrect in saying that
Captain Baker was in command of the Mentor, instead of Captain Dawson. The
author of the present work, having had his attention called to the old picture in
question, by Mr. W. F. Lawrence, M.P., made enquiries, and, with the kindly
aid of Mr. Cowell, the Chief Librarian, found it hung in a dark corridor in the
private portion of the Brown's Library. " More light" only revealed the sad fact
that the picture had been in battle on its own account, and that it was too sorely
wounded for reproduction in this volume.
Q
242 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
was commanded by Captain John Whiteside, who, on the
4th of November, wrote to Messrs. Baker & Dawson, from
Cork, as follows : —
"On Wednesday, the 2yth ult. , in lat. 47, long-, n., at
A.M. daylight, saw four sail bearing- S.E. ; bore away for them.
As we came near, found two of them to be ships, one having
Dutch colours hoisted, the other English ; the other two sail
being a sloop and a schooner. At nine A.M. came so near one
of the ships as to perceive she was a frigate, on which we
hauled upon a wind to the southward. She immediately
hoisted French colours, fired several shot, and gave chace to
us. We, finding she came up fast, kept away with the wind
abeam, and set every studding sail and small sail in the ship
to the best advantage. At noon the frigate was about two
miles astern in chace. The 28th October moderate winds and
clear weather; the. frigate in chace all these twenty-four hours,
sometimes coming near us, other times dropping, according as
the breeze freshened and died away. We took every possible
method to get away from him, but could not get distance
enough from him to alter our course in the night. At ten A.M.
saw three sail astern, steering after us. At meridian, the
frigate about a mile and a half astern, coming up fast with us.
The 29th October, at half past meridian, the wind dying away,
the frigate came up with us fast, in consequence of which, we
in studding sails, up courses, and got all clear for engaging.
At one P.M. came to action, which continued very warm till
ten minutes past two, when she made all the sail she could, and
stood away from us to the southward.
" She was a frigate of 36 guns, carrying 28 twelve-pounders
on one deck. We weighed one of their shot, and found it
15 Ib. weight. We had our main-top-mast shot away, a great
deal of our rigging and sails, and one shot through our main-
mast head, just below the trussle trees, which splintered all
the larboard cheek of the mast and all the bolts. At five P.M.
two of the vessels we saw astern came up, and spoke us,
proved to be the Lyon and Tyger privateers, belonging to
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE 243
Bristol. We all three made sail after the frigate. At A.M.
daylight, had a survey on our mainmast, by our carpenters,
found it so much shattered, and impossible to get any fishes
on it, concluded putting into Ireland, in order to get a new
one. At meridian in company with the privateers, saw two
sail, one upon a wind, which we knew to be the frigate, being
in the same disguise as when we first saw her, with his fore-
top gallant mast down, and a small jigger abaft, and the other
a brig standing to the S.E., to which the Lyon gave chace I
suppose, not knowing the other vessel to be the frigate by
being in that disguise, and she on the wind to the N.W. The
Tyger gave chace to her, we being disabled so much, with our
main-top-mast down, and a great way astern of them both,
and not consulting with me, thought it most prudent to haul
my wind. As the Tyger drew near her chace, she perceived
her to be the frigate, whereupon she immediately hauled her
wind, and stood for the Lyon, which I suppose would have
been the case had I gone down with her. Our officers and
men behaved exceeding well."
In 1782, on her passage from Jamaica to Liverpool, the
Mentor foundered in a gale, off the Banks of Newfoundland,
and 31 of the crew were lost. Captain Whiteside, his
second mate, and a boy were saved. The Sarah Goulburn,
Captain Orr, also foundered.
The Dragon privateer, 112 tons, 14 guns, and 75 men,
Captain Briggs, belonging to Messrs. Warren & Co., took the
La Bonne Foi> from Martinico for Dunkirk, laden with 201
hogsheads, 7 tierces, and three barrels of sugar, 165 bags
of cocoa, 119 bags of cotton, 22 hogsheads, and 48 bags of
coffee ; also two ships from Newfoundland laden with fish,
one of which was lost off Cork. The prize-master of the
other stated that he had left the Dragon in pursuit of fifteen
more vessels when he parted from her. On the i6th of
February, 1779, the Dragon took the La Modeste (a French
Letter of Marque), from St. Domingo for Nantz. When she
struck, the sea ran so high that it was impracticable to board
244 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
her, upon which she was ordered to steer towards Ireland,
and carry a light, the Dragon keeping close on her quarter.
When the weather became more moderate, an attempt was
made to man the prize, in which all the boats belonging to
each ship were stove. The impatience of the Dragoris crew
was now raised to the utmost pitch, and, regardless of all
danger, five seamen stripped themselves, leaped into the sea,
swam to the prize, and took possession. This unparalleled
instance of British courage so astonished the French, that
they declared none but Englishmen would have thought of
such an expedient, and much less have carried it into effect.
The prize was worth swimming for, the cargo, which arrived
safely in Liverpool, consisting of 517 hogsheads of sugar,
42 hogsheads, 31 barrels, two tierces, 116 quarter casks, and
181 bags of coffee, 39 bales and 29 pockets of cotton, four
hogsheads, one barrel, and eight quarter casks of indigo.
In February, 1780, we read that the Dragon privateer,
Captain Reed, had taken " another schooner, bound from
Martinico to Boston, laden with sugar, etc., and sent her
into Bermuda, where both vessel and cargo were sold."
In the paper of September i3th, 1781, the capture was
announced of the Dragon, Captain Gardner, on a cruise
from Liverpool, by a French frigate, which carried her into
Brest.
The Nanny, Captain Beynon, belonging to Messrs.
Hindley, Leigh & Co., a vessel of 220 tons, 14 guns, and
50 men, took a large Swedish brig bound from Lisbon to
Rouen, with wine, fruit, and wool. In January, 1779, on her
passage to Oporto, she recaptured a brig loaded with pro-
visions, from Limerick for Gibraltar. In the following
March, on the homeward passage from Oporto, she had a
three hours' engagement with a privateer of 16 guns, and
beat her off. The particulars of an engagement between the
Nanny and the American privateer, General Arnold, Captain
Brown, of 18 six-pounders, and 100 men, are given in the
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 245
following letter from Captain Beynon to his owners, dated
Cadiz, June 2nd, 1779: —
"On the 2oth of May, off Cape Finisterre, saw a ship in
chace of us. Being- resolved to know the weight of his metal
before I gave up your property, I prepared to make the best
defence I could. Between eight and nine o'clock, he came
along-side, with American colours, hailed, and told me to haul
my colours down. I desired him to beg-in and blaze away, for
I was determined to know his force, before I gave up to him.
The engagement began, and lasted about two hours, our ships
being close together, having only room to keep clear of each
other. Our guns told well on both sides. We were soon left
destitute of rigging and sails, as I engaged him under my top-
sails and jib. We were sadly shattered below and aloft. I
got the Nanny before the wind, and fought an hour that way,
one pump going, till we had upwards of seven feet water in the
hold. I thought it then almost time to give up the battle, as
our ship began to be water-logged. We were so close, that I
told him that I had struck, and hauled my colours down. The
privateer was in a sad shattered condition. By the time we
were all overboard the Nanny, the water was up to the lower
deck. When Captain Brown heard the number of men I had,
he asked me what I meant by engaging him so long? I told
him, as I was then his prisoner, I hoped he would not call me
to any account for what I had done, before the colours were
hauled down. He said he approved of all I had done, and
treated my officers and myself like gentlemen."
One man went down in the Nanny. The General Arnold
was herself taken soon after, by his Majesty's ship Experi-
ment, Commodore Sir James Wallace.
The slave ship Diana, Captain Colley, from Liverpool
and Africa for America, was captured 30 leagues to wind-
ward of Tobago, by the ship General Moutrey, Captain
Sullivan, 18 guns and 200 men, and the brig Fair American,
Captain Morgan, 14 guns and 90 men. The prize was
carried to Curacoa, where her cargo, consisting of 378
246 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
slaves, 30 tons camwood, and about three tons of ivory,
was sold; the slaves at ten "Joes" per head. The Green-
wood, Captain Reid, a slaver of 250 tons burthen, 16 guns,
and 50 men, belonging to Messrs. Crosbie & Greenwood,
was taken on her passage to Africa by the Vengeance, an
old French frigate of 24 twelve-pounders and 260 men, and
carried to Cadiz. The French commander was killed at
the first broadside from the Green-mood, but the great weight
of metal, number of guns and men against him, made it
impossible for Captain Reid to continue the action.
In November, 1778, the Catcher, Captain Fletcher, a
vessel of no tons, 14 guns, and 80 men, owned by Messrs.
Salisbury & Co., brought into the Mersey a French ship
from Cape Fran9ois for Nantz, with 130,300 Ibs. of sugar,
115 barrels of coffee, 7 barrels of indigo, and 12 bales of
cotton.
On the loth of December, 1778, the Atalanta, Captain
Collinson, 180 tons burthen, 16 guns, and 54 men, owned
by Messrs. Fowden & Berry, recaptured the brig Eagle,
from Newfoundland to Cadiz, with 3429 quintals of fish,
and sent her to Lisbon. On the 2ist of the same month,
the Townside, Captain Watmough, 130 tons, 16 guns, and
90 men, belonging to Messrs. Mitton & Co., captured an
East Indiaman, laden with coffee, dry goods, etc., but the
prize was lost near Beaumaris, the crew and part of the
cargo and materials being saved. The Townside was
captured a few months later, and re-taken by the Sybil
man-of-war.
"The attention shewn to our trade by the Admiralty,"
observes the paper of December i8th, 1778, "cannot be
too generally known ; but it may not be improper to men-
tion that 1 20 trading vessels are preparing to sail from
Domingo to France : a promising harvest for our spirited
privateers." From this we perceive that the editorial mind
was tainted with the prevailing "iniquity." In the same
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 247
month it was stated that since the commencement of hostili-
ties with France, the Kite cutter had taken, in the English
Channel, prizes to the amount of ,£400,000.
In the beginning of 1779 — a year memorable for the
numerous instances of gallantry displayed by the seamen of
Liverpool, both in privateers and merchantmen— the Ellen,
Captain Fell, 200 tons, 20 guns, and 70 men, owned by
Messrs. France & Co., on her passage to Jamaicar took the
Three Friends, from Boston to L'Orient, with furs, lignum
vit^e, etc. ; and a little later she captured the Fantasie, 700
tons, from Port-au-Prince for Bordeaux, with 482 hogsheads,
2 tierces and 7 barrels of sugar, 100 bags of cocoa, 10 bags
of cotton, 59 hogsheads, 1 19 tierces and 165 barrels of coffee,
10 hogsheads, 5 tierces and i barrel of indigo.
The Retaliation, Captain Townsend, 160 tons, 16 guns,
and 100 men, belonging to Messrs. Syers & Co., took a
brig of 200 tons, laden with tobacco, flour, lumber, etc., and
a schooner laden with fish, both from America for the West
Indies, and carried them into Antigua. She also captured
a large French ship, of 16 guns, laden with bale goods and
provisions, which she carried into St. Kitts.
The Friendship, Captain Fisher, on her passage from
Liverpool to Jamaica, took a Dutch ship, bound from St.
Eustatia for Amsterdam, laden with tobacco, etc. ; also a
vessel from Charleston, with a cargo of rice, indigo, etc.
In February, 1779, the Betsey, Captain Fisher, returned
from an unsuccessful cruise of three months, but on the
20th of June following, she brought into the Mersey, the
Favourite, an East India ship, 450 tons burthen, bound for
L'Orient, with 1,054 billets red wood, 484 sacks of cowries,
1 71 bales of cotton, 2 bales dimity, 1,570 bags of pepper,
500 rattans, 27 bags of Mocha coffee, 8 bags of Bourbon
coffee, 1,090 bales of coffee, 44^ bales, 2 trunks and i box
sundries. On the 29th of August, the Betsey was taken
on her passage to New York, three days after leaving
218 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
Liverpool, by the Alliance frigate, of 44 guns, and three
other ships in company, cruising off the coast of Scotland,
under Commodore Paul Jones.
On the 4th of March, 1779, the Success (Letter of
Marque), 120 tons, 12 guns, and 30 men, owned by
Messrs. Crosbie & Greenwood, and commanded by
Captain Niven, arrived in Hoylake from a cruise, having
captured La Probite from St. Domingo, with a valuable
cargo consisting of 94 hogsheads and 4 barrels of
tobacco, 43 hogsheads, 3 tierces and 2 barrels of sugar,
14 tierces, 49 barrels and 103 bags of coffee, some cocoa,
and hides. On the i4th of May, in her passage to
Bermuda, the Success fell in with the Pilgrim privateer,
Captain Hugh Hill, from Beverley, New England, of 16
nine-pounders and 150 men, which she engaged. The
sailing-master of the Success was killed at the first broad-
side, and others of her principal officers dangerously
wounded before she struck. The Pilgrim had two of her
crew wounded, three of her mizen shrouds carried away,
and her sails and rigging greatly damaged. The Pilgrim
cruised afterwards in lat. 50° and long. 13° to 15°, and
took the John, from New York to Liverpool, and the
Anna and Eliza, from New York for London, both laden
with tobacco, etc. After despatching them, she stood for
Sligo Bay, landed all her prisoners, and stood off again to
pick up some of the linen and yarn ships. She had taken
eight prizes in six weeks.
On the 1 9th of February, 1779, the Enterprise, 250 tons,
20 guns, and 70 men, belonging to Messrs. Brooks & Co.,
and commanded by Captain Pearce, took the Paulina, 450
tons burthen, from Cape Fran9ois to Bordeaux, with
upwards of 500 hogsheads of sugar, besides indigo, coffee,
etc. She was pierced for 22 guns. On the 23rd of the
same month, Captain Pearce captured LHostilite, bound
from Bordeaux to Port-au-Prince, laden with provisions,
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 249
etc. Both prizes arrived safe in Liverpool. On the 22nd
of October, the Enterprise, having changed owners and
commander, and having been out about a month cruising
on behalf of Messrs. Francis Ingram & Co., whose instruc-
tions to Captain Haslam we gave in a former chapter,
brought into the Mersey L" Aventurier, of 22 guns, and 50
men, from Martinico to Bordeaux, with 105 bales of cotton,
28 hogsheads of tobacco, 600 hogsheads of clayed sugar,
38 hogsheads of Muscovado sugar, 14 tierces and 23 barrels
of sugar, 164 hogsheads, 49 tierces and 115 barrels of
coffee, 6 tierces, 235 bags and i barrel of cocoa, and
2000 Ibs. of cassia fistula. On the i4th of September,
1780, the Courier, 200 tons, captured on the passage from
Bordeaux to St. Sebastian, by the Enterprise and the Stag,
of Jersey, arrived in Liverpool. The prize cargo, as
advertised to be sold at the St. George's Coffee-house, con-
sisted of 141 casks of sugar, 82 bales of hemp, 7 hogsheads
of claret, i hogshead of Virginia tobacco, paint, copper
pans, marble slabs, looking glass frames, 12 new chairs,
41 new guns, and 8 new carriages. The brig Le Vaillant,
another prize taken by Captain Haslam, laden with wine,
flour, sugar, etc., was lost on the Burbo, on September i2th,
1780, and only one man saved. About 140 casks of claret
and 74 barrels of flour, etc., were recovered from the wreck.
In quick succession there arrived the following prizes,
captured by the same successful privateer : — The San
Pedro, 150 tons, taken on her passage from Bayonne to
Bordeaux, with 900 barrels of flour, 1 1 casks of brandy, etc. ;
the St. Joseph, 40 tons, from Bordeaux to St. Sebastian,
with 484 casks of resin, etc.; and the brig Le Moineau,
from Nantz to St. Domingo, with a miscellaneous cargo
that would have delighted Robinson Crusoe — flour, claret,
nails, canvas, sail cloth, Castile soap, tallow and wax
candles, butter, tallow, bread, cheese, pork, salad oil, lin-
seed oil, linens, drugs, Epsom salts, thread, handkerchiefs,
250 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
thread stockings, men and women's shoes, hair powder,
snuff, earthenware, flint glass, barrel staves, etc., coopers'
twiggs, copper pans, scales, garden seeds, swivel balls,
etc., all sold by auction at St. George's Coffee-house.
The Molly, Captain Woods, 240 tons, 14 guns, and 40
men, belonging to Messrs. Rawlinson & Co. ; the Wasp,
Captain Byrne, 220 tons, 14 guns, and 95 men, owned by
Messrs. Kennion & Co. ; and the Bess, Captain Perrey, all
belonging to Liverpool, and cruising in company, took a
schooner bound from Bordeaux to Philadelphia, loaded
with tea, silks, etc., which arrived in the Mersey on
February 25th, 1779. They also captured a brig bound
from France to the West Indies, laden with provisions.
The Wasp and the Bess, in company, took a ship from St.
Domingo for France, with a cargo of coffee, indigo and
ivory, which likewise entered the Mersey on February 25th.
The Molly soon afterwards captured the St. Augustine, a
three-decked ship, from Port-au-Prince to Nantz, mounting
10 nine-pounders and carrying 40 men. She was laden with
536 hogsheads and 5 tierces of Muscovado sugar, 8 hogs-
heads, 61 tierces and 97 barrels of indigo, and 300 hides.
The Molly was captured on September 4th, 1782, on her
passage from Liverpool to St. Lucia, by two frigates bound
to Marseilles.
The West India fleet sailed from Cork on the ist of
March, under convoy of two 74-gun ships, one of 50 guns,
and two frigates. In the same month, a gentleman in Man-
chester, received the following testimonial to the activity of
our privateers, from his correspondent at Bordeaux:—
"Very many rich and respectable merchants here, have
been already ruined by the great success of your privateers
and cruizers. Many more must fall soon. May God, of
his mercy to us, put an end speedily to this destructive and
ridiculous war."
Early in the year 1779, Captain Ash, of the Terrible,
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 251
250 tons, 20 guns, and 130 men, belonging to Messrs.
Nottingham & Co., took a large snow called La Victoire,
from St. Domingo to Bordeaux, and on the same day, a
large ship from Port-au-Prince, called LI Age D'Or, both of
which arrived safe in Liverpool. Their united cargoes
consisted of 774 hogsheads and 22 tierces of sugar, 29
barrels, 29 half-barrels, 65 quarter-casks, and 40,000 pounds
of coffee ; 120 bags of ginger, 120 bales, n bags and 3
pockets of cotton, and 2 quarter-barrels indigo. Captain
Ash also recaptured and sent into Cork, the Leinster Packet,
from Bristol to Galway, which had been taken the previous
day by the Rocket, of 16 guns and 1 10 men.
On Sunday, February 28th, 1779, the Griffin, Captain
Grimshaw, 130 tons, 14 guns, and 90 men, owned by Messrs.
Hall & Co., brought into the Mersey the Count de St.
Germain, a large St. Domingoman, ot 14 guns and 33 men,
bound to Nantz with two passengers, and a valuable cargo
of sugar, molasses, coffee, cotton, indigo, cocoa and tortoise
shell. The Frenchman fought for eight hours before he
struck. The Griffin had two men severely wounded, one of
whom died of his wounds. The arrival of this and several
other prizes in the same week "appeared to occasion very
general satisfaction" in Liverpool. In April, 1780 — more
than a year after the capture — an advertisement appeared in
the papers desiring the officers, seamen, and others having
legal demands against the late owners of the privateer
Griffin, or her prize Le Compte de St. Germain to attend at
33, Edmund Street (the street where John Newton formerly
resided), to receive their due. Thus, " Poor Jack,"after risk-
ing his life and losing a limb in his desperate employment,
had long to wait for his share of the plunder, and was too fre-
quently the prey of land sharks. Many of those interested in
the Griffin's prize had probably gone elsewhere to receive
their due, before the invitation to Oldhall Street was issued.
The Rawlinson and the Clarendon, of Liverpool,
252 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
recaptured off the Land's End, the Wey mouth Packet, which
had sailed from Jamaica without convoy and been taken by
the General Sullivan privateer, of Portsmouth, New England.
The Dreadnought, Captain Cooper, took a vessel laden
with salt, and sent her into Mount Bay, in February, 1779.
On the 5th of March, the Dreadnought, Captain Taylor,
200 tons, 20 guns, and 120 men, belonging to Messrs.
Wagner & Co., returned from a cruise, bringing in with
her the U'Aimable Agatha from St. Domingo, with "237
hogsheads of sugar, 80 bales of cotton, 150,000 weight of
coffee, and 600 weight of indigo." The head of the firm of
Messrs. Wagner & Co., was Mr. Benedict Paul Wagner,
the maternal grandfather of Felicia Dorothea Hemans,
some of whose earliest poems were written at what is now
the "Loggerheads Revived" tavern, in Richmond Row.
On the 3Oth of March, 1779, five leagues off Cape Clear,
the Polly, of and for Liverpool, was taken by the French
privateer Monsieur, of 40 guns, and 450 men. After being
ransomed for 1250 guineas, the Polly proceeded on her
voyage, but on the following day, another French vessel of
36 guns, a consort of the Monsieur, fired four guns at the
Polly, but the latter luckily made the port of Skibbereen
before the Frenchman could come up with her.
The Tom, Captain Davis, a slaver of 100 tons, 12 guns,
and 36 men, belonging to Mr. Clement, was taken on her
passage from Africa by two French 36-gun ships, a brig
and several armed boats. The Tom was purchased from
the French to bring the people home. The Hereford,
Captain Harrison, the Providence, Captain Colley, and the
Juno, Captain Beaver, all slave ships belonging to Liver-
pool, were taken by the French on the coast of Africa.
The Juno, a vessel of 90 tons burthen, 14 guns, and 40
men, belonged to Messrs. Hartley & Co.
The Hunter, Captain Ashburn, was taken on her passage
to New York by a rebel privateer, of 16 guns, called the
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 253
Pallas, after an engagement of " five glasses," wherein the
Hunter had four men killed and sixteen wounded. The
American had many men killed and wounded, and was so
torn to pieces in her hull and rigging that she had to put
into Newbury.
The Nancy, Captain Adams, on her passage from Tortola
to Liverpool, had a very smart engagement with an
American privateer, of 18 guns, and beat her off. Captain
Adams's men in the tops with small arms, made great
slaughter amongst the privateer's people.
The Sturdy Beggar, Captain Cooper, 160 tons, 16 guns,
and 160 men, belonging to Messrs. Davenport & Co., took
the St. Michael, from Cape Fran9ois for Nantz, with 325
hogsheads, 14 tierces and 4 barrels of sugar, 147 casks and
20 1 bags of coffee, 22 casks of indigo, 12 bags of cocoa, i bag
of cotton, and 246 hides, which arrived in Liverpool in May,
1779. On the 4th of September, the Le Moissonier, from
Cayenne to St. Malo, laden with cotton, cocoa, mahogany,
etc., a prize to the Sturdy Beggar, Captain Humphrey,
arrived in the Mersey ; and on the 8th of the same month,
the privateer returned from her cruise, bringing in La Salta
Nostra Senora del Rosario, Captain Buenaventura Prana,
from Buenos Ayres to Cadiz, laden with dollars, skins, wool,
etc. On the 2gth of October, 1779, the Sturdy Beggar, then
in Fayal Road, parted both cables in a gale of wind, drove
on shore, and in ten minutes went entirely to pieces, four of
her crew being drowned. Five other vessels were totally
lost in the same manner, and at the same time and place.
On the 20th of April, 1779, the Vulture, Captain Allanson,
took the St. Cyprian, 400 tons burthen, from Martinico to
Bordeaux ; and in August, a large Spanish snow called the
San Esteven, from Orinoco to Cadiz, with 14,000 rolls of
"the Genuine and Fine Oronoque Vorcena or Cannastre
Tobacco," 23 tons of cocoa, 400 hides, 370 dollars, and some
chests of medicine. Early in 1782, the Vulture, on her
254 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
passage from Jamaica to Liverpool, captured a brig and a
snow, one of which foundered on the coast of Ireland.
The Will, Captain Lewtas, cruising in company with
another vessel, took the La Meredale, from Virginia for
Cadiz, with 240 hogsheads of tobacco, and 70 barrels of tar
and turpentine. The Nanny, Captain Harrison, 14 guns
and 70 men, belonging to Messrs. Watts & Rawson, on
her passage to Jamaica, took a Swede from St. Domingo ;
and the Jamaica, 350 tons, 18 guns, and no men, owned
by Messrs. Birch & Co., captured two prizes.
The Ashton, Captain Thompson, on her passage to the
Baltic, had a severe engagement with two French privateers,
one a snow, of 18 guns, and the other a brig, of 16 guns.
When at last the Liverpool vessel was obliged to strike to
superior force, she had only her foremast standing. The
mate died of his wounds. The boatswain of the Ashton
was carried off as ransomer. The same privateers captured
and ransomed the Hannah, belonging to Messrs. Heywood,
and shortly after were themselves taken by the Fairy sloop
of war and the Griffin cutter.
The Zte/z^/z/ (Letter of Marque), Captain Dawson, 120 tons,
12 guns, and 39 men, belonging to Messrs. Rawlinson & Co.,
was lost upon Cape May in a fog, and her crew made
prisoners.
The barque Swift, Captain W. Brighouse, belonging to
Messrs. W. Davenport & Co., having lost sight of the
Jamaica fleet and convoy, off the west-end of Cuba, pro-
ceeded on her passage alone, and was captured by the
General Arnold privateer, 20 guns and 85 men, Captain
James M'Gee, of Boston. Most of the captain's letters,
papers, and clothes were taken from him, and he was
nearly stripped of everything he had.
The Tyger (Letter of Marque), Captain Amery, 300
tons, 16 guns, and 60 men, belonging to Messrs. James
France & Co., was taken on her passage from Liverpool to
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 255
Jamaica, by a French frigate, and carried into Hispaniola ;
and the Adventure, Captain Hyatt, a privateer of 160 tons,
14 guns, and 80 men, belonging to Messrs. Newby & Co., was
taken, in company with a Glasgow privateer, of 14 guns,
by an American privateer, of 20 guns.
The privateer Spitfire, 200 tons, 16 guns, and 100 men,
Captain Thomas Bell, was captured by a French frigate,
which also took the Intrepid, Captain Buddicome. The
Intrepid was retaken by the Dublin (Letter of Marque),
Captain Harding, and carried into New York. The owners
of the Spitfire, Messrs. J. Zuill & Co., received the following
letter from Captain Bell, dated L'Orient, May 2nd, 1779:—
" I am sorry to acquaint you with my misfortune. On the
igth of April, in lat. 46. 20. long-. 5. 10. we met with the La
frigate, of 32 guns, 26 twelves and 6 six-pounders,
removable to either side, which made 19 guns on the side they
engaged, and three brass swivels of one pound each, with 246
men. We began to engage about fifty or sixty yards distance,
and from that to thirty. The fire was brisk on both sides and
well kept up for one hour and fifteen minutes, having then only
two guns on the starboard side, and five on the larboard fit for
action. We were at last obliged to strike our colours, or
rather the Union thereof, as the other part was shot away. In
all our sails, from the royals downwards, there was scarce one
piece left the size of a sheet. Our standing and running
rigging cut entirely to pieces ; two ports made into one, and
the ship's side like a rabbit warren. You may rest assured I
have discharged the duty of a man, both in courage and con-
duct. Four killed and six wounded."
On the 2oth of June, 1779, the Commerce, Captain Woods,
on her passage from Liverpool to Halifax, fell in with an
American privateer, of 16 six-pounders and 75 men, which
she beat off after an engagement of three hours and-a-half,
with the loss of one man killed and four wounded. On the
24th of June, she fell in with another privateer, of 14 six-
pounders, and full of men, which she also beat off, after a
256 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
very obstinate engagement of four hours, in which she had
one man killed, and the Captain and four more men wounded.
The Commerce had but forty-two people on board, and 14
carriage guns, six and four-pounders. In December, 1780,
we read of the Commerce, Captain Curwin, being retaken and
carried into New York.
The paper of July 2nd, 1779, announced that orders had
been despatched to all the seaports to lay an embargo on all
ships, that none might put to sea until all the men-of-war
which were wanted for immediate service, had got their full
complement of men.
The Corporation of Liverpool were at this time — and,
indeed, at all times — as effusively loyal in words and deeds
as the merchants of Liverpool were far-seeing and warlike
in their enterprises. At a special Council, held on June 26th,
1779, it was resolved that an address, under the Common
Seal, should be presented to the King ; "as a testimony of
our duty and affection for your Majesty's royal person, and
of our attachment to the welfare and prosperity of your
kingdoms at the present alarming juncture ; when from the
perfidious alliances of our natural and combined enemies,
the House of Bourbon, with your Majesty's revolted colonies
in America, to succour rebellion against the parent state,
this nation and the most formidable powers in Europe must
be unavoidably involved in all the calamities of war." Their
loyalty did not evaporate in mere professions, for, at the
same council, it was ordered "that a bounty of ten guineas
for every able seaman, and five guineas for every ordinary
seaman, should be offered, and be paid by the Corporation
treasurer to every volunteer who should enter on board any
of the King's ships of war at Liverpool."
"According to accounts from the Admiralty," says
the Liverpool paper of July gth, 1779, "upwards of
250 Warrants have been granted for making out Letters
of Marque in Doctors Commons, since the Spanish
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 257
Ambassador delivered his manifesto; and it is certain
upon a moderate computation, there will not be less than
700 sail of privateers and Letters of Marque fitted out at the
different ports in this Kingdom."
The Richard, Captain Lee (a Letter of Marque), of 150
tons, 16 guns, and 70 men, owned by Messrs. Rawlinson
& Co., brought in with her a large schooner, laden with
sugar, cotton, coffee, molasses, &c., bound from Guadaloupe
to America, which she had captured in her passage from
Tortola. The Juliana, Captain Robinson, on her passage
to Antigua, took two prizes, bound from France to the
West Indies, and the Ranger, Captain Adams, took a Dutch
ship bound from Marseilles to St. Valery, and sent her to
Liverpool. On the 26th of August, a French snow called
the Chamont, bound from Beaufort, North Carolina to
Nantz, with tobacco, naval stores, and indigo, arrived in
Liverpool, having been captured by the slave ship Blossom,
Captain Doyle, on her passage to Africa. The slave ships
were often lucky in taking prizes. The Nancy, Captain
Hammond, a slaver of 250 tons, 20 guns, and 59 men,
belonging to Messrs. Fowden & Berry, arrived at Jamaica
with 430 slaves; and the Nancy, Captain Nelson, belonging
to Messrs. Pringle & Co., a vessel of 150 tons, 16 guns, and
50 men, with 420 slaves. The latter captured and carried
in with him a valuable prize, a Guineaman with 200 slaves.
The Gregson, Captain Jolly, belonging to Messrs. Boats &
Gregson, also arrived at Jamaica with a valuable prize.
Early in July, 1779, the Amazon privateer, of 14 nine-
pounders, and 95 men, Captain Charles Lowe Whytell,
returned from a cruise, with a Portuguese brig, which she
had taken, bound from Lisbon to Havre. A few weeks later
a much finer stroke of good fortune befell the Amazon. A
letter, dated Cork, September gth, 1779, gives the following
particulars: —
"Yesterday was brought into Cove, the Sancte Incas, Don
253 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
Fr. Renosso, a Spanish man-of-war, from Manilla to Cadiz,
deeply laden with gold, silver, coffee, china, cochineal, and
indigo, 800 tons burthen, mounting- 18 twelve-pounders, and some
small guns, but pierced for forty guns, and had 130 men. She
was taken the 23rd ult., off the Western Isles, by the Amazon
privateer, of Liverpool, and the Ranger, of Bristol, of 16 guns
each, after an engagement of two hours. A cask of gunpowder
taking fire on board the prize, forty of her hands were blown
up, which threw them into such confusion as to give the brave
English tars an opportunity of boarding her, with the loss only
of one man. She is deemed the most valuable prize taken
since the rich Acapulco ship by the late Lord Anson. In her
after hold, the King of Spain's cargo is stowed, which is
supposed to be gold and silver, but not yet opened. The
captain and crew were not permitted to see it when shipped, as
she was laden by porters, which is the usual custom at Manilla ;
nor is it supposed it will be examined until the owners of the
privateers from England arrive here."
Captain Whytell's * own account, written at sea, is as
follows : —
On Tuesday, the 24th August, we saw a ship, which proved
to be a Spaniard; and at five minutes after twelve o'clock p.m.,
began to engage her. She looked exceeding large, and shewed
fifteen guns on a side, but we could not tell whether they were
metal or not until we tried ; so run up and received her fire,
and found she had only fourteen metal guns, but they were
heavy ones. We gave her two broadsides for one, and
continued the engagement for three glasses very briskly, and
then lost sight of her for ten minutes in a cloud of smoke, and
feared she had sunk. When it cleared up we perceived her
endeavouring to make her escape, and gave chase to her again ;
came up with, received her broadside, and returned only a few
guns before she struck her colours. A Bristol privateer (which
* Among the obituary notices of 1795, is the following : " On the I3th of June,
1795, in Hamoaze, on board his Iviajesty's ship Standard, Capt. Ellison, Air.
Charles Lowe Why tell, lately tide surveyor at Hoylake."
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 259
we afterwards found to be the Ranger) came up during the
engagement, but kept aloof, and never fired one gun. We
having received much damage in our rigging and sails, and our
yard teacles shot away, the Bristol privateer took the advantage
and boarded her first, and received the Captain's sword and
papers, which they did not deserve.
" She proved to be the St. Agnes, a Spanish frigate, com-
manded by Fernando de Reynosa, from Manilla bound to Cadiz ;
larger than any of our thirty-six gun frigate.5, and pierced for
forty guns. She had two eighteen and twelve nine-pounders
mounted, and upwards of 150 men, of whom forty-seven were
killed and wounded in the action, and in an explosion of gun-
powder ; (thirty-three of the forty-seven are dead).
"We only lost one brave fellow (the master's mate) who
had his arm shot off by an eighteen-pounder, close to his
shoulder, and he died in about an hour. My officers and ship's
company all behaved like men of true courage during the whole
engagement. I believe the prize is very rich ; but know not
yet what she is loaden with, therefore cannot ascertain her
value."
"The prize," says the editor, "is since arrived safe in
Cork, and the Amazon is come into Hoyle-lake. Letters
from Ireland say the above prize is worth one million."
Amongst other curiosities exhibited in Liverpool in the
year 1780, was a zebra, shipped on board the St. Inez — for
that was the real name of the Amazons prize — at the Cape,
as a present for the King of Spain. An elaborate descrip-
tion of this zebra, as an animal exceedingly rare and curious,
appeared in the columns of the local papers.
The paper of August 6th, 1779, stated that the Charming
Kitty privateer, Captain Williams, had captured and sent
into the Mersey, a Spanish brig laden with dollars and
provisions, and was left in chase of a large ship. A week
later, we read that the Charming Kitty, "cruising in lat.
41° 10', long. 10° 30' took a Spanish brig laden with 125 bar-
rels of beef, 762 quintals of rice, 744 quintals of calavences,
260 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
904 quintals beans, 2505 bottles of oil, two trunks and one
bale merchandize, and 130 dollars."
A letter from Fougeres Castle, Ille-et-Vilaine, dated
August i6th, 1779, says: —
" I have the happiness of conveying' to you a letter by a
prisoner who is to be exchanged in room of the Americans,
and take the opportunity to let you and my friends know in
what manner we have been used. In the first place we have
a pound and half of bread, such as is the cause of all the sick-
ness, beef is but just good enough for dogs, sometimes it
amounts to half a pound a day, but more often to six ounces,
sometimes we have peas, and those so bad that one half of
them are as hard when they come out of the furnace as when
first put in. The worst of usage in England for the prisoners
is absolutely too good. The great havock it made in Dinan
last winter is astonishing ! Thirty died of a day, in the whole
about 1600. They were put into a cart, a pit dug, and were
thrown in like dogs. We have nothing to lie on but straw
full of vermin, which deprives us of rest. The beds we had at
first are taken away, and we are now treated as if we were
horses. We dread the thought of another winter, and expect
nothing but to fall victims to death."
In September, 1779, the following advertisement appeared
in the Liverpool papers : —
" Port of Milford. To all Commanders of his Majesty's
ships of war, cruisers, Letters of Marque, etc. For the more
speedy condemnation of American, French, and Spanish prizes,
captured by the said ships, the High Court of Admiralty hath
issued out commissions appointing commissioners, etc., for
taking depositions, etc., for condemnation of such prizes in the
said port of Milford. W. WRIGHT, Actuary."
On Saturday, the i8th of September, 1779, theMot/y, late
Captain Seddon, arrived in Liverpool from Tortola. Her
people had a sad story to tell. On the 7th September, she
had encountered an American privateer, of 22 guns on one
deck, besides quarter-deck and forecastle guns, a force
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 261
greatly superior to that of the Molly. After a hot engage-
ment which lasted upwards of an hour, the privateer sheered
off, having received considerable damage, and, it was
supposed, with many of her people killed and wounded. On
board the Molly, Captain Seddon and five of his brave crew
were killed, and seven wounded. " True courage," says the
Liverpool Advertiser, "was never more conspicuous than in
Captain Seddon's conduct during the engagement, nor was
ever young man more deservedly respected, not only in the
capacity of a commander, but in private life, by all who
knew him."
With so many local instances of the heroism of British
seamen coming under his observation, well might Liver-
pool's blind poet champion the cause of
"A race renown'd in story :
A race whose wrongs are Britain's stain,
Whose deeds are Britain's glory.
By them when Courts have banish'd peace,
Your seagirt land's protected,
But when war's horrid thunderings cease,
These bulwarks are neglected."
The Defiance, Captain Thomson, took the Francisco de
Paula, laden with wool, hides, and dollars, but the prize,
minus the dollars, was re-captured by the notorious Dun-
kirk (alias Black Prince) privateer, of Dunkirk, which also
took the Three Friends ,* Captain Maine, on her passage from
* The following notice appeared in the papers : —
LIVERPOOL, September 24th, 1779.
" Whereas, Samuel Maine, master of the Three Friends, Letter of Marque, of
Liverpool, bound to New York, was captured the igth inst., in Lalliman's Bay, in
the Island of Jura, by the Dunkirk privateer, of Dunkirk, commanded by J. B.
Royei- ; who afterwards disposed of to the beforementioned Samuel Maine, a
sloop laden with kelp, which the said privateer had likewi-e taken, after the .crew
had totafly deserted her. This is inserted with a wish to apprize the owners of the
said sloop, that unless application is made for the sloop and her cargo, and all
demands and expense-; incurred upon her discharged before the expiration of
twenty-one days, fom this date, the sloop's cargo will then be absolutely sold by
public auction, to defray such charges ns may have accrued from the time of her
capture, to release the hostage given by Captain Maine. Every proper enquiry
will be fully answered and attended to by Crosdale, Barrow & Co."
262 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
Liverpool to New York. The Defiance was taken on her
passage to the West Indies by a French privateer.
In September, 1779, a Special Council was held, to take
into consideration the most effectual method of putting the
town into a state of defence against a possible descent by
Paul Jones, or any other invader.* Orders were passed "to
remove the gunpowder from the magazines in Cheshire to
the New Fort, and St. George's Battery ; to apply to the
Government for a thousand stand of arms for the use of
such gentlemen and privates who may offer themselves to
serve as volunteers in case of the enemy landing on the
coast ; that steps be immediately taken to receive names for
volunteer service ; that application be made for the removal
of the French and Spanish prisoners now confined in the
gaol at Mount Pleasant to the Castles of Chester, Carlisle,
etc., and for the removal of the prisoners now on parole at
Ormskirk and Wigan to some more inland situation ; that
a pilot-boat be sent out to cruise off Point Lynas, to give
intelligence upon the appearance of an enemy, and that
boats be stationed at the different buoys along the coast to
sink them in case of imminent danger."
On the 29th of October, 1779, as the Stag privateer,
Captain Wilson, ready for a cruise, was sailing up and
down the river, to the admiration of a crowd on shore, as
was the custom of privateers about to go forth against " the
*" Though the present Administration cannot be called felicitating, or that «e
now sit quietly under our vine and fig tree,:> says the paper of September loth,
I779> "yet the public need not be apprehensive that an invasion of consequence
can take place till our fleet be first destroyed. We are to consider that to effect
the Revolution, the Prince of Orange (afterwards the Glorious King Wil iam),
had with him 52 men-of-war, and 25 frigates, with 400 large Dutch transport
ships, for the bringing over of 3,660 horse, and 10,692 foot. From this it would
seem, that 800 transports should be necessary (besides men-of-war) to land in
these kingdoms 30,000 men. This number of ships the French and Spaniards
have not ready, nor will they venture so hazardous an enterprise till Sir Charles
Hardy's fleet shall be discomfited. This, we trust in the great Disposer of Events,
will not be the case. From the preparations, spirit, and unanimity that now
appear, none can seriously believe that even 30,000 troops could conquer Britain
or Ireland. Away then with false, unmanly fears. Let magnanimity and fortitude,
vigilance, activity, and the love of our country animate us to the noblest actions."
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 263
enemies of Great Britain," she got aground near the
Codling Gag and bulged. Most of the ship's stores were
saved. On the i8th of February, 1780, the Stag captured
a French ship, bound from Bordeaux to Martinico, laden
with wine, provisions, bale goods, etc. Early in 1781, she
took two prizes valued at ,£14,000 currency, and carried
them into St. Kitts. The Stag, "upon a cruise in the
West Indies," on the i4th of March of the same year, took a
ship of 18 guns and 65 men, bound from Martinico for
America, loaded with dry goods and some produce, valued
at about ,£12,000.
The Vengeance, Captain Graham, took the St. Maria from
Campeachy for Valencia, laden with logwood, etc. On the
2 1 st of October, 1779, the Who's Afraid, Captain Moore,
in company with the Benson, Captain Ball, 360 tons, 20
guns, and 79 men, belonging to Messrs. Rawlinson & Co.,
took La Jeanne Lucy, from Martinico to Marseilles, laden
with sugar, coffee, and cocoa. A month later the Diligence,
a prize to the Who's Afraid, arrived in the Mersey. In
March, 1780, we read of the Who's Afraid, with two more
prizes, being at Jamaica.
On the 24th of November, 1779, the frigates Telemachus,
Captain Ash, and the Ulysses, Captain Briggs, both from
Liverpool, on a cruise, took a Spanish frigate of about 600
tons burthen, called the Soladad, pierced for 26 guns upon
her main deck, and carrying 170 men. She was bound from
the South Seas for Europe, and had been three years out.
The prize narrowly escaped an American privateer, of 30
guns, off Mizen Head, as she was making for Crookhaven.
" The first entry of licensed goods from England,"
says the paper of October i5th, 1779, " made in the Isle of
Man after it was annexed to the Crown, was made by Paul
Jones, he having imported the first rum there. His name
stands first in the Custom House books at Douglas."
During this critical part of the war, when France and
264 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
Spain united with America, and presented a most formidable
coalition in arms against Great Britain, the Royal Liverpool
Blues — named in memory of the battalion raised in 1745 —
formed part of the garrison of the beautiful island and rich
colony of Jamaica, which was in the utmost danger, until
Rodney's great victory gave the English forces complete
ascendancy in the West Indies. The Liverpool Blues, raised
in 1778, principally at the expense of the Corporation, was
a regiment of the line, commanded by Lieutenant-General
Calcraft, as Colonel ; Major Pole, as Lieutenant-Colonel ;
the Honourable Thomas Stanley, Major ; Banastre Tarleton
(afterwards General Tarleton), William Greaves, Bryan
Blundell, Thomas Dunbar, Richard Cribb, Lieutenant
Pigot, and Lieutenant Andrew Despart, as Captains ; Mr.
Buckley, as Captain-Lieutenant ; George Headlam, as
Lieutenant ; and Christopher Graves, George Leigh,
Thomas Leigh, and James Smith, as ensigns. These
subalterns were principally Liverpool gentlemen. Theie
was a comic side to the achievements of the valiant Blues
of '45 — the march to Warrington, and the nocturnal charge,
that would have fired the soul of Don Quixote, and satisfied
the stomach of Sancho — but the brief story of this line
regiment is one grim tragedy. On the 25th of May, 1778,
the Liverpool Blues mustered noo strong on the sands
near Bank Hall, where they were reviewed, and presented
with their colours. On the 4th of June, the birthday of
George III., they were reviewed in front of the Goree
warehouses. On the i7th of the same month, they marched
from Liverpool to Warley Common, Essex, being ultimately
sent to Jamaica, where nearly the whole regiment succumbed
to the climate. On the Qth of February, 1784, the poor
remnant, reduced to 84 in number, returned to Liverpool
in the ship Ja???es, belonging to Messrs. James France &
jNephew, and deposited their colours in the Exchange.
Thtil5 Liverpool men, by land as well as by sea, freely gave
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 265
themselves in defence of their King and Country. On the
departure of the Blues, the first division of the Leicestershire
militia, commanded by the Marquis of Granby, was stationed
in Liverpool, hence, no doubt, the connection of the future
Duke of Rutland with privateering. A little later, a regi-
ment of Yorkshire militia, commanded by Sir George
Saville, did duty in the town. At the close of 1779, Sir
George gave ^"50 to the infirmary, ^50 to the dispensary,
and ^50 for the relief of the French and American prisoners.
An appeal for subscriptions in aid of the latter object con-
cluded with these modest words: "and as the town of
Liverpool is already the terror of our foes, they will, by
this means (at the time that they acknowledge our spirit and
bravery) be obliged to reverence our virtue and humanity."
On the 22nd of January, 1780, the Lively, Captain Watts,
sailed from London for Liverpool, and, two days after leav-
ing the Downs, they fell in with the Black Prince (called an
Irish pirate vessel), to whom they were forced to strike. The
sea at that time ran so high that the enemy could not board
the Lively, but ordered them to follow, which they did, till
night coming on, and the gale continuing, they got away
from her. Two days after separating, the Lively had the
misfortune to fall in with the Monsieur, a frigate of 44 guns,
who made a capture of her, took the captain and all the
people overboard, except three boys, and put on board a
French officer and twelve seamen. Some time after they
parted company with the frigate, the Lively grew very leaky,
so that it was with difficulty she could be kept up. On the
4th of February, when all but three of the Frenchmen,
greatly fatigued with working and pumping the ship, were
asleep, the three boys seized on two cutlasses, the only arms
on board, and recaptured the ship, "and" says the paper
"preserved the power they had taken with amazing reso-
lution." The day following they arrived off Kinsale, and
making a signal of distress, were conducted into port by
266 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
two pilot boats, where Captain M'Arthur, in the Hercules
(Letter of Marque), took possession of her, "after beating
off the savages of our own realm, who came in shoals to
plunder. More than 50 of those unprincipled villains,
taking advantage of the signal of distress, had actually got
on board, and had already begun the shameful business
which so repeatedly practised fixes an eternal stigma on the
coast which shelters such abandoned miscreants."
On the i6th of January, 1780, the Antigallican privateer,
Captain Butler, of Liverpool, in company with the Alert, of
London, took the snow Diana, from Philadelphia to
Bordeaux, laden with tobacco, logwood, staves, etc., valued
at ,£12,000. Both privateers then chased a large ship of
30 guns, laden with 600 hogsheads of tobacco, etc., which
had parted company with the snow only five hours before
she was taken. The Antigallican mounted 20 eigh teen-
pounders and 2 long sixes, and had 120 men. The Alert
carried 12 eighteen-pounders, 4 long nines, and 70 men.
It is not clear whether this was the Antigallican privateer,
which sailed from Shields on the I3th of March, 1779, ''on
a six months' cruize against the enemies of Great Britain,
completely fitted and manned," and was "universally
allowed by every competent judge to be the finest ship for
that purpose yet fitted out from England."
In February, 1780, the Sparling, Captain Jackson, on her
passage to New York was taken by the Thorn sloop-of-war,
22 guns and 150 men, after an engagement of nearly an
hour, in which Captain Jackson, the first and second lieu-
tenants, and seven men were wounded, and three killed.
The Sparling was carried into Boston.
Early in 1780, the Hero, Captain Wilcox, bound for
Guinea, was taken by the French, and retaken within
a league of Cherbourg by his Majesty's ship Champion.
On the ist of May, the Hero was again taken, 16 leagues
south of Cork, by a French privateer, and again retaken
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 267
from the enemy. Once more the Hero essayed to reach
Africa, only to fall a prey to the combined fleets of France
and Spain, who sent her to Cadiz.
The Bridget, Captain Gil body, on the voyage from St.
Kitts to Liverpool, re-captured the Brothers, Captain
Hasseldine, which was proceeding to France in charge of a
prize crew. In the summer of 1781, Captain Hasseldine
was again taken within one day's sail of New York, and
carried into Providence.
On the 8th of February, 1780, the Pallas, 16 six-pounders,
Captain Townsend, took the La Anna, from Bordeaux to
St. Domingo, laden with 642 barrels of flour, 180 barrels of
beef, 216 barrels of pork, two pipes and 30 casks of oil, 141
barrels and cases of wine, 55 cases of brandy, besides large
quantities of butter, salt, pease, prunes, soap, hoops, medi-
cines, and women's shoes. On the loth of March, the Pallas
brought into the Mersey, the ship La Victoire, of 16 six and
nine-pounders, and 100 men, laden with naval stores, cap-
tured off Cape Finisterre, as she was making for Corunna.
This prize had previously been taken by one of Admiral
Digby's fleet, but the French prisoners had put the prize
crew in irons and retaken the ship, about thirty hours before
Captain Townsend fell in with her. The ship La Vulture,
from L'Orient for Maryland, another prize taken by the
Pallas, was totally lost on the coast of Ireland, and several
of the crew drowned. In May, the Pallas sent into Liver-
pool a Spanish schooner, laden with iron, oil, brass and
steel ware, etc., captured off Bilbao. A few weeks later, the
Pallas was taken by the L'Aimable, frigate, and carried into
Rochefort. "Tuesday," says the paper of May :8th, ''was
married Captain Holland, in the African trade, to Miss
Townsend, sister to the brave Captain Townsend,* of the
Pallas."
* Commenting on the superiority of the n^w prepared cartridges over the old
fashioned or common sort, the paper of December i/th, 1779, relates the following
268 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS,
At the Annual Board of the Infirmary, on March 6th,
1780, thanks were voted to the late President, Nicholas
Blundell, Esq., for a benefaction of forty guineas, and to
the owners of the Enterprise, Terrible, St. George, and
Dragon privatesrs, who had sent benefactions towards the
support of the charity.
The William, Captain Wignall (a Letter of Marque),
cruising on her passage from New York for Liverpool,
captured a schooner laden with lumber, which she sent to
Liverpool. On the 8th of February, 1780, the William fell
in with a French cutter, of 18 nine-pounders, 20 swivels, and
full of men, from Havre-de-Grace, on a cruise, with which
she had a stout engagement of an hour, but by the gallant
behaviour of the officers and men of the William, the cutter
was obliged to sheer off with much damage. Captain
Wignall had one man killed, seven wounded, and two
blown up by a cartridge taking fire. The loss of the cutter
was believed to be greater.
On the 4th of March, 1780, there entered the river Mersey,
under peculiar circumstances, a vessel appropriately named
the Happy Return. She was a cartel ship, commanded by
Captain Webb, bound from L'Orient to Plymouth, with
300 prisoners of war, to be exchanged. These men had taken
possession of the vessel during the passage, and brought
her into Liverpool, in hope of escaping the press. Among
them were the crew of the Bess, Captain Walker, which had
been taken by the Monsieur, three days after she sailed from
Liverpool for Tobago.
In March, 1780, two additional frigates "and two cutters
were stationed in the Irish Channel, in consequence of a
incident: — "In a smart engagement with an American privateer, in which Capt.
Townsend, of this place, lost his leg, in the heat of action to save time, a brave,
high-spirited boy dared to endeavour to load one of the guns on the outside of the
vessel, though the privateer was alongside, but when putting the cartridge down
with his arm into the gun just discharged, the burning paper left behind, set fire
to the new one, and blew the bold fellow into the sea, where he was drowned."
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 269
petition of the Liverpool Merchants, in which they stated
that the force previously on the station was insufficient for
the protection of trade.
On Friday, March iyth, 1780, between ten and eleven
o'clock at night, the press-gang assembled before the house
of James Richards, in Hackins-hey, where a number of
sailors had resorted to protect themselves from impress-
ment ; and upon Richards refusing to open the door a
general firing ensued, which continued about half an hour.
In the affray, Richards received two dangerous wounds in
the face. A soldier, who happened to be in the house, was
shot through the body and died next morning.
The Modeste, Captain Bewsher, in her passage from
Liverpool to New York, took a prize with tobacco, lumber,
etc., and sent her for the Bermudas ; and on her passage
from New York to Jamaica she captured a sloop and a
schooner.
Occasionally we discover an element of comedy amongst
the sanguinary records of the sea at this period, as in the
following experience of the dignified Captain Gurley and
the irreverent rover, as reported in the paper :—
" On Friday morning, April i4th, the Hussar wherry,
Capt. Gurley, a revenue cruizer under the inspection of Charles
Lutwidge, Esq., of Whitehaven, sailed on a cruize, but
returned ingloriously to port in the evening, having met with a
large buccaneering cutter, mounting 18 carronades, twelve and
eighteen-pounders, off the Abbey Head, about four miles distant
from Kirkcudbright. The cutter fired several guns into the
Hussar, shot away her colours and the main haulyards ; made
several holes in her mainsail and foresail, and lodged several
shot in one of her masts and in the hull. Captain Gurley had
a part of his hat and wig taken off by a ball, and one of the
men was also in the same perilous situation, but happily
neither of them received much bodily injury. The lawless
rover was very near them, and had the insolence to call out
270 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
and order them to go home, which they were under the
necessity of complying- with, being- much inferior in strength.
The cutter had an English ensign flying."
In May, the Tonyn, Captain Wade, took a prize which
sold for ^"1,300 ; and the Ceres, Captain Cook, on her
passage from Liverpool to Archangel, took an American
.ship called the Governor Johnson, from Bergen to Baltimore,
with salt and sail canvas.
Instances of cowardice in face of the enemy were happily
rarer in the armed mercantile marine of Liverpool than in
the Royal Navy itself. In the following interesting letter
from Captain William Garnett, of the Vengeance privateer,
to the owners, Messrs. Jonas Bold & Co., dated Port
L'Orient, June iQth, 1780, we find a serious and unusual
charge of poltroonery brought against two of his officers : —
"GENTLEMEN: I take this opportunity to inform you that
on the 1 3th inst. , fell in with two large ships, which we took to
be loaded, and chaced them under Belleisle. As one of them
got under the battery, we bore down on the other, which we
soon brought to action, in doing which, we began to suspect
we had got into a very disagreeable situation, but were too
far advanced to retreat, therefore kept down upon her, and
received three broadsides without any great damage, reserving
our fire until we found it absolutely necessary to engage, as
we were to prevent the other ship if possible from raking us,
she having bore away for that purpose. Thus after two hours
contention with the Magician, of 36 guns and 300 men, and
the Elourdie, of 24 guns and 180 men (both King's frigates),
was obliged to surrender, on a false alarm of our magazine
being on fire, our ship having from four to five feet water in the
hold, her fore-topsail-yard hanging in two pieces, her foremast
wounded, and in short her hull, rigging and sails much
shattered ; and was very much surprised from the situation
we were in when we struck, that we had but one man killed and
fourteen wounded, all but two or three of which were slightly so.
It is impossible for me to do justice to our people's behaviour ;
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 271
some of whom, when we had struck, lay down by their guns,
and shed tears for downright vexation. We have lost all but
what we had on us, otherwise we were tolerably well treated
while on board, which was till this morning, when they landed
us at this place, from whence we are to set out on the 2Oth to
travel to St. Malo, in order to be exchanged, and have for
company the Alert's crew, and the crew of a Jersey privateer,
all taken this week. We had but two persons whose behav-
iour during the action, I am sorry to say, was exceptionable."
On the 2ist of June, the Captain wrote again, from
Portevin : —
•' I wrote you the igth, advising you in a particular manner
of our being taken on the i3th inst., after an action of two
hours with a frigate of 36 guns and 300 men, and one of 24
guns and 180 men, in which we had one man killed and
fourteen wounded, and our vessel shattered to pieces. Our
people behaved in a very brave manner, and had several
encomiums paid them by the Captain of the large frigate,
whom we struck to, particularly Mr. Given and Mr. Walker,
two better or braver officers never went on board a ship ; the
latter of whom, after being knocked down twice with splinters,
and his right arm broke, still kept encouraging the men. The
conduct of two of our officers during the action was highly
exceptionable ; there is no knowing a man until he is tried. I
have not spoke to either of them since, which conduct I shall
observe. I have all the other officers along with me ; and as
they are brave fellows, think they have a right to every assist-
ance in my power to afford them. We are now forty miles on
our way to Dinan, and hope we shall not be long detained. I
write you from hence in preference to any other place, having
met with a Monsieur , who, to offering me any money I
should want, takes the trouble of having this conveyed to you
in the most expeditious manner. We were very well treated
on board the frigate, our wounded in particular with the
greatest care and humanity. We have left six wounded in the
hospital at L'Orient, where they are taken the greatest care of,
272 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS
are all in high spirits, and have every good symptom. The rest
are along with me, Mr. Given and Mr. Walker in particular,
who reckon nothing of walking twenty miles per day."
The Albion, Captain Hutchinson, from Liverpool to
Archangel, was taken on the 8th of June, 1780, by three
American Letters of Marque, bound to Amsterdam, with
tobacco ; the General Washington, of 18 six-pounders and 73
men, with 160 hogsheads ; the brig Alexander, of 12 four-
pounders and 50 men, with no hogsheads; and the brig
Maryland, of 10 four-pounders and 50 men, with 120 hogs-
heads. They also took the Speed-well, from Peterhead to
Norway, with oatmeal, and gave her to Captain Hutchinson
to carry the prisoners to Inverness, where they landed on
June 1 5th. Captain Hutchinson reported that the ship
Ashton and three brigs, which sailed with her from Liverpool,
had been taken by American privateers. The Albion was
sent to Boston. Some of the privateers were very unlucky.
On the loth of June, 1780, the Alert privateer, Captain
Chapman, was taken by the Venus, French frigate of 40 guns,
and carried into L'Orient. The Alert had sailed from
Whitehaven in March, 1779, and returned to Liverpool in
the following July, without taking anything. Captain
Chapman died about September, 1780, imprisonment and
disappointment probably hastening his end.
In February, 1780. the Sally, Captain Denny, on her
passage to Barbadoes, took a Spanish brig from the Grand
Canaries, loaded with sugar, barley, and household furniture.
The Watt (Letter of Marque), Captain Coulthard, on her
passage from Liverpool to New York, took two prizes ; one
called the Nancy, from Virginia to Nantz, laden with 103
hogsheads of James River tobacco ; and the other, the brig
Le Pegase, of 16 guns, bound from Bordeaux to St.
Domingo, laden with provisions. The best contested battle
fought by any of the British privateers during this war was
undoubtedly that fought by the Watt, and the American ship
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 273
Trumbullj Captain Nicholson. The following account of
the engagement appeared in the New York paper of June
1 6th, 1780 : —
" Monday arrived the Letter of Marque ship Watt, Captain
Coulthard, in twelve weeks from Liverpool. On the ist
instant, in lat. 35. 54 long. 66. she fell in with and engaged a
rebel frigate of 36 guns, i2-pounders, for upwards of seven
glasses. The rebel ship was crowded with men, and fought
19 guns on a side. The Watt mounts 32 twelve and six-
pounders, some of them carronades, and had only 164 men on
board, eleven of whom were killed, and several wounded. The
action was obstinate and bloody, and the carnage on board the
rebel frigate amazing, as the vessels were a considerable time
yardarm and yardarm, and the Watt, by the superior skill of her
officers, and the alertness of her crew, had the opportunity of
twice raking her antagonist fore and aft, which made her a
perfect slaughter house. Her stern was drove in almost down
to the water, many of her guns dismounted, hundreds of shot
through her sides, her foreyard and topmast shot away, and
all her sails and rigging greatly damaged. She at last put
before the wind, and run from the Watt, which chased her
eight hours ; but having a cargo on board, and her masts so
damaged that she could not venture to carry a great press of
sail, she lost sight of the chace on the 2nd inst. The Watt has
a great number of shot holes through her sides and sails, four
of them through her powder magazine. She has certainly
fought a more glorious battle than any private ship of war
since the commencement of hostilities. The most exalted
encomiums are inadequate to the merit of the brave Captain
Coulthard. The determined courage he exhibited during the
action, and the cool, deliberate manner in which he issued his
orders, does him the highest honour ; nor ought the approved
behaviour of his gallant officers and crew remain unnoticed ;
they richly merit, and will certainly receive applause from every
man who has the glory of his country at heart." A later issue
supplied the following particulars : — •
274 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
" By a flag of truce arrived last night from the Eastward,
we are informed that the Lieutenant of the Trumbull Rebel
frigate, had with much difficulty got the ship into New London,
after being torn down to a mere wreck in an engagement on
the first instant, with the Letter of Marque ship Watt, of Liver-
pool, commanded by the truly invincible Capt. Coulthard. We
have as yet only been able to learn that Capt. James Nicholson,
the Trumbull's commander, was killed at the first broadside
received from the Watt, and that there were fifty-seven men
killed on board the Trumbull ; the number of wounded has not
yet been declared. Our last Gazette gave the particulars of
the glorious behaviour of Capt. Coulthard and his Crew of
HEROES."
In connection with this sanguinary drawn battle, after
which both vessels were nearly sinking when they got back
into port, the following appeal appeared in Williamson's
Advertiser, of August 3rd : —
"To the Humane Inhabitants of Liverpool, and others.
" Phebe Rigby, widow of Nicholas Rigby, late a mariner,
on board the Watt, commanded by the truly magnanimous
Captain Coulthard, claims your attention to her present dis-
tressed condition, having lost her husband in that memorable
engagement with an American frigate of 36 guns, wherein the
Watt had thirteen men killed and seventy-five wounded, and
the loss of the American was considerably more (an engagement
which does very great honour to the intrepid Captain Coulthard,
and casts an additional splendor on the British flag). This
destitute widow thus deprived of her husband (who was the
chief support of her and two helpless children, and an expert
and courageous sailor) is really a deserving object of charity,
and claims that kind and liberal attention of the humane and
generous, which ever distinguishes Britons from other nations,
and which extends its munificent hand to all ranks of deserving
objects, but more especially to those who have sustained the
irreparable loss of an industrious husband and affectionate
parent, and that, too, in fighting for his country.
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 275
" By applying to Mr. Tate, hair-dresser, in Church Street, the
public may be assured of the reality of this case; and con-
tributions for the widow may be left with him, or at Mrs.
Williamson's and Mr. Gore's, printers, in Liverpool.
"Descend, sweet Charity, celestial maid,
And to the widow lend thy fav'ring aid.
Whose valiant husband, under Coulthard's sway
(Coulthard, the dauntless hero of the sea)
Asserting- Britain's glory, lost his life,
And left two helpless children and a wife.
Celestial Charity, thy hand extend,
Be now the widow and poor orphans' friend."
In the Liverpool paper of July 6th, 1780, appeared the
following paragraph :—
"The Ellen, Borrowdale, arrived at Antigua in May with
a Spanish sloop of war called the Si. Ann Gracia, Don John
Morallas, commander, mounting- 16 g-uns, and full of small
arms, bound from the island of St. Thomas to Cadiz, which
he took on the 26th of April, in lat. 30. 30 N. long-. 37. 38 W.
after an engagement of three hours. The Spaniard had eleven
men killed and two wounded."
Such is the bare record of a notable engagement which
has been selected by Professor Laughton as worthy of a
place in his "Naval Studies," and, which we venture to
quote here :—
" The Ellen, which mounted 18 light six-pounders, and had
on board 64 men, all told, of whom many, including a Captain
Blundell of the 7gth regiment, were passengers, was making a
passage to the West Indies, under orders of urgent haste. Her
small complement shows that she had no aggressive intentions ;
but, when overhauled by the Spaniard, she prepared to defend
herself. She shortened sail, and, to prevent the enemy opening
fire at long range, and thus getting the advantage of a pre-
sumably heavier armament, hoisted American colours. At the
same time, her guns were double-loaded with round shot and
grape; and Borrowdale, encouraging his men, 'recommended
276 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
to them a cool and determined courage, entreated them to fire
quick, to take good aim, and to fight the ship to the last
extremity.' We seem almost to have before us the old sea-dog
described by Captain Marryat : —
"The Captain stood on the carronade ; 'First Lieutenant,'
says he,
' Send all my merry men aft here, for they must list to me ;
I haven't the gift of the gab, my sons, — because I'm bred to
the sea ;
That ship there is a Spaniard, who means to fight with we ;
That ship there is a Spaniard, and if we dont take she,
'Tis a thousand bullets to one, that she will capture we.'
"And so as the Spaniard ranged up alongside to windward,
he hauled down the American colours, hoisted the English, and
poured into her his whole broadside, with a volley of musketry.
The astonished and entirely disabled Spaniard fell to leeward,
and received the Ellen's other broadside, in the same fashion,
after which she put before the wind and endeavoured to make
off. But the privateer held on to her advantage, and after
a running fight of an hour and a half the Santa Anna, a
commissioned sloop of sixteen guns — heavy 6-pounders —
exclusive of swivels, and 104 men, hauled down her colours,
and accompanied the Ellen to Jamaica."
In regard to the quotation from Marryat, Professor
Laughton informs us that carronades were not used in the
time of William and Mary. They were first ordered for
use in the navy in 1779. The Ellen had not any, but, in
1780, she might have had if her owners had chosen. The
" lawless rover," who attacked the Hussar wherry, had 18
carronades on board. On the 26th of June, 1782, the Isabella,
from the Isle of Bourbon for France, laden with cotton,
coffee, pepper, cloves, etc., arrived in the Mersey, having
been captured by the Ellen, on her passage from Liverpool
to Jamaica. In October of the same year, the Ellen arrived
at Hoylake from Jamaica, having on board forty-two of the
ship's company of the jRamilies, flagship of Rear-Admiral
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 277
Graves, which had foundered. The Mayor received a letter
from the Admiral requesting him to convey to the captains
of the merchant ships belonging to Liverpool, who were
the preservers of the lives of the Admiral, officers, and
company of his Majesty's ship Ramilies, the approbation
of the Lord's Commissioners of the Admiralty, of their
humane conduct.
On the roth of August, 1780, the Snapper privateer,
Captain Taylor, returned to Liverpool from a successful
cruise. On the 24th of July, she met with a fleet of seven
ships, off Bordeaux, under convoy of a 20 gun ship, which
chased the Snapper till night came on, when the Snapper
altered her course, and the next morning fell in with the
seven sail, four of which she captured, and run the three
others on shore. The four prizes consisted of a snow from
Bayonne, laden with bombs, mortars, and oak plank ; a sloop
from St. Sebastian, with iron and iron hoops; a brig from
Bayonne to Rochefort, with anchors, hemp, and canvas;
and another brig from the same place to St. Malo, with
pitch, tar, and oak plank. In December, the Ann, with fish
and oil, and La Santa Louisa, both prizes to the Snapper,
arrived in Liverpool.
Early in the year, the Tartar cutter, Captain Why tell,
took a French snow bound from Guadaloupe to America,
with a cargo of sugar, and carried her into St. Kitts. On
the 22nd of August, the Tartar arrived in Liverpool from a
cruise, and brought in with her a prize called the St. George,
laden with flax, iron, etc. In September, the Tartar had a
smart engagement with a French cutter privateer of 16 guns,
which resulted in the Frenchman accompanying the Tartar
into Penzance. After taking another prize, a Dutch vessel,
from Ostend to Bordeaux, with 420 hogsheads of tobacco,
the Tartar had the ill-luck of being herself captured by two
French frigates, oneof which was commanded by "Monsieur
Le Viscount Mortimer."
278 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
In the summer of 1780, the Black Princess, and other
French privateers, were very active in the Channel, picking
up, at a small risk, a large number of vessels, many of
which they ransomed for sums ranging from 100 guineas to
;£6,ooo. One Sunday in July, the John, of Newcastle,
Captain Rawson, fell in with the Black Princess, off the
Mull of Galloway, and was obliged to strike, after having
one man killed and the captain and second mate wounded.
He was ransomed for ^"1,000, " to which," says the paper
of July 2Oth, " he was compelled, at the hazard of his life and
the lives of his crew. The inhuman villain who com-
mands the Black Princess would not permit his surgeon to
dress the wounded, and on Captain Rawson hesitating to
ransom for so large a sum, was preparing to burn the ship,
and, horrid to relate, the people also." The "inhuman
villain " in this case happened to be an Irishman named
Edward Macartney, who had lived twelve years in France.
In 1781, we find him, together with his second captain, and
first and second lieutenants, enjoying the hospitality of the
British Government in Mill Prison, Plymouth.
The first cigars introduced into Liverpool are said to
have been brought in some French prizes, from the Island
of St. Domingo, taken during this war.
In July, 1780, the Porcupine, a private ship of war, of
Liverpool, John Walker, commander, in company with the
Tartar cutter, of Folkestone, took the ship Elizabeth, from
Bordeaux to Bilbao, with a cargo of sugar, chocolate,
indigo, wine, etc., and sent her to Falmouth. The Eagle,
Captain Ashton, on a cruise, took two prizes; and the
Peggy, Captain Leigh, captured three prizes in the West
Indies.
"Jenny" was a favourite name for Liverpool vessels, there
beingat this period about half-a-dozen "Jennys" sailing from
the port. The /<?««>', Captain Gill, and \\\Q Jenny, Captain
Walker, had a smart engagement for upwards of five hours
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 279
with an American frigate of 28 guns, off the Banks of New-
foundland. They shot away the frigate's main-mast, and
otherwise damaged her so much, that she made the best of
her way from them. The Jenny, Walker, had four men
killed, and one wounded ; the Jenny, Gill, had two men
killed. The armament of these two vessels is described
in the following advertisement, which appeared in the paper
of December 28th, 1780: — *
"The ship, Jenny, a Letter of Marque, Thomas Walker,
commander, is now fitting- out to cruize for four months against
the combined enemies of Great Britain, and will proceed to her
station as soon as possible in order to intercept some valuable
Dutchmen, that are soon expected to arrive from the East and
West Indies.
The Jenny carries 14 guns, six-pounders, swivels, and small
arms, is copper bottomed, and has every convenience for the
comfort and accommodation of her crew, being- about 5 feet 6
inches between decks.
Captain Walker invites all brave seamen and landmen that
are willing to try their fortune in the Jenny, to apply to him
immediately, at his house, No. 13, in Paradise-St., or to Daniel
Backhouse, who wants a few good seamen and landmen for the
brig Jenny, Capt. Wm. Gill, now in the river, and will sail on
Saturday or Sunday next for St. Kitts, and from thence upon a
cruize. She is copper bottomed, sails like the wind, and carries
16 guns, six-pounders."
The Jenny, Gill, took the F. Coleux, of Boston, with wine,
flour, etc., which arrived in the Mersey in January, 1782.
In 1780, the Mars, Captain John Forsyth, a slave ship
belonging to Messrs. Wm. Earle & Sons, on her passage
to Africa, took a Dutch snow laden with French brandy,
wine, and corkwood. In January, 1782, we read that the
Mars was herself taken on her passage from St. Kitts to
* In the same issue of the paper, an advertisement appears, offering a reward of
£20, in addition to the King's reward of ^40, for the apprehension of the highway-
men who infested the roads in and near the town.
280 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
Liverpool, and carried into Boston. She was retaken and
carried to Jamaica.
The Emperor, Captain Wm. Wilson, owned by Mr. John
Galley, took the brig Jupiter, from Newberry, with tobacco,
staves, etc. ; also the brig privateer L! Impromptu, of 14 guns.
In 1781, the Emperor, and the Telemachus, Captain Sher-
wood, on their passage to Jamaica took a brig from Salem,
laden with lumber, etc.
"By an Act passed this Session," says the paper of May
25th, 1780, "merchant ships are allowed to have three-
fourths of their crew foreigners ; and all foreigners who shall
have formerly served, or shall hereafter serve, two years on
board any of his Majesty's ships, or any privateer, or
merchant ship, being British property, shall be deemed a
natural born subject of Great Britain, and enjoy all privileges
and immunities thereto belonging."
On the 5th of June, 1780, the Vengeance, Hypocrite, and
Surprise, three Liverpool privateers, captured off Belleisle,
the Dauphine snow, from L'Orient to the Isle of France,
with wine, brandy, flour, cordage, etc., on the French king's
account. A month later, the Hypocrite, Captain Beynon,
returned from a cruise, and brought into the Mersey a
Genoese snow, from St. Andero to Cadiz, with 250 tons of
wheat. In August, another prize laden with wheat, taken
by the Hypocrite, arrived in Liverpool; and early in the
following year, Captain Beynon, in his passage to St. Kitts,
took a valuable schooner, bound from St. Eustatia to Mari-
galante. While cruising in the West Indies, the Hyprocritc
was taken by a French privateer, after a severe engagement,
in which Captain Beynon was killed.
In November, 1780, the Hawke, Captain Smale, took La
Jeune Emilie, from Rochefort to Martinico, laden with wine,
brandy, etc.
The paper of October 26th, 1780, stated that in the
action at Camden, Lieut.-Colonel Tarleton had killed nine
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 281
Americans with his own hand. Though this may have
been an exaggeration, the Liverpool hero certainly covered
himself with glory during the war, and the fame so won,
together with the dexterous display of a maimed hand, was
of immense value to him in later years for electioneering
purposes.
An idea of the unsightly, narrow, and mean appearance
of Liverpool streets and alleys at this period may be
gathered from the following account, extracted from the
Journal and Letters of Samuel Curwen, Judge of Admiralty,
etc., an American refugee in England, who visited the town
on the I2th of June, 1780 : —
" Entered the City of Liverpool so celebrated for its com-
mercial character ; houses by a great majority in middling and
lower style, few rising above that mark ; streets long, narrow,
crooked, and dirty in an eminent degree. During our short
abode here, we scarcely saw a well-dressed person, nor half a
dozen gentlemen's carriages ; few of the shops appear so well
as in other great towns ; dress and looks more like the
inhabitants of Wapping, Shadwell, and Rotherhithe, than in
the neighbourhood of the Exchange, or any part of London
above the Tower. The whole complexion nautical, and so
infinitely below all our expectations, that naught but the
thoughts of the few hours we had to pass here rendered it
tolerable. The docks, however, are stupendously grand, the
inner one, called Town Dock (a) lying in the centre of it, and
filled with vessels exhibiting a forest of masts ; besides this,
are three very large ones (b) lying in front of the city, com-
municating with each other by flood gates, intermixed with
dry ones for repairing (c) ; the lower or new one (d] has a fine,
wide quay on its outer side ; an agreeable walk, being lined
with trees on either hand ; (e) below this, on the river, is now
building, nearly finished, a circular battery, (/) with embras-
sures for thirty cannon. Parade and barracks are in hand,
(a) The Old Dock, (b] George's Dock, the Dry Dock (now p.irt of the
Canning Dock), and the Salthouse Dock. (c) The Graui g Docks. (d)
George's Dock, (e) The North Ladies' W.,lk, (/) The Old Fo.t.
282 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
and when completed, will afford a charming" walk and prospect,
if allowed to the inhabitants."
On the yth of April, 1781 — a- notable month for the
arrival of prizes this year — the Adylet, from Curacoa,
a prize taken by the Lookout and Prince of Orange
privateers, came in, and, about the same time, the brig
Venus, Captain Quayle Fargher, from Bordeaux to
America, laden with cordage, etc., a prize to the Terror
privateer. On the loth, arrived the Success, laden with
3000 bushels of salt, 115 boxes of lemons, 14 boxes of
hats, 300 pairs women's shoes, and about "4000 weight"
of cordage, a prize to the James and Mary, Captain
Preston. She had been taken before by a Dartmouth
privateer, who left on board nine men and a boy, and
eleven Frenchmen ; the latter had overpowered the
privateer's people and got possession of her again.
The Betty, Captain Wilson, on her passage to Green-
land, took and sent into Lough Swilly, the Johannes, from
St. Eustatia for Amsterdam, laden with 292 hogsheads of
sugar, 100 hogsheads of tobacco, 158 bags of coffee, 103 bags
of cocoa, and 9 casks of indigo.
On the L4th of April, Captain Butler, of the Tartar, then a
prisoner in Bayonne Castle, wrote to his owners in Liver-
pool that he was captured on the i5th of March, by the
Eagle, French ship-of-war, of 28 guns, twentyfour-pounders,
and 430 men, after a chase of eight hours and an engage-
ment of one hour and a quarter. The Eagle had captured
nine prizes in three weeks, amongst which were the Stately,
Captain Fisher, and the Fly^ Captain Byrne, both of Liver-
pool. Captain Fisher was getting better of a long sick-
ness. Men who laughed at the perils of the deep and
faced death without flinching in the stress of battle, soon
succumbed to chagrin, prison fare, and close confinement
in a foreign land. In this respect the more vivacious
Frenchmen suffered less during their temporary sojourn in
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 283
the land of ''perfidious Albion." The self-reliant spirit of
the Scot in adversity, is happily illustrated in the following
letter, written to his wife, by a Scotch sailor, who was
evidently a humourist and a philosopher : —
" Dear Jenny : This is to let you know that I am well in a
dungeon at Dunkirk, God be blessed for it, hoping to hear
from you and all friends. Tell Mrs. Ross I bought her stuff-
ing ; but it is gane. Let Jean know that I bought her a
gown, and it is gane too. I bought an anker of brandy and
gin to ourselves ; but Jenny, they are gane too, and a's gane :
for the French dogs unrigged me in an instant, and left me
nought but a greasy jacket of their ain ; but Jenny, I have
saxpence a day from the King of England, God bless him ;
and I have bread and water from the French King, God curse
him. Out of the saxpence a day, I have saved as much as
bought me a knife, a fork, and a wee Coggie. Jenny, keep a
good heart, for I'll get out of this yet, and win meikle Siller,
and get a bottom of my ain too ; and then have at the French
dogs. I am, &c."
The vivacity of the French prisoners in Liverpool is
mentioned by the Rev. Gilbert Wakefield, who resided in
the town at this period, and who did not think it beneath
his dignity to write an anonymous letter to the Mayor on
their behalf. He says : —
"The American and French war had now been raging for
some months, and several hundred prisoners of the latter
nation had been brought into Liverpool by privateers. 1
frequently visited them in their confinement, and was much
mortified and ashamed at their uniform complaints of hard
usage, and a scanty allowance of unwholesome provision.
What I occasionally observed in my visits gave me but too
much reason to believe the representations of this pleasing
people, who maintained their national sprightliness and good
humour undamped even by captivity. I kept my suspicions
secret ; but wrote an anonymous letter to the Mayor, stating
my observations and sentiments on the subject.
284 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
" I was happy to learn very soon, from the prisoners them-
selves, the good effects of my interference ; and the Commissary,
the author of their wrong's, was presently superseded ; whether
in consequence of my detection of his iniquities, I could never
learn ; but when I met him in the street there was fire in his
eye, and fury in his face.
" Towards the conclusion of one of my sermons, preacht at
Liverpool, I was led by the proximity of the subject to condemn,
in terms of the utmost asperity, and somewhat hyper-tragical,
the horrid practice of aggravating the calamities of war by the
rapine and injustice of private hostility. This, in the grand
mart of privateering during that war, and of the African slave
trade, excited, of course, no small degree of resentment against
the author of such outrageous doctrine. I was acquainted at
that time with no other effect of my interference besides
malignity against myself; but learnt some years afterwards,
that the nerves of one lady were so agitated by the thunder of
my lecture, as to allow herself and husband no rest till he had
sold his share in a privateer."
In April, 1781, the Balgrove, Captain Thompson, was
taken by a French privateer, and recaptured by the mate
and four of the crew, who overpowered sixteen Frenchmen,
and carried the ship into Cove.
By a singular coincidence, the Alert privateer, of Alderney,
took the Reine Jeanne, from St. Domingo to Nantz, which
proved to be the former Alert privateer, of Liverpool. A
much more remarkable circumstance happened before the
close of the year, when a Captain M 'Bride discovered in the
father and son, who commanded two Dutch privateers taken
by him, the very men he had captured, under similar
circumstances, twenty-one years before.
In May, 1781, the Ferret privateer, of 10 guns, Captain
Archer, was taken by the French, and retaken by the
Vulture privateer, of Jersey ; and on the 3ist of the same
month, the Patsey, Captain Dooling, was taken, off the
Western Islands, by the Fripon, French frigate of 44 guns
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 285
and 400 men, after an engagement of one hour and-a-half
in which Captain Dooling, the sailing master, and six of the
crew of the Patsey were killed, and several wounded.
The slave ship Essex, Captain Potter, on her voyage to
Guinea, took two Dutchmen, from St. Eustatia to Amsterdam
and Rotterdam, laden with 400 hogsheads of sugar, 119
hogsheads of tobacco, and 800 bags of coffee. La Fortune,
one of the prizes, was totally lost near Wexford, and all the
crew perished ; the other prize, called the Golden Tea,
arrived safe in Liverpool. The Fly privateer took a Dutch
brig, from St. Eustatia, and carried her into Kinsale. The
Stormont, Captain Dawson, took the Henry and Maria, of
Amsterdam, from Salonica, , with 462 bales of cotton.
Another Dutchman, called the Vleyt, from Curacoa to
Amsterdam, was taken by the Lookout, Captain Wright,
and sent into Scilly. The cargo consisted of 794 bags
of coffee, 77 casks of indigo, 1 10 hogsheads of sugar, 43 bags
of cocoa, 140 bags of tobacco, hides, sarsaparilla, and 800
pieces of wood. The Minerva, Captain Ryder, took another
valuable Dutch ship, called the Good Friends, from St.
Eustatia to Amsterdam, with 504 hogsheads and tierces of
sugar, 524 bags of coffee, 137 hogsheads and 244 bags of
tobacco, 16 bales of cotton, besides elephants' teeth, etc.
The Industry, Captain Moore, on her passage to New
York, had an engagement of 75 minutes with a privateer of
16 guns, which, having much shattered, she beat off.
In March, the Woolton, Captain Backhouse, took and carried
into the Shannon, a ship from St. Domingo, called La
Sartine, of 350 tons burthen, 16 guns, and 58 men. She
engaged the Woolton three hours and-a-half, and had
eight men wounded, three of whom afterwards died of their
wounds. The Woolton had only one man wounded. The
prize, which entered the river Mersey on April loth, was
laden with coffee, sugar, etc., valued at ;£ 15,000. The
Barbara, Captain Perry, on her passage from St. Eustatia,.
\
286 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
met with a French privateer, of 24 guns, which, after an
engagement of three glasses and-a-half, she beat off. The
Barbara captured a brig, from Curacoa to Rotterdam,
which arrived in Liverpool on April loth, 1781.
The Townside, Captain Bonsall, cruising in company with
the Rodney and Union, of Barbadoes, captured three Dutch
prizes from Demerara, one of which, a large ship with 190
bales of cotton, 456 hogsheads of sugar, 1447 bags and
1 1 1 casks of coffee, they sent to Tobago ; another, with a
cargo of 206 bales of cotton, 241 casks and 3015 bags of
coffee, they ordered to Barbadoes ; and a schooner, with rum
etc., into St. Lucia. The Townside and the Rodney, in
company with two sloops of war, were concerned in the
further capture of four ships in the harbour of Demerara;
and in Essequibo of several other vessels. A little later on,
the Townside had a narrow escape from capture when the
French fleet appeared before St. Lucia, but she cut her
cables, slipped out, and arrived safe at Tortola.
In May, Captain Fayrer, in the Harlequin privateer,
cruising in sight of the Azores, took a Swedish brig, and, by
stratagem, discovered that " she was sent out to give advice
to the East Indiamen." He afterwards took and detained
another from Ostend, upon the same errand. The Harle-
quin and the Ccesar, of Bristol, in company, took a ship from
Curacoa, and sent her to Bristol. In August, the Harlequin
arrived in Liverpool with two prizes, the Swallow and a
French snow. In the summer of 1783, the Harlequin
arrived at St. Lucia, from Africa, after a severe engagement
with a French privateer of 20 guns, in which Captain Fayrer
behaved with great courage.
"Tuesday se'n night, " says Williamson's Advertiser,
-of the 6th of February, 1783, "was determined in the Court
of Admiralty, a cause long depending between the owners
of the ships Patsey and Harlequin of Liverpool, and the
Ccesar of Bristol, respecting the right which the former
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 287
claimed as joint captors of the ship Eendroght, bound from
Curacoa to Amsterdam, the most valuable West Indiaman
taken during the course of the war, upwards of ,£40,000 of
her proceeds being lodged in the Court of Admiralty. It
was adjudged in favour of the Liverpool ships, which are
the property of Henry Rawlinson, Esq., member for this
town, and Messrs. Earle & Co., merchants."
The Ra-wlinson and the Molly arrived in Liverpool at the
beginning of June, 1781, having parted from the fleet,
which left Jamaica on the iyth of March, under convoy of
4 line of battle ships, a 50 and a 44. In consequence of
information received at Jamaica, the fleet sailed through the
Windward passage, to avoid 20 French and Spanish ships
of the line said to be at the Havannah waiting for them.
The convoy fell in with a French 64, called the Marquis dc
la Fayette, bound from France to America, with 80 pieces
of brass cannon, clothing for ten regiments, stores for two
ships, and about 2,000,000 livres in specie, which they
captured. They also retook the James and Rebecca, from
Liverpool to New York, which had been captured by an
American privateer, of 18 guns, and was proceeding with
her for America. The privateer was chased for eighteen
hours but outsailed her pursuers. The portion of the fleet
destined for Liverpool consisted mainly, of course, of
slave ships, bringing sugar, rum, and other commodities,
purchased with the proceeds of the human cargoes which
they had carried from Africa to the West Indies.
In the first week of July, the Prosperity, a ship of 300
tons, laden with lumber, etc., for Tenerifle, arrived in
Liverpool, having been captured by the Lydia, Captain
Fell; also the Resolution, laden with brandy, Geneva, etc.,
a prize to the Lurcher, Captain Doyle. The Seacombe,
Captain Pagan, arrived on the coast of Africa, from Liver-
pool, " with five spermaceti whales, and a large Dutch ship,
her prize." The Kitty, Captain Clough, on her passage
288 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
from Liverpool to Jamaica, had an engagement of seven
hours with a privateer, which she beat off. On the home-
ward voyage, the Kitty captured a prize, which entered the
Mersey with her in September ; and in the same month
there came in a vessel called the Johannes, laden with
tobacco, coffee, etc., prize to the Betty.
About this time, threats of a French invasion helped to
intensify the horrors and miseries of war. In the
beginning of September, the following alarming dispatch
was received by the commanding officer in Liverpool : —
"DUBLIN, in Homoaze, August ^oth, 1781.
" SIR, — I think it necessary to acquaint you, by express,
that on the evening of the 28th inst., the combined fleets of the
enemy (French, Spanish, and Dutch), consisting- of thirty-four
or thirty-five sail of the line, were seen five or six leagues to
the east of Scilly, and that there is great reason to apprehend
that they are now in the Channel ; in order that you may make
the same known to the captains of any of his Majesty's ships
that may be within your reach, as well as the merchants of
Liverpool, to prevent any of their trade from falling into their
hands. Vice-Admiral Darby, with his Majesty's squadron
under his command, is now in Torbay. I am, Sir, yours,
SHULDAM."
Captain Campbell, of the Dick, of Liverpool, writing to
his owners from Staten Island, on the 29th of July, 1781,
gives the following account of an engagement between the
Dick and an American vessel : —
" On the 1 7th of June, at nine in the morning-, lat. 39. 40 ;
long. 54. 30 ; we fell in with an American ship of 20 six-
pounders, which engaged us from nine till a quarter past 1 1 ,
when he made sail from us. We immediately gave chace,
but could not come up with him, our ship sailed so heavy.
When we got upon the coast of America, saw two or three
sail every day, sometimes five privateers in a day, sloops and
schooners. His Majesty's frigate Orpheus fell in with us off the
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 289
Hook, and pressed three of our best men, nine more were
pressed at the Hook. Our officers and men behaved very
gallantly all the time we were engaged. We fired twenty-
seven broadsides ; only one man wounded, and one boy his
arm broke.
" Amount of shot which took place from the privateer : In
the jibb, 13, great and small ; fore topmast staysail, 2 ; fore-
sail, 14 ; fore topsail, 8 ; main topmast staysail, 31 ; main top-
sail, 30; main sail, 42; main staysail, 12 ; mizen, n ; main
topsail, 13 ; in the hull, 36 ; main mast, 2 ; mizen mast, i ;
fore shrouds, 3 ; main shrouds, 2 ; main stay, i ; mizen stay,
i ; fore and main topgallant rigging all cut away ; fore top-
mast shrouds, 3 ; main top ditto, 2 ; back stays, 3 ; a number
more, not ascertained, one shot went through the side and
through a butt of water. "
In September, 1781, the Lightning privateer, Captain
Walker, took a large Swedish ship of about 500 tons, from
Bordeaux to St. Domingo, laden with bale goods, wine,
flour, etc., value as per invoice, 330,118 livres. In March,
1782, the Lightning captured a Spanish packet, from the
Havannah to Cadiz, with 12,000 dollars on board, and sent
her into Lisbon. On the 3Oth of May, 1782, the Maria, from
L'Orient, with wine, salt, etc., another prize to the Lightning,
arrived in Liverpool. The St. George schooner, from
Rochelle for Martinique, with wine, flour, oil, and bale
goods, also captured by the Lightning, narrowly escaped
being recaptured by a large cutter privateer, which chased
her into Kinsale. In September, the Lightning took a
vessel with 77 hogsheads of tobacco, and on December 2ist,
off the island of St. Michael, she captured a French East
India packet, from the Cape of Good Hope, for St. Malo,
with passengers and despatches for France. The mails were
thrown overboard, and narrowly escaped being taken. The
vessel was formerly the English privateer, Resolution,
re-christened Le Mars by her French captors.
290 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
The paper of October 4th, 1781, stated that the Quaker,
Captain Evans, had arrived at Newfoundland from Liver-
pool, with a rebel privateer of -13 guns, which he had
captured. Early in 1782, the Quaker took three prizes, and
carried them into Antigua, where they sold for ,£21,000.
On his passage to Newfoundland, in the autumn of the same
year, this very pugnacious Quaker fell in with a French
44-gun ship, exchanged a broadside with her, and got clear
by dint of sailing, after an exciting chase of twelve hours.
The Quaker had one boy killed, and another wounded, but
received no other damage. In the paper of February 6th,
J783, we read that the Quaker had captured in the West
Indies, a brig with a Letter of Marque, from Martinico to
France, laden with sugar, coffee, and cocoa, valued at
^10,000, and sent her to Tortola.
England was now at war with Holland, as well as with
the United States, France and Spain. The English were
by this time disgusted with the folly of their rulers, and
weary of the unnatural strife with their own kinsmen beyond
the seas. The enemies' privateers were doing excellent
business on our coasts. When the Count de Guichen,
French privateer, was taken by the English frigate Aurora,
Captain Collins, she had on board the following ransom
bills, or promises to pay ransom, given by British merchant
ships to the French commander. The Peace, of White-
haven, 2000 guineas ; the Spooner, of Glasgow, 1800
guineas; the Fortitude, of Greenock, 1500 guineas; the
Six Sisters, Isle-of-Man, 1500 guineas ; the William, of
Bristol, 1500 guineas ; the Sally, of Strangford, 500 guineas;
the Lark, of Workington, 300 guineas ; the Glory, of
Workington, 150 guineas ; and the Elizabeth, no guineas ;
a total of 9360 guineas during one cruise. This probably
fell short of the mischief actually done to British commerce
by this single ship, as it was the habit of privateers to
plunder, burn, or sink vessels which were not ransomed, or
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE 291
which were too insignificant to send home in charge of a
prize crew to be condemned. So great was the boldness of
the enemies' privateers, that the Dublin linen ships, said to
be worth ^150,000, were convoyed from Dublin to Chester
fair, by the Boston frigate and two armed cutters, lest the
linen should be diverted to a French market.
In September, 1781, the Heart of Oak privateer, Captain
Ash, recaptured the Alexander privateer, of Liverpool,
which had been taken by an American frigate. In March,
1782, we read of the Heart of Oak taking a Dutch privateer,
which was cruising off the Humber, and carrying her into
Hull. The Dutchman had taken two colliers and a corn
vessel, the ransom of the latter being 1200 guineas.
The Tom privateer, of Liverpool, captured the Countess
de Maurepas, French privateer, 16 guns and 120 men,
which had been cruising in the Channel, and taken the
Blessing, of Workington, which she ransomed for 450
guineas.
In the summer of 1781, the notorious Pat Dowling was
doing a " roaring trade " in the Channel, when he took the
Olive Branch, from Liverpool to Charleston, which he
ransomed for 7700 guineas. It was said he had 17 ransomers
on board, and had taken on the Irish coast upwards of
twenty vessels, five of which he had sunk, as the people
would not ransom on his terms. He took a vessel from
Maryport, and ransomed her for 750 guineas ; the William,
from Bristol to Liverpool, ransomed for 900 guineas ; the
Elizabeth, from Liverpool to Cork, ransomed for 800 guineas;
and the Sally, for Guernsey, which 'he released for 700
guineas. It is difficult to understand what the King's
cruisers were doing while this enterprising Irishman, and
others of his countrymen, were serving France so effectually
in the Channel. Well might the paper of October 4th,
observe that "the safe arrival of the Leeward Islands fleet is
a circumstance which must diffuse a general joy through
292 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
this country, and ought to excite its gratitude, when it is
considered from what an host of foes it has escaped."
"In the history of England," says the paper of January
24th, 1782, "many are the intervals where she was
surrounded with imminent dangers ; yet did her native
spirit prove ultimately superior to and surmount every peril.
Let her admirals and generals rouse into a true spirit of
action, her people be united and lay by at the present
alarming crisis all party animosities, and act with one
heart and with one arm, and there is no doubt but the ensign
of Albion will again wave to victory, to fame, and to honour."
The country as a whole, however, had by this time become
sick of the war. Petitions and addresses against the
further prosecution of it began to pour in. In January,
1782, the Corporation of Bristol, not content with merely
voting a petition to the House of Commons against the
continuance of the struggle with America, went a step
further and requested the House to advise the King to a
total change of the unhappy system which had involved
the nation in such complicated misfortunes. In March,
1782, a resolution was moved in Parliament, and passed
without a division, declaring that the House would consider
as enemies to his Majesty and the country all who should
advise the prosecution of offensive war in North America.
On Sunday evening, March 3rd, 1782, as two of the
press-gang were conveying a man, whom they had just
impressed, to the press-room, he suddenly turned upon
them, drew out a loaded pistol, shot one of them dead, and
escaped. The coroner's jury brought in a verdict of man-
slaughter.
In April, 1782, the Venus, Captain Brown, arrived at
Hoylake, from St. Lucia, having on the voyage taken a
valuable prize, with 87 hogsheads of tobacco, naval stores,
etc., on board.
At six o'clock on Monday morning, the iQth of May, 1782,
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 293
an express from the Admiralty arrived in Liverpool, with
dispatches for the Mayor, announcing Admiral Rodney's
victory over the French fleet, in the West Indies. The
" great and glorious news" was received with delight in the
town, which was deeply interested in Jamaica and the West
India Islands, both on the ground of property, and because
the Liverpool Blues were on military duty in the former
fsland. Joy bells were set ringing for the rest of the day,
and flags were displayed on all the public buildings. At
noon, a royal salute of twenty-one guns was fired, from
George's Battery. At one o'clock, the Westminster Militia
were drawn up in front of the Exchange, and fired three
volleys, amidst the acclamations of thousands of spectators.
After this great victory, which restored confidence to the
public mind after so many disasters, all the West India
ships sailed for England, and arrived in safety. Amongst
them were eleven rich Jamaica ships for Liverpool, which
arrived in July.
In May, the Kitty, Captain Clough, on the voyage from
Liverpool to Jamaica, took a prize from Guadaloupe for
Cadiz, which she convoyed to Londonderry. The cargo
consisted of 130 hogsheads of sugar, 7 hogsheads, 25 tierces,
and 150 bags of coffee, 55 bags of ginger, 39 bales of cotton,
151 bags of cocoa, 2 barrels of copper, etc. On the 25th of
the same month, the Bridget, Captain Gilbody, from Liver-
pool for the Leeward Islands, took and sent into Londonderry,
the American brig Dove, from St. Domingo to Cadiz, laden
with 35,500 Ibs. of cocoa, 4000 Ibs. turtle shell, 4020 Ibs.
indigo, besides other articles.
The Jenny, Captain Collison, and the Tom, Captain
Briggs, on their passage from St. Lucia to Liverpool, had
an engagement with an American privateer, and beat her
off, with a loss to the Tom of two passengers — an officer and
his servant — who were killed. A little later they took an
American vessel called the Fox.
294 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
The ship Rumbold, Captain Molyneux, on the middle
passage from Africa to Jamaica, with slaves, beat off a
French privateer, of 24 guns, after a severe action of about
an hour, in which three men were killed and eleven wounded
on board the Ritmbold, which had only 16 guns and 45
men.
The Quest, Captain Ogden, in company with a Jersey
privateer, . took a vessel from Havannah to Cadiz, laden
with sugar, etc. The Quest afterwards took the Good
Design, an American brig, laden with fish, molasses, etc.,
and carried her into St. Lucia, to be sold. On the 3rd of
November, 1782, the Quest, in company with the Iris, of
Tortola, captured the American brig Thoroughgood, with a
cargo of rum, salt, and dry goods. On the i6th, they
engaged four American vessels, one of which carried 18 nine-
pounders. The Iris in this affair kept aloof. After a
gallant action, the Quest had to sheer off, much shattered,
having four men killed, and four wounded, amongst the
latter being the brave Captain Ogden, who afterwards died
of his wounds.
The Liverpool, Captain Webster, on her passage to Africa,
took a French ship, of 400 tons, 14 twelve-pounders, and 63
men, bound from Bordeaux to the Isle of France, with
cordage, wine, brandy, etc., but the prize was recaptured by
two French frigates. The Mossley Hill, Captain Hewan,
captured off Cape Mount, on the coast of Africa, an outward
bound East Indiaman from Toulon, and despatched her to
Tortola, where the Mossley Hill arrived in due course, with a
cargo of 723 prime negroes. The Spy, Captain Burrows,
while proceeding from Africa to the West Indies, with 250
slaves and about 6 tons of ivory, was taken by two French
frigates, and carried to Dominica. The Stag, Captain
Butler, was more fortunate, having on her voyage to the
coast, taken a ship, bound from Barcelona to Buenos Ayres,
valued at ^8000, which, added to the profit on a cargo of 700
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 295
slaves carried to the West Indies, no doubt satisfied the
owners.
The Molly ) Captain Jordan, from Jamaica for Liverpool,
was captured off the Tuskar, by the Terror of England
privateer, of 22 guns, commanded by an Irishman named
Kelly, after an engagement of three hours, in which Captain
Jordan and four of his people were killed. Afterwards, a
gale of wind came on, when the prize crew, whom Kelly
had put on board the Molly, not knowing what to do with
her, delivered her up to her own crew, who had been left
on board, and by them she was carried into Greenock. A
few days later, the Terror of England was captured by the
Stag frigate, Captain Cooper, and carried into Dublin, where
Kelly does not appear to have been received with the amount
of fraternal love which an "enemy of Great Britain" naturally
expected on Irish soil, even prior to the Union.
A Dublin newspaper referred to the captain in the
following unsympathetic terms : —
"Captain Kelly," says the Journalist, "seems to be not
in the least affected with his present situation, and considers
this change of fortune as a mere bagatelle, beneath making any
impression upon a gentleman of his spirit and humanity. The
Captain imagines that by the assistance of Le Roy de France,
whose signature he displays to a scrap of parchment, he will
be able to baffle the utmost efforts of the King's lawyers, and
once more be liberated to plunder the property of the subjects
of his native land with impunity. There does not seem to be a
doubt entertained but Kelly will add one more to the numerous
throng that occasionally make their exit from that tree which
so often has promoted the good of the community by ridding
the world of villains disgraceful to human nature. The horrid
treatment of Lieutenant Vickers, of the Hope cutter, with his
brave crew, is recent in every memory. This renegade refused
quarter to these tars, after fighting him nobly with an inferior
force, and continued, when they had pulled down their colours,
pouring in his broadsides. Some of his infernal crew, after
296 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
they boarded the cutter, cut and abused, in a shocking- manner,
several of the men. He can scarce escape the reward due for
his inhumanity and piracy, as the most positive evidence can be
produced of his being born in this country."
In August, 1782, there arrived in Liverpool, from Jamaica,
a self-made man, one of whose first acts on landing in his
native land entitled him to be called one of Nature's noble-
men. Richard Watt, a poor boy, like Richard Whittington,
and with some of that hero's grit in him, came to Liverpool
from Standish, near Wigan, probably about 1740, and,
according to Smithers, was hired by Mr. Geoffry Walley,*
to look after his horse and chaise, the only carriage then
kept in the town, except the coach of " Madame" Clayton.
His master sent him to an evening school, and, finding him
tractable and industrious, advanced him to the counting-
house, and employed him as supercargo to Jamaica, where
he settled and acquired a large fortune. Time had not
effaced the memory of his old master's kindness, and on his
return to Liverpool, after an absence of about forty years,
his first enquiries were after the survivors of his former
employer's family. He found two maiden sisters — one
account states two widows — in poor circumstances, upon
each of whom he settled ^100 a year for life. He was head
of the firm of Messrs. Watt and Walker, and built the
mansion of Oakhill, Old Swan. His nephews, Richard
Watt and Richard Walker, to whom he left upwards of
half-a-million, resided in Duke Street. Mr. Watt died in
1796, aged 72, and was interred at Standish, having been
born at Shevington in that parish. Mr. Richard Watt
bought the manor of Speke from Charles George, son of
Topham Beauclerk, the friend of Dr. Johnson, and Miss
Adelaide Watt, the representative of Richard Watt, is the
present lady of the manor. Her residence, Speke Hall, is
* Brooke states that his employer was James Dimniock, or Dimoke, horse and
chaise hirer, Fenwick Street.
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 297
a fine specimen of an ancient Lancashire manor house, and
was for ages the home of the Norris family.
The Molly, Captain M'Kown, on her passage to Jamaica,
took two prizes, but the Molly, Captain Lloyd, bound for
St. Lucia, had the ill-fortune to fall in with the Holker,
American privateer, which, after a smart engagement,
carried her to Martinico. Captain Lloyd had four men
killed and 13 wounded.
Two items of intelligence in the newspapers of October
1 7th, 1782, spread universal joy throughout the nation.
The first was, that the grand attack of the Spaniards and
French on the fortress of Gibraltar had been totally defeated
by sea and land by General Elliot ; the second was, that
Messrs. Fitzherbert & Oswald, on the part of Great Britain,
had exchanged credentials with Messrs. Franklin & Jay,
the ambassadors of the United States, preparatory to
the arrangement of the terms of peace between the two
countries.
The year 1782, at the end of which we have now
arrived, was memorable for the great losses and defeats
sustained by both the French and Spaniards. A Liver-
pool poet, Edward Rushton — like Roscoe, the friend of
liberty, irrespective of colour — published the following
stanzas : —
Britain ! thy fame in eighty-two
Outswells the boast of fifty-nine,
Gallia was vanquished then, 'tis true,
But now a host of foes combine ;
A host combine to pull thee down,
And strip thee of thy nautic crown ;
Whilst proud rebellion towers on high,
And millions from their duty fly :
Never, oh, Britain ! did the warring storm
Howl round thy rocky coast in such a threatening form.
298 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
To keep such numerous foes at bay,
Is one continued victory ;
But now old ocean owns thy sway,
And vanquished foes confounded fly.
As skims the flying" finny brood,
When by the Albicore pursued,
So, in this great, this wondrous year,
When 'bove themselves thy sons appear,
Proud Gallia's navy fled in dire dismay,
And had Cordova dared, so had he winged his way.
Britain ! 'tis done, and grim despair
Has fastened on each vengeful foe ;
The Rock's* relieved ; and through the air,
Hark ! how the sounds of triumph flow.
And now, ye unassisting powers,
What think ye ! is the trident ours ?
Ye baffled foes, what arts, ah ! say,
Can wipe the foul disgrace away ?
For wondering Europe ey'd the important deed,
And, spite of every boast, beheld your foes succeed.
The strong contrast afforded between the kindly feelings
cherished in England towards the Americans, and the
rooted animosity entertained for their allies, " the hereditary
enemies of Great Britain," is reflected in the following
song " On the prospect of peace with America," to be sung
to the tune of " Hearts of Oak, etc.," printed in the Liver-
pool paper of the gth of January, 1783 : —
I.
Hark ! the lion is roused, and the cannons they roar,
Like the thunder of Jove, from the main to the shore.
Tell the false sons of France, and their neighbours of Spain
We'll teach them to dance to the old tune again.
France and Spain then shall know,
That their topsails shall bow ;
If we meet them, we'll hail 'em,
Like Britons assail 'em ;
We'll fight or we'll die, still Lords of the main.
*Gibraltar.
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 299
II.
Let the Cherubs of bliss now diffuse it around,
And the Seraphs of concord exult in their sound,
That America comes, with mild peace in her train,
While the olive re-blooms, and we're friends once again.
France and Spain, etc.
III.
The Maid of the Colonies puts forth her hand,
Bids commerce to flourish once more in this land ;
Britannia she bends, and with joy in each eye,
Cries, let us be friends, and the world we defy.
France and Spain, etc.
The Mermaid, Captain Reynolds, on her passage from
Antigua, took a brig, laden with lumber, etc. The Antigalli-
can, Captain Corran, on her passage to Tortola, captured
off Porto Rico two prizes ; one an American brig, loaded
with salt, the other a Spanish vessel, of 182 tons, bound to
Cape Fran9ois with flour, wine, oil, soap, canvas, cordage,
bale goods, etc. The Rover, Captain Latham, from Africa
for the West Indies, with 209 slaves, was captured by an
American privateer, and carried into Martinico.
The Bella, Captain Burgess, was taken by her crew, a
day or two after she sailed from Jamaica for Liverpool.
The mutineers killed the chief mate, and landed the Captain
and two of his men upon a rocky island, called the Jordans.
The vessel was retaken by the Harlequin, bound from
Jamaica for Liverpool, but as she had five feet of water in her
hold, and was in a bad condition, they sunk her, the pirates
being placed in irons on board the Harlequin and the Nep-
tune, and carried to Liverpool.
On the 24th of January, 1783, Mr. Secretary Townshend
announced, in the House of Commons, that preliminaries of
peace had been signed with France, Spain, and the United
States of America. The definite treaty of peace was
300 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
published in the Liverpool papers on the 3Oth of the
same month. " The Mercantile World," says Williamson's
Advertiser of that day, " is in a hurry and bustle unknown
at any former time. The merchants are endeavouring to
outstrip each other in the race of traffic. European goods,
and particularly the produce of England, being greatly
wanted in the ports of America, the destination of many of
the vessels now in the river is altered from the West India
Islands to the American ports, where it is expected the
cargoes will sell at an immense profit."
Thus ended, at last, to the joy of the English speaking
peoples throughout the world, and for the future blessing
of mankind, a most disastrous, disgraceful, unnatural,
unnecessary, and expensive war, that might have been
averted had a single grain of common sense been admitted
into the councils of the obstinate old King.
" Many of the American privateers/' says a London paper
of March 2oth, 1783, " have been cruising all the war without
commissions, and others have been frequently suspected of
having had forged ones ; there is therefore every reason to
apprehend that piracies will continue for some time, not-
withstanding that hostilities are over. This is the general
opinion among the captains at Lloyd's." News travelled
slowly in those days, and no doubt captures were made in
good faith on both sides for some time after the conclusion
of the war, especially in distant waters. The slave brig
Fancy, Captain Greaves, of Liverpool, was taken at Cape
Mount, on March 22nd, 1783, (the very morning she sailed
for the West Indies, with a cargo of 390 negroes, two tons
of ivory, and a quantity of rice), by a French 50 gun ship,
and carried to Cape Fran9ois.
On the 4th of March, 1783, the Count Belgioso, Captain
Pierce, a fine new ship, lately launched, sailed from Liver-
pool, for the East Indies, with a fair wind and fine weather;
but a violent storm of wind, and a great fall of snow coming
AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 301
on, she was lost upon the Kish Bank three days after leaving
port, and all on board, comprising 147 persons, perished.
She was said to be one of the richest ships that ever sailed
from Liverpool, being valued at ,£130,000. She had 100,000
dollars on board, besides a great value in ginsang, bale
goods, and 300 tons of lead.
The general effect of the American war of independence
on the position of Liverpool, was to put an entire stop to the
commercial progress of the port, during seven long and
disastrous years. The foreign trade of the port, which had
doubled itself between the accession of George the Third, in
1760, and the commencement of hostilities, in 1775, declined
in all its branches, from the beginning of the struggle, to its
close in 1783. The customs revenue of the port, which
amounted to .£274,655 at the commencement of the war, had
fallen to ,£188,830 in 1780, the sixth year of the contest.
The tonnage declined from 84,792 tons to 79,450, of which a
large part consisted of privateers. The population decreased
from 35,600 to 34,107 ; and the condition of the inhabitants
was deteriorated so greatly in the latter years of the war,
that, at its close, not less than 10,000 of the poorer class,
were supported either by the parish, or by charitable
donations. "The seven years of the first American war,"
as Baines truly observes, "were the seven lean years of
Liverpool, and the only seven years of the eighteenth
century during which the port did not increase in population
and wealth." While the war lasted town improvements were
mostly suspended. Beyond the occasional bustle of numer-
ous sales by auction of the cargoes of prizes taken from the
enemy, there was little business transacted in the port.
"The manners of the common people at this period," says
Trotighton, "made a retrogression towards barbarism, rather
than a progress in refinement or virtuous habits. This was
the natural consequence of that spirit of enterprise cherished
by the proprietors of privateers ; for successful adventurers,
302 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
upon their return to port, spent in excess what they had
obtained with danger. As for the public amusements, the
theatre was opened every summer, -and the people were also
sometimes gratified by the occasional visits of Breslau, and
other jugglers, whose dexterity disencumbered them of their
superfluous cash." One remarkable but natural effect of
the war was to destroy for a time the popularity of Liverpool
as a bathing place, but on the return of peace, there was a
great influx of visitors from the interior, whom fear of the
press-gangs had deterred from visiting the town during the
war. "For the last week," says the Liverpool Advertiser,
"the town has been uncommonly crowded with country
people from the vicinity of Rochdale, Blackburn, Manchester,
etc. It is computed that there were upwards of 3000 of them.
They came to bathe and drink salt water. During the war,
very few of them durst come down, on account of the
warmth of the impress ; and it is therefore supposed that
this is the most crowded bathing season ever known here."
303
CHAPTER V.
LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS AND LETTER OF MARQUE SHIPS
DURING THE WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
THE ten years of peace which succeeded the war with
America, were years of extraordinary activity and prosperity,
during which the trade of Liverpool increased more rapidly
than it had done during any former decade in its history.
The population in 1793 was estimated at about 60,000. The
marvellous progress of the port is seen from the fact that, in
1716, the whole tonnage which entered and cleared from
English ports, was 456,309 tons, of which 18,371 tons
cleared from Liverpool ; in 1792, the whole tonnage cleared
from English ports was 1,565,154, of which 260,380 cleared
from Liverpool. Thus, in a period of 77 years, Liverpool's
share had increased from the twenty-fourth to the sixth
part of the whole. But the peace and plenty which England
enjoyed from 1783 to the end of 1793, were doomed to be
followed by years of war and scarcity. On the 2ist of
January, 1793, Louis XVI., deposed King of France, was
guillotined at Paris. In common with other European
Courts more concerned about the safety of Kings than the
rights of the people, England, under the administration of
Pitt — then Liverpool's favourite statesman — alarmed by the
progress of the French Revolution, declared war with
France. This war continued until 1815, when it culminated
in the Battle of Waterloo. It was the cause of untold misery,
the destruction of an appalling number of human lives, and
of an incalculable amount of property on sea and land, and
304 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
cost upwards of ^"831,000,000. The two main results ot
this war were to deliver France to despotism again, and to
hinder our own march of progress- at least half a century.
During its continuance the commerce of Liverpool was
exposed to all the dangers and chances of war, with only
one short interval of rest during the peace of Amiens.
When the news of the execution of Louis XVI. arrived
in Liverpool, it produced a general feeling of pity, horror,
and despondency. The colours at the Exchange and
Custom-house were hoisted half-mast high, and the shipping
in all the docks exhibited the same signs of mourning. But
sorrow soon gave way to anger, and to resolute prepara-
tions for war with " republican and regicide" France. At
the invitation of Mr. Pitt, a deputation of merchants pro-
ceeded to London, to consult with the Government on the
" protection necessary to be afforded to the shipping of the
port." For the purpose of depriving the enemy of naval
and military supplies, and of arming the British fleet more
rapidly, an embargo was laid on vessels taking out naval
and military supplies. Greenland ships proceeding to the
northern fisheries were ordered to be well armed ; and
Letters of Marque were issued against French ships and
commerce. The old fighting instinct of Liverpool was
revived in full force, but it does not appear that privateering
was carried on to so great an extent, comparatively, from
the port, as during the American Revolutionary War.
Many acts of bravery were, however, performed, and
valuable prizes taken by the officers and crews of Liverpool
privateers and armed merchant ships during this long war.
On Wednesday afternoon, the 2Oth of March, 1793, a
most distressing sight was witnessed by a number of people
from the Pierhead and its vicinity. The Pelican privateer,
of 20 guns and 100 men, having that day been launched,
full rigged, with all her guns and stores on board, was
cruising to and fro in the river, with a moderate breeze,
WARS -OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 305
according to custom in such cases, with about two hundred
persons on board, including the shareholders and their
friends, and women and children. While they were making
merry, and enjoying themselves to their hearts' content, to
the strains of music, the ship, on being put about opposite
Seacombe, suddenly capsized, filled with water through the
lee-ports, and sunk in ten minutes with all on board. Seventy
or eighty persons were drowned — accounts vary as to the
number — and the rest either swam ashore, or were rescued
by boats. Twenty-five persons were saved by Mr. John
Starkey, excise surveyor, who went from the Pierhead in his
boat, and subsequently received the Humane Society's
medal for his activity. Amongst the saved was James
Creasey, the pilot of the ship, who was tried at the Lancaster
Assizes for manslaughter, as it was said that the accident
was the result of his negligence. He was, however,
acquitted. The ship was never raised, and the top of her
masts stood above the water for years after the fatal event.
" A young man, who was saved at the sinking of the Pelican
privateer," says the Naval Chronicle (which however gives
the date as 1783, instead of 1793), "had the singular
affliction of losing his mother, sister, wife, and two children,
who had come on board to take a long, a last farewell. The
grief of a son, a brother, a husband, and a parent, on being
thus suddenly deprived of all his dearest relatives, may more
easily be conceived than described."
On the 5th of April, 1793, the first French prize taken by
any vessel belonging to the port of Liverpool, since the
commencement of hostilities, was brought in by the ship
Harriet (Letter of Marque), Captain Caitcheon, belonging to
Mr. Thomas Barton. She was a fine Bermuda-built brig,
raised upon a cedar frame, and copper bottomed, about 200
tons burthen, called L'Agreable, laden with coffee, sugar,
indigo, and cotton, and was taken on her voyage from
Port-au-Prince to Bordeaux. The value of ship and cargo
u
306 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
was variously estimated at from ,£6,000 to ;£ 10,000. The
French manifests seldom expressed the quantity of goods
contained in the vessel. The people on board the prize
stated that they sailed from Port-au-Prince, with 31 more
French vessels; — "good information this for our brave tars,"
remarks the Advertiser, "as we hope, and are led to believe,
that few of them will reach their destined port." Both the
ship and cargo were sold by auction at Messrs. Ewart &
Rutson's office, in Exchange Alley. On her next voyage,
the Harriet chased a French Guineaman into Martinique,
but being fired upon by the fort, was obliged to desist. "The
ship Harriet, belonging to Thomas Barton, Esq.," says the
paper of January 8th, 1798, "has made 33 voyages from
hence to Barbadoes and back in the last ten years and
three months ; has taken and retaken some vessels, and
rescued others, and has been lengthened in the time — an
instance of commercial expedition, we believe, scarcely to
be paralleled."
On the 28th of March, 1793, the Ann, Captain Worth-
ington, belonging to Messrs. Boates and Seaman, captured
the brig La Porkin, a privateer of 10 guns and 79 men,
out three days from Nantz, and the property of Messrs.
Margerin, Reneau, & Co., of that port.
On the 6th of April, 1793, the Thomas privateer, Captain
Huston, took the French ship La Expeditif, from Charleston
to Havre, with rice, indigo, deerskins, etc., valued at about
^"10,000. On the 1 5th of the same month, the Princess
Elizabeth privateer, Captain Beasley, took the French ship
Les Sons Freres, about 400 tons, from Port-au-Prince for
Bordeaux, laden with coffee, indigo, and sugar ; and
towards the close of the year, she brought into the Mersey
the Amsterdam Packet, from New York to Havre, with a
cargo of tobacco, coffee, sugar, cotton, and pearl-ashes.
On the 20th of May, 1793, the brig Victoire from
Guadaloupe for Havre, laden with 125 hogsheads of sugar,
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 307
80 casks of coffee, and 18 bags of cotton, was brought in
a prize by the Earl of Derby privateer, Captain Perrin.
The Prince of Wales privateer, Captain Thompson, after
being out three weeks, arrived at Hoylake on the i4th of
April, 1793, bringing in with her the French ship Le
Federatif,* from St. Domingo for Bordeaux, which she had
captured on April 5th, in latitude 46°. Her cargo was
valued at about ,£32,000.
On the 8th of October, the Prince of Wales captured the
brig Maryland, from Baltimore to Bordeaux, with 135
hogsheads, 78 tierces, 39 barrels, and 604 bags of coffee, 9
hogsheads of sugar, and 5,000 hogsheads' staves, and sent
her for Montserrat. In December, she recaptured, and
brought into the Mersey, the Best, from Lancaster for the
West Indies, which had been taken by a French man-of-
war. Early in 1794, the Prince of Wales captured and
brought in the Flugan, of Malmo, from Bordeaux for St.
Domingo, laden with wine, brandy, and bale goods.
The Gipsey, Captain Tobin, captured at Loango, on the
3Dth of May, 1793, a French ship, Le Hirondelle, having on
board 122 slaves and 8 guns, which prize was sent to
Mayomba, where she captured a French schooner, Le
Pour-voyeur, with 51 slaves, 5oolbs. of ivory, and a cargo of
70 slaves more. This prize was given up to the prisoners
after taking out the cargo. On the 3rd of June, in company
with the Isabella, of Bristol, and the Lord Charlemont,
Captain Finder, of Liverpool, the Gipsey captured, at
Malimba, a French ship, Le Emilie, with 241 slaves, and
sent her to Grenada. Le Hirondelle was retaken by the
French and carried to St. Lucia. Early in 1794, on the
* A French officer, M. Thiballier, was coming home a prisoner in the Le
Federatif when she was captured. He was Lieut. -Col. of the 4th Regiment of
Provence, and had been made Colonel in St. Domingo, and Governor of the fourth
part of the Island. Being an intimate friend of M. Blanchelande, the Governor,
he was suspected of supplying the rebellious negroes with arms, etc., which
.so enraged the Democrats that they caused him to be seized and sent to France
for trial.
308 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
passage from Jamaica to Liverpool, the Gipsey took an
American vessel with a cargo of provisions for Martinico,
and sent her to Jamaica.
On the i3th of April, 1793, the cutter Dudgeon privateer,
Captain Gullin, took the French brig St. Roman, from
Charleston for St. Valery, with 730 barrels of rice, 2 hogs-
heads of tobacco, and 105 cow-skins, valued at about ,£5,000;
and on the i7th of the same month, she captured a French
snow, from Cayenne for Havre, laden with sugar, coffee,
cotton, and indigo, valued at ^"15,000. On May 4th, the
Dudgeon recaptured, and sent into Milford, the brig Argyle,
of Greenock; and on the gth of June, she brought into the
Mersey a Spanish brig, from Caracas for Spain, laden with
cocoa, indigo, and hides. In company with the Jenny
privateer, the Dudgeon made a prize of L'Esperance, a
French vessel, from Lisbon for France, which was sent
North about, and arrived in Liverpool on June igth. On
the 3rd of February, 1794, we read that the Dudgeon, Captain
Egerton, returned from a cruise, after throwing her guns
overboard and receiving other damage at anchor in a gale
at the N.W. Buoy. In March, the Dudgeon recaptured the
Danish galiot Unge Simon, from Lisbon to St. Petersburgh,
with sugar, oranges, figs, and almonds. A few weeks later,
the Dudgeon and the Ann and Jane, a ship of 500 tons,
from Liverpool, were carried into Brest. The Dudgeon was
afterwards fitted out by the French as a National vessel, and
sent to sea to prey on British commerce, but in September,
1794, she was captured and carried into Falmouth.
In June, 1793, the Ann privateer, Captain Flanagan,
recaptured the ship Harriet, from Honduras for London,
with wood, etc., and took an outward bound vessel, from
Old France to the West Indies, laden with bale goods,
wine, etc. The George W. Lutimdge, from Baltimore for
Havre, with flour, another prize to the Ann, was retaken
by two French privateers, and again captured by the Mary,
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 309
of Liverpool, Captain Pince, arriving safe in the Mersey on
July ist. The Frenchmen on board the prize informed
Captain Pince that the same privateers had retaken another
prize of the Ann. On the 7th of August, a sloop, from
Bayonne, bound to Brest, with resin, arrived ; and on the
1 5th of October, the L Augustine, from Guadaloupe to
Havre, with a cargo of sugar, coffee, and cotton, both
prizes to the Mary, Captain Pince.
The Mary, Captain Thompson, took the Le National
Pavilion, about 500 tons burthen, from Guadaloupe to
France, and recaptured the brig Diligent, from Jersey for
Quebec, with cordage, etc., and the Franklin, loaded with
provisions, from Dublin for Cadiz. The latter had been
twice recaptured before the Mary fell in with her. Early
in 1795, the Mary, Captain Thompson, was captured on
her passage from Liverpool to Leghorn, and carried into
Brest.
The Mary, Captain Mollineux, took the French lugger
privateer La Carnagmolle, and recaptured an East India
brig, which was lost near Baltimore in Ireland.
The Favourite, Captain Bradley, recaptured from the
French, a very fine brig belonging to Leith, and bound to
Cadiz, with glass bottles and iron hoops; and, in company
with the Bess privateer, of Bristol, recaptured a Swedish
brig, from Barcelona for Ostend, laden with 283 pipes of
brandy. On the igth of January, 1794, the Favourite
arrived at St. Eustatia, having taken ten prizes ; three she
sent to Montserrat, and seven to St. Christophers. In
1798, on her passage from Demerara to Liverpool, the
Favourite was taken by the Bougainville French privateer,
and carried into L'Orient after an action of three hours, in
which one man was killed, and the captain and several men
wounded.
' The Loyal Ann chased a French West Indiaman on
shore near Bordeaux, and took a fine new sloop, from
310 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
New York for Havre, laden with sugar, cotton, and pot-
ashes.
The Brothers, of Liverpool, recaptured the ship Com-
munity, with wine, oil, and cocoa, from Cadiz to Ferrol, which
arrived in the Mersey on June 3Oth, 1793; as did also the
ship Three Brothers, of Dartmouth, laden with stock fish,
from North Bergen for Venice, recaptured by the Dispatch
privateer.
The Brothers, Captain Fleming (Letter of Marque), cap-
tured the Hebe, from the Southern Fishery to France, with
130 tons of oil, which arrived in Liverpool in October, 1793.
On the 4th of May, 1793, the Pilgrim (Letter of Marque),
Captain Hutchinson, fell in with the La Liberte, French
East Indiaman, from Bombay for L'Orient, a very fine ship,
Danish built, about 800 tons burthen, carrying 12 six-
pounders, and 60 men. An obstinate engagement took
place, on the second evening of which the French captain
was killed, and on the following morning his ship struck
to the Pilgrim, and was carried to Barbadoes, where she
arrived on the 29th of May. The ship having been three
years in the country, her cargo turned out a most valuable
one, realizing ,£190,000.* We have already seen two
Liverpool estates — the "St. Domingo," and " Carnatic-
hall " — named in grateful commemoration of fortune's
favours granted to privateers, and the present capture must
be added to the list. A certain shoemaker, who flourished
when a comparatively small portion of Everton had been
brought under cultivation, enclosed a considerable tract of
*The cargo, as enumerated in the Liverpool paper, consisted of the following: — •
138,557 pieces yellow and white Nankeens, about 150 hogsheads of sugar, 71 chests
of china ware, 18 chests mother of pearl, 139 chesis cinnamon, 183 bales of Surat
goods, 2 chests Nankeen silks, I chest cotton woollen stuff. 4 bales niccanees, 17
bales casileys, I bale lapse], I bale muslin, 5OOcardels of pepper, 500 chests tea,
2O cases images, 2 bales coral, 2 chests ?ilk manufactory, I case Nankeen calico, I
chest painters' paper, 108 sacks Malabar pepper, 3 bales white linen, 90 bales
cotton, 13 bales Bejuta pants of Surat, I bale Bengal goods, I bale embroidered
waistcoats, I parcel medical roots, 6 parcels sugar-candy, I parcel Fontanagu lacca.
WA RS OF THE FRENCH RE VOL UTION. 3 1 1
land in the neighbourhood of Sleeper's Hill, and modestly
called his estate "Cobbler's Close." This property was
bought and re-named "Pilgrim," by Mr. Barton, who, in
conjunction with Mr. Thomas Birch, had an interest in the
fortunate "Letter of Marque" of that name. The Pilgrim
property was afterwards bought by Mr. Atherton, who sold
it to Mr. Woodhouse, the agent for Lord Nelson's Bronte
estate in Sicily, and that gentleman re-named the property
Bronte, a name it retained until it was invaded by enterpris-
ing builders. The Bronte and the St. Domingo properties
adjoined each other, and it is a rather curious circumstance
that the two valuable estates should have been the products
of two rich privateering adventures.
Many vessels were fitted out of the American ports, under
French colours, manned chiefly with Americans, and they
captured many prizes. Captain Morgan, of the Jean, from
Jamaica for Liverpool, put into Philadelphia to refit, having
been chased a whole day by the LI Ambuscade frigate,
which cruised off the Hook, speaking most vessels that
passed in or out. Captain James, of the Halifax Packet,
applied to the Governor and Council to prevent the frigate
sailing immediately after him, but they would not comply
with his request. He then, through a friend, applied to the
French Consul, who politely gave him four days' start of the
LI A mbuscade.
A gentleman in Philadelphia, writing to a merchant in
Liverpool, on May i3th, 1793, says:—
" What can all your frigates, of which we are told you have
such an immense number in commission, be about, to permit
the French frigate, L' Ambuscade, Citizen Bompard, commander,
to insult your flag, take your merchantmen, and "ride triumph-
ant o'er the western waves." She is now abreast of our city,
and has taken five or six prizes since her departure from France,
two of which are at present alongside of her, the Little Sarah,
of Kingston, Capt. Laury, built in Liverpool, taken ten leagues
312 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
at sea, and the Grange, Hutchinson, of your port also. This
vessel it is expected will be delivered up, as she was taken at
anchor with the pilot on board, ten or twelve miles up the
Capes, and we were two days ago informed that the President,
minister of state, ot war, and of the treasury, and the attorney-
general, have given it as their unanimous opinion that she was
illegally taken, and therefore no prize, she being within the
jurisdiction of the United States, and of course, under the
protection of a neutral country. The business, however, will
not be determined until the arrival of the French Minister, M.
or rather Citizen Genet, who is daily expected from Charleston,
where he was landed by the above frigate. The ship William,
of Glasgow, Capt. Nageto, is just sent up as a prize to a little
privateer of six guns."
The Grange was eventually given up, and the captain
and seamen all liberated.
The French privateers from Martinico, Guadaloupe, and
St. Lucia, captured, in a short time, 70 sail of British, Dutch,
and Spanish merchant vessels, and carried them into those
islands.
The ship Swift, Captain Roper, was taken on the 26th of
May, by a French privateer, who took out of her thirty-three
male slaves, and 224 elephant teeth. They returned to
Captain Roper his ship, and the remainder of his cargo, for
a ransom of ^1000 sterling, and took the second mate as a
hostage for the same.
Captain Heavysides arrived from Philadelphia, and
reported that Congress were exerting themselves to hinder
vessels, fitted out as privateers, sailing from any of the
American ports.
The King Grey, Captain Cash, arrived at Jamaica, from
Africa, having been captured on the passage by a French
privateer, and retaken by his Majesty's frigate Hycena, who
ran the privateer on shore at Hispaniola, where Captain
Cash and his people released themselves from their irons,
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 313
and, getting possession of the Frenchman's boat, got on
board the frigate.
Captain Raphel, of the Polly, arrived at Jamaica, from
Liverpool, reported that about fifty leagues to the westward
of Madeira, he met with a French brig privateer, without her
main mast. On boarding her, he was informed she had
been dismasted, six days before, by the Christopher, Captain
Molyneux, of Liverpool, who, after she had struck her
colours, sent on board and dismantled her of her guns,
powder, shot, and all kinds of arms, took out what stores
(except provisions) they stood in need of, and proceeded on
his voyage. The privateer had 75 men on board, and was
only six weeks off the stocks. The Christopher afterwards
captured a valuable prize at Angola.
The Robust, Captain Forrest, recaptured the Little Joe,
Captain Jones, and the Echo, Captain Kelly (the latter with
1 20 negroes on board), two Liverpool slavers, which had
been taken on the windward coast of Africa by the Liberty,
of Bordeaux, which also took the Union, Captain Farrington,
the Mercury, Captain Hewitt, the Hazard, Captain Rigby,
and the Prosperity, Captain Kelsall, all engaged in the
man traffic. The Mercury was retaken by the Sea/lower
cutter, and sold to Captain Hewitt, who, by the way, lived
in Murray-street, Williamson-square, "adjoining the rope
walk," when he was not prosecuting his humane mission
in Africa, etc. The Prosperity was also retaken by the
Andromache frigate, and carried into Barbadoes. The
Robust had the good fortune to capture a French ship, with
about 200 slaves, at Cape Mount, and in November, 1793,
we read that she took, on the coast, a large French ship,
called Le Patriote Soldat, with 260 slaves and a cargo of
goods, and carried the prize to Dominica.
The slave ship Minerva, late Captain Moore, arrived at
Jamaica from Africa, with a cargo of prime negroes, "with-
out burying either black or white, the master excepted " — a
314 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
feat by no means of common occurrence. The Minerva
privateer, Captain Williams, recaptured a Swedish vessel,
and took the Ann and Margaret, from Riga, with deals.
The Lord Stanley, Captain Farquhar, captured the Julie
Chere, from Guadaloupe for Bordeaux, with sugar, coffee,
cotton, etc.
A letter from Dominica, to a merchant in Liverpool, dated
May 6th, 1793, mentioned that the sloop Amity, Captain
Spellin, of 6 guns and 34 men, had brought in there the
ship Bon Menage, pierced for 22 guns (only six mounted),
and 38 men, belonging to St. Malo. She had been thirty-
three months on a voyage to the East Indies, and after-
wards called at Malimba for slaves, 674 of whom she had
on board. Her hold was full of trunks and bales of India
goods, brandy, gold dust, etc., supposed to be worth
,£ i oo, ooo.
On the 9th of June, 1793, Captain S. Bower, of the Active
privateer, captured by the French, wrote as follows, from
Morlaix, to his owners in Liverpool :—
"It is with concern I inform you of our beingf captured on
the 2ist ult. , by the French frigate Semillante, of 44 guns and
300 men, who took me on board. She also captured, the next
day, a brig- privateer (the Betsey, of Guernsey), of 10 guns and
55 men. On the 27th, she fell in with an English frigate, whom
she engaged two hours, had twenty men killed and forty
wounded : Amongst the former was the captain, first lieutenant,
and a petty officer, when he bore away, having five feet water
in her hold, and was chased by the English frigate, whose
main-top giving way, the Frenchman (I am sorry to say it)
escaped, for could the frigate have come up with her again, she
would have struck immediately. She proceeded directly for
Brest, where we arrived the 2nd of June, and where I have
been in prison until yesterday, when I was marched for Dinant,
with 112 more English prisoners, and this day arrived at
Morlaix on our road thither. We have been just now joined by
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 315
two men belonging to the Allanson, Capt. Byrne, private ship
of war, taken in a prize captured by that vessel."
The Active was retaken, and carried into Guernsey.
The Golden Age, Captain Fayrer, from Jamaica to Liver-
pool, was taken by the French frigate Citoyen, of 36 guns,
which two days later captured the Courier, Captain Rigby,
also from Jamaica to Liverpool, and, after plundering her,
ransomed her to the captain for ^300. The lieutenant of
the Citoyen was an American, and 27 of her crew were
English, but called themselves Americans. The Citoyen
had lost her captain and 63 men in an engagement with an
English frigate, all of whom had been killed outright or
died of their wounds.
The William, of Liverpool, Captain Ward, on her
passage from Virginia, in company with the Hector, of
London, the Fanny, of Greenock, and the Joseph, of
Appledore, fell in with a schooner privateer, fitted out in
America, under French colours. A desperate engagement
ensued, which lasted three hours, resulting in the capture
of the Joseph ; the rest escaped. The privateer was twice
beaten off, but in the third charge, one of the guns of the
Joseph exploded, by which unfortunate accident Captain
Prance lost both his hands, and was obliged to strike his
colours. He also received a wound in the thigh, and had
one of his eyes much injured ; his recovery was despaired
of. The mate also was wounded. Only three persons
were wounded on board the privateer. The William
arrived in Liverpool on the 3rd of July, 1793.
By the ist of July, 1793, no less than sixty-seven Liver-
pool privateers were armed and manned, and were either
at sea or preparing to sail. Great numbers of privateers
were fitted out afterwards, and an extraordinary number of
prizes was taken. The French were too much distracted
by internal dissentions, and attacks from abroad, to carry on
this mode of warfare with any success. In three or four
316 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
years their commerce was swept from the ocean ; whilst,
from the commencement of the war, the English commerce
was carried on in tolerable safety, under the protection of
ships of war. The number of British vessels employed in
commerce at this period was said to be 23,600.
The Savannah, Captain Wrigglesworth, recaptured a
Dutch ship, from Cadiz for Amsterdam, laden with 250
lasts of bay salt.
On July loth, 1793, the Tarleton, Captain Gilbody, from
Liverpool, in company with the Eliza, Captain Cannell, for
Africa, took the Le Guerrier, a brig privateer, of 8 guns and
72 men, belonging to Bayonne.
On the i8th of June, 1793, the Fancy, Captain Robinson,
recaptured the brig Margaret, belonging to Leith, bound
from Alicant to Dublin, laden with 456 bales of barilla, 47
pipes and 4 casks of wine, about a ton of saffron, and 7,000
reeds. Some months later, on her passage to Jamaica, the
Fancy took, and sent into Kingston, a brig laden with 700
barrels of flour. A few days after, the Fancy was attacked
by a French privateer, of 16 guns and upwards of 100 men.
The engagement lasted five hours and-a-half, the French-
man sheering off, leaving the \ Fancy much shattered in her
sails, rigging, etc.
The Union privateer, Captain Nicholson, took a Swedish
vessel, laden with brandy, from Barcelona for Calais.
The Colonel Gascoyne and Margaret, privateers, captured
The Sisters, from New York for Havre, laden with coffee,
indigo, etc.
The Duke of Leeds, Captain Purvis, took a Danish vessel,
from Guadaloupe, laden with sugar, coffee, and cotton, and
carried her into St. Kitts. The Duke was captured early in
1794, on the passage home from the West Indies.
The Philip Stephens privateer brought into the Mersey, in
September, 1793, the ship Sarah, one of the Jamaica fleet,
which she had retaken from the French.
WA RS OF THE FRENCH RE VOL UTION. 3 1 7
The Oporto, Captain Hamilton, captured an American
ship called the Birmingham, laden with sugar, coffee, and
cocoa, from Baltimore for Amsterdam, which arrived in the
Mersey on September 29th, 1793. In March, 1794, the
Oporto recaptured a ship of 400 tons, with salt, from
Alicant, which had been taken by the Tribune French frigate.
The Alert, Captain Hollywood, captured on the coast
of Africa, a ship of about 500 tons burthen, from Bordeaux,
with 50 slaves, and a cargo of goods on board ; also a sloop
with 50 slaves, and a schooner with 40 slaves.
The Mercury, Captain Mellanby, on his passage to the
West Indies and Virginia, was attacked by two small
privateers, who came alongside and fired into him, which
he returned with a broadside that caused them to sheer off,
and make the best of their way from him. The Mercury,
on her passage home from Virginia to Liverpool, was
wrecked near the Orme's Head, and the captain, with fifteen
of the crew, perished ; ten hands were saved.
The Hope privateer, Captain Hall, recaptured La Mahon,
a Spanish brig, from La Guira for Cadiz, laden with 500
bales of tobacco, about 700 quintals of cocoa, coffee, indigo,
and hides. The Hope, in company with the Thought, of
London, also recaptured the Neptune, from Dominica, and
took an American ship, bound to France, with a cargo of
sugar, coffee, indigo, and cotton, and a number of French
passengers on board. On the 5th of September, 1793, the
Hope was taken, in latitude 48°, by two luggers, one of them,
the Hook, of 20 guns and 125 men, formerly an English
revenue vessel. The Hook came up with the Hope (which
only carried 12 guns and 44 men) about seven o'clock in the
morning, and fired one gun, which Captain Hall answered
with a broadside. The lugger then fired two guns, and
bore away. The Hope gave her a second broadside, when
the other lugger came up, and the Hope engaged her for an
hour; but, after having the carpenter, boatswain's mate, and
318 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
a. seaman killed, the first and fourth lieutenants with six
men wounded, Captain Hall was forced to strike.
The Nereus (Letter of Marque), of 16 guns, Captain
M'lver, on her passage from Liverpool to New York, re-
captured a Spanish brig, from the Havannah, laden with
850 boxes of fine sugar, beeswax, honey, etc. This vessel,
when retaken, was in tow of a French privateer, of 16 guns,
which the Nereus beat off. The privateer had unfortunately
taken 50,000 dollars out of the prize before the Nereus fell
in with her. On the I2th of July, 1793, another prize taken
by the Nereus, arrived in the Mersey— the brig Two Friends,
with oil, from the fishery at Falkland Islands, for Dunkirk;
and on July iyth, the Joseph came in (probably the Spanish
brig before mentioned).
In August, 1793, Mr. Asburner, agent at Barbadoes for
Mr. James Kenyon, of Liverpool, was captured on the
passage to Dominica, by the Sans Culotte privateer, and
carried into Martinique. The Frenchmen treated him
"exceeding ill, taking everything from him." He was
confined with the common sailors in the prison ship, under
Fort Republique ; and what must have intensified his
humiliation, although it savoured of poetic justice, was the
fact that the commander-in-chief at that place was "a mulatto
man."
On the 24th of September, 1793, the Olive, of Liverpool,
Captain Pennant, was taken in lat. 45°., long. 28°., by the
La Felicite, French frigate, of 40 guns.
"The French captain," says one of the officers of the Olive,
writing1 from Brest, "behaved in a most villainous manner,
sheering up alongside and pouring nine of his heavy guns right
into us before he hailed, which killed one man and wounded
another. We found it impossible to get away from her, she
sailed so much faster than us. They boarded and stripped us
of every article but the clothes on our backs, and in that state
we were landed at Brest, the 5th inst., and marched to a
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 319
hospital five miles in the country. In two days we are to
march to Dinan Castle, 80 leagues from this place. The Lydia,
Captain Crow, was taken on the 26th ult. by the same frig-ate.
Captain Crow is sick in the hospital, having- his arm dislocated."
One Friday evening, in October, 1793, an affray took
place at the bottom of Redcross Street, between Mr. Felix
M'llroy, master of the sloop Ann, of Newry, and some of
the press-gang- belonging to a tender lying in the river, one
of whom drew a pistol and shot the captain dead upon the
spot. The murderer got on board the tender, but was
arrested next morning. The coroner's jury brought in a
verdict of " murder," but, at the Lancaster assizes, the man
got off with one month's imprisonment. On the Saturday
evening following the crime, a large body of sailors
assembled, and, out of revenge, it was supposed, for the
death of Captain M'llroy, attacked the "rendezvous" of the
press-gang, in Strand Street, and, soon after, the one on
New Quay, which they completely gutted, cutting open the
beds, and throwing the feathers, bedding, and household
furniture of every description into the street. They tore
down the wainscoting, mouldings, cornices and doors,
which, as well as the windows, shutters, etc., they utterly
demolished, leaving little more than the walls, floors, and
roof undestroyed. At the solicitation of the Mayor and Ex-
Mayor, who appeared upon the scene, the mob desisted from
further outrage and dispersed. That bright and genial
gossip, "An Old Stager," has left so racy a picture of the
press-gangs in his native town of Liverpool, and their doings,
of which he was an eye-witness, that we cannot resist the
temptation of quoting his own words : —
' ' We had a venerable g-uardship in the river, the Princess,
which, we believe, had originally been a Dutch man-of-war, and
if built to swim, was certainly never intended to sail. There
she used to lie at her moorings, opposite the old Georg-e's Dock
pier, lazily swing-ing- backwards and forwards with the ebbing-
320 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
and flowing" of the tide, and looking- as if she had been built
expressly for that very purpose and no other. Her very
shadow seemed to grow into that p'art of the river on which
she lay. But, besides her, we had generally some old-fashioned
vessel of war which had come round from Portsmouth or Ply-
mouth to receive volunteers or impressed men. Those who
live in these "piping- times of peace" have no idea of the means
which were employed in the days of which we are speaking to
man our vessels of war. The sailors in our merchant service
had to run the g-auntlet, as it were, for their liberty, from one
end of the world to the other. A ship of war, falling- in with a
merchant vessel in any part of the globe, would unceremoni-
ously take from her the best seamen, leaving- her just hands
enoug-h to bring- her home. As they approached the English
shore, our cruisers, hovering in all directions, would take their
pick of the remainder. But the great terror of the sailor was
the press-g-ang. Such was the dread in which this force was
held by the blue-jackets, that they would often take to their
boats on the other side of the Black Rock, that they might
conceal themselves in Cheshire ; and many a vessel had to be
brought into port by a lot of riggers and carpenters, sent round
by the owner for that purpose. And, truly, according to our
reminiscences, the press-g-ang- was, even to look at, something
calculated to strike fear into a stout man's heart. They had
what they called a " Rendezvous," in different parts of the
town. There was one we recollect in Old Strand-street. From
the upper window there was always a flag flying, to notify to
volunteers what sort of business was transacted there. But
look at the door, and at the people who are issuing- from it.
They are the press-gang-. At their head there was g-enerally
a rakish, dissipated, but determined-looking- officer, in a very
seedy uniform and shabby hat. And what followers ! Fierce,
savage, stern, villainous-looking fellows were they, as ready to
cut a throat as eat their breakfast. What an uproar their
appearance always made in the street ! The men scowled at
them as they passed ; the women openly scoffed at them ; the
children screamed, and hid themselves behind doors or fled
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 321
round the corners. And how rapidly the word was passed
from mouth to mouth, that there were 'hawks abroad,' so as
to give time to any poor sailor who had incautiously ventured
from his place of concealment to return to it. But woe unto
him if there were no warning voice to tell him of the coming
danger ; he was seized upon as if he were a common felon,
deprived of his liberty, torn from his home, his friends, his
parents, wife or children, hurried to the rendezvous-house,
examined, passed, and sent on board the tender, like a negro
to a slave-ship. And so it went on, until the floating prison
was filled with captives, when the living cargo was sent round
to one of the outports, and the prisoners were divided among
the vessels of war, which, were in want of men. Persons of
the present generation, have certainly heard of the press-gang,
but they never attempt to realise the horrors by which it was
accompanied. Nay, the generality seem to us to hardly
believe in its existence, but rather to classify it with "Gulliver's
Travels," " Don Quixote," " Robinson Crusoe," or the
"Heathen Mythology." But we can recollect its working.
We have seen the strong man bent to tears, and reduced to
woman's weakness by it. We have seen parents made, as it
were, childless, through its operation ; the wife widowed, with
a husband yet alive ; children orphaned by the forcible
abduction of their fathers. And yet, there were many in those
days, not only naval men, but statesmen and legislators, who
venerated the press-gang as one of the pillars and institutions
of the country. In those days, indeed ! We much fear that,
if even now we could look into the heart of hearts of many a
veteran admiral and captain, we should find that they have, in
the event of war, no other plan in their heads for manning the
navy, but a return to this dreadful and oppressive system. We
would, however, recommend those in whose department it lies
to be devising some other scheme, as we are strongly impressed
with the conviction that public opinion will not in these days
tolerate, under any plea or excuse of necessity, such an infringe-
ment upon the liberty of the subject. But we are not writing a
political article, but only describing our old-world fashions.
322 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
Pretty rows and riots, you may suppose, now and then occurred
between the press-gang and the fighting part of the public ;
and not a few do we remember to have witnessed in our younger
days. On more than one occasion, we have seen a rendezvous-
house gutted and levelled to the ground.
"Sometimes the sailors and their friends would show
fight, and as the mob always joined them, the press-gang
invariably got the worst of it in such battles. Sometimes,
too, the press-gangers would 'get into the wrong box,' and
'take the wrong sow by the ear,' by seizing an American
sailor or a carpenter, and then there was sure to be a squall.
The bells from the shipbuilding yards would boom out their
warning call in the latter case, and thousands would muster
to set their companion at liberty. A press-gangman was
occasionally tarred and feathered in those days when caught
alone. We remember, as if it were only yesterday, walking
down South Castle Street (it was Pool Lane then), with the
Old Dock, where the Custom House now stands, before us.
It was, for some reason or other, tolerably clear of ships at
the time. We wrell remember, however, that there was one
large vessel or hulk somewhere about the middle. Before we
tell what happened, we must observe that, attached to the
Strand Street press-gang, there was one most extra piratical-
looking scoundrel, named Jack Something-or-other. Perhaps,
as is often the case, ' they gave the devil more than his
due'; but if one half of the things said against this Jack was
true, he deserved to be far and away Prince and Potentate
and Prime Minister in Madame Tussaud's Chamber of
Horrors. Well, as aforesaid, the Old Dock was in front of us,
when all at once we heard a noise behind us, which told us
that the game was up, and the hounds well laid on and in full
cry.
" At the same moment, Jack shot past us, like an arrow
from a bow, while hundreds of men, women, and children
were howling, shouting, screaming, yelling, threatening close
behind him. Every street sent forth its crowd to intercept
him. There was no turning until he reached the dock quay,
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 323
but there the carters and porters rushed forward to stop him.
What was to be done ? How was he to escape ? The dock,
as we said before, was in front, and there was the vessel in
the middle. Without a moment's hesitation, the terrified
wretch took the water, dived, like Rob Roy, to baffle his
pursuers, and soon gained the deck of the hulk. Some talked
of boarding her, and dragging him from his concealment ; but
the majority of the mob decided that justice was better than
vengeance, and, satisfied with Jack's fright and ducking,
concluded that although he was a bad one, he was game, and
would make them more sport another time, and so dispersed."
Desperate press-gang encounters took place in Pool-lane,
now South Castle Street, so that it was hardly safe to pass
along it at times, certainly not in the night season. It was
much frequented in war-time by the privateersmen, who
spent their prize money freely amongst the dingy denizens
of the locality, in the public-houses, and slop-sellers' shops.
When Jack came in from a cruise, with his cutlass at his side,
and his pockets full of plunder, Mistress Quickly received him
like a mother, and Doll Tearsheet wept crocodile tears of
joy at his hairbreadth escapes. He was her Othello for the
nonce, but when his money was spent, or stolen, they could
always betray him to the press-gang, or the crimps, for a
Guinea voyage. At Seacombe, in those days, there were
but few houses, and only a farm or two between it and the
Magazines, near which, and on the site of the villa erected
and now occupied by Mr. Joseph Kitchingman, at the bottom
of Caithness Drive, on the Promenade, was a little public-
house, kept by "Mother Red Cap," where the sailors fled
from impressment, and where the privateersmen lodged their
gains with the landlady, who earned her title by the red cap
she always wore. Many curious stories are extant about
this old woman and her inn. There is a tradition that the
caves at the Red Noses, in addition to penetrating as far as
Chester, communicated in some way, and somewhere, with
324 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
Mother Red Cap's house, and it was in their recesses that
the hunted sailors, in war-time, used to be put into safe
hiding. The caves undoubtedly penetrated to a considerable
distance in the direction of the Magazines, as there is now
living at Wallasey, an old man who explored them in his
youth. In preparing for the foundations of Mr. Kitching-
man's villa there was a good deal of excavation, and perhaps
a reasonable expectation of rinding "treasure-trove," but it
produced nothing of greater interest than a nine-hole stone,
on which the old lady's customers used to amuse themselves.
The striking contrast between Mother Red Cap's humble
hostelry, rilled with a wild crew of blood-stained men of
the sea, drinking, smoking, singing, quarrelling, and
righting, as the humour took them, and the present beauti-
ful home of the artist, is typical of the moral transfor-
mation which the people on both sides of the " Silent
Highway " have undergone since the last private ship of
war sailed out of the Mersey.
Stonehouse, speaking of Woodside Ferry, also bears
testimony to the character of both the privateersmen and the
press-gang: —
"The last century was a lawless time in its history, for it
swarmed with fierce privateersmen, inhuman slavers, reckless
merchantmen, and violent men-of-war's men, who all conspired
to make the sailor element of the town 'thick and slab.' In
these days of peace we have no conception of the uproar, the
violence, the turbulence, as well as the merriment that pre-
vailed when men came home from some short voyage with
large sums to receive, the results of their rapacity upon, and
robbery of their neighbour, that war gave countenance to and
justified. These men's hearts were hardened against the cry of
humanity. After some great engagement, when men were
scarce and the strength of the navy was enervated, the press-
gangs stalked through the town, seizing anyone to whom they
took a fancy ; and though such an one might have been able to
show himself to be a simple landsman, or, if a sailor as having
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 325
protection, if the service was hard pushed but small consider-
ation was used in any case. A man was a man, and away he
went on board the tender. It was no uncommon circumstance
in those days for persons to be unaccountably missing-, men in
really respectable positions in life, who would after a year or
two suddenly turn up, having been impressed and sent to a
foreign station. The atrocities of the press-gangs we read
about, but can scarcely credit."
A rare instance of the press-gang lion and the sailor
lamb lying down, or rather sitting together, happened in
July, 1794, when a benefit performance took place at the
Theatre Royal, for the relief of the widows and orphans of
the brave fellows who fell on the "glorious first of June."
Prior to the performance a letter appeared in the Advertiser,
from a "J.B.," of Tarleton Street, in which occurred the
following passage : —
"The only thing to be lamented on the occasion is that a
set of men are precluded from attendance, whose principal
characteristic is a most unbounded generosity. I mean the
sailors, who dare not appear, in order to show their liberality,
being deterred by the apprehension of being impressed ; this
very circumstance I should presume will materially affect the
receipts of the gallery, unless the gentlemen in power would
step forward and generously guarantee the personal safety of
these hardy heroes for twenty-four hours, to commence this
day at noon and to continue till the noon of the following day;
a circumstance this, I should presume, that would in no
respect injure the general purpose of government. "
Immediately below it appeared the following re-assuring
letter, probably inspired from the "rendezvous" of the
press-gang : —
" LIVERPOOL, July 21 st, 1794. Mr. Tim Mainstay — Being
well acquainted with the disposition of the Regulating Captain,
I will answer for his not suffering any man to be impressed at -s
the time of his going to, or returning from the Theatre, this
evening ; therefore all jolly tars may subscribe their mite
326 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
to the widows and orphans, and at the same time enjoy the
evening's amusement, without any apprehension of being-
pressed. The officers, press masters, &c., will partake of the
. amusement, without the least intention of interrupting- the
performers or the audience. — Yours, TOM BOWLINE."
The receipts at the Theatre on the occasion in question
amounted to £208 i8s. 6d.
The press for seamen for the navy was very hot this
year, but Tim Mainstay, Tom Bowline, and the rest of
the tarry fraternity were not the only people \vho had cause
of complaint. The press-gang, not content to scour Jack's
usual haunts and hiding places on both sides of the river,
went inland, invading the merriment of wakes and fairs,
and carrying off every eligible landsman they could lay
their hands on. This practice carried indescribable grief and
misery into many a home.
Even a stage coach, dashing along in charge of an armed
guard, and presided over by a masterful and dignified Jehu,
the admiration and awe of all pedestrians, was not sacred in
the eyes of the hardened ruffians, who hunted for sailors with
the tenacity of sleuth hounds.
In the newspaper of May i2th, 1794, we read as follows:—
"On Thursday evening, about six o'clock, a press-gang-
stopped Sherwood's boat coach from Wctrrington, at Low
Hill, near this town, and cut the bridles of the horses, to pre-
vent the carriage proceeding, when they examined the outside
passengers in expectation of some of them proving seamen.
The York mail coming up at the time, they also stopped it, the
guard threatened to fire at them, and in getting his pistols, one
of them by accident went off, and the shot passed through the
back of the coach, wherein were two gentlemen, but hurt
neither of them : the report of it frightened the horses of the
other carriage so, that they set off with it at full speed, without
the driver. After gaining a distance of about 400 yards, a
gentleman of the law of this town, threw himself out of the
coach and has been confined to his room ever since, being
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 327
dreadfully hurt on his head and one of his leg's. Two ladies
were also inside, but stuck by the carriage and were not hurt.
' The offending parties were carried before a county magistrate
on Saturday, and after examination were bound over to the
Sessions to answer for the outrage."
During the year 1794, the navy of France received a blow
from which it never recovered, and her principal West
Indian Colonies fell into the hands of England, opening up
for Liverpool, with its West India and African trade,
prospects of great extension of commerce. On the 28th of
April, the Mayor of Liverpool, Mr. Henry Blundell, whose
brother, Lieutenant-Colonel Blundell, had distinguished
himself at the capture of the island of Martinique, gave a
grand banquet in honour of that event. On Friday, the
2ist of May, the bells of the churches rang all day in honour
of the conquest of Guadaloupe ; and early in July, news
arrived of the capture of Port-au-Prince, in the island of St.
Domingo. But the crowning event of the year was the great
victory gained by Lord Howe over the Brest fleet, on the ist
of June, a victory which greatly diminished the apprehen-
sions of invasion, but did not altogether remove them.*
''On Friday morning, when the news of Lord Howe
having defeated the French fleet arrived in Liverpool," says
Williamson's Advertiser of June i6th, "it gave rise to the
most unbounded joy. The bells of the different churches
rang incessantly ; flags were displayed from the ships and
steeples ; the ships in the different docks were gaily decor-
ated ; pendants and ensigns were hung out from the various
dwellings throughout the town ; and where those could not
be obtained, quilts, handkerchiefs, curtains, etc. At one
o'clock, a royal salute was fired from the great guns of the
fort. On Saturday, the flags were again displayed."
* The Corporation headed a county subscription, to raise volunteer regiments,
with a contribution of ^"1000.
328 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
Whether rejoicing, fighting, or slave trading, the old Dicky
Sams did nothing by halves.
On the i8th of July, 1794, the brig Three Brothers, Cap-
tain Hanna, on her passage from Liverpool to New York,
was taken and burnt by two French frigates, which, a
month later, also captured the brig Hawk, of Pool. Captain
Hanna, with one of the passengers he had in the Three
Brothers, a Dutchman, and two small boys, with several
Frenchmen and boys, were put on board the Hawk. On the
28th of August, Captain Hanna, with the assistance of his
companions, got the Frenchmen made fast in the forecastle,
and carried the brig into Dor Sound, in the Orkneys. She
was richly laden with bale goods, tanned leather, butter and
cheese, teas, etc. The two frigates captured twenty-five
prizes while Captain Hanna was on board, burning and
sinking all but two, which they sent to Ireland with 130
men. They had previously taken the Hound, sloop of war,
and sent her to Brest, and burnt a Spanish vessel.
The ship Fame, of Boston, Captain Davies, on her pas-
sage from Virginia to Liverpool, was taken, off Cape Clear,
by the French frigate L'Agricole, of 44 guns and 550 men.
She was set for France, under the care of a prize-master and
six men, and her crew \vere taken on board the frigate,
except Captain Davies, two men, and a black boy. Three
days after parting from the frigate, Captain Davies and his
men rose upon the Frenchmen, secured them, and carried
the ship safe into Cork and thence to Liverpool.
The Polly, Captain Jones, arrived at Jamaica, from
Liverpool, after a severe engagement, off Martinico, with a
French privateer, of 14 guns and 120 men, whom she beat
off.
The French privateer Sans Culottes, of 20 guns (supposed
to have been formerly the William, of Liverpool), was
captured and carried into St. Kitts by the La Blanche
frigate.
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 329
The Mary, Captain Bonsall, and the Agnes, Captain
Parker, captured eight vessels from Martinico and Guada-
loupe, laden with sugar, coffee, and other commodities, and
carried them into Monserrat. The Agnes also had a claim
upon another prize, being in sight when it was taken.
Soon after, the Mary captured a French privateer, of 12
guns and 55 men, and carried her into St. Christophers.
The ship Christopher, Captain Smith, captured three
vessels laden with West India produce, and destroyed
a French privateer, of 12 guns and 44 men, belonging to
Martinico.
The Elizabeth, Captain Fletcher, arrived at Jamaica,
from Liverpool, after beating off two French privateers, of
16 and 14 guns, who attacked her near Isle de Vache.
The fames, Captain Brailsford, on her passage to Africa,
was taken, off Cape Clear, by two French 4O-gun frigates,
and a sloop of war. The French commander put eleven of
the frigate's crew on board, leaving only the mate and two
boys belonging to the fames in her, and ordered the prize-
master to take her to Brest. He being incompetent for the
task, requested the English mate to steer for that port. The
mate, however, very wisely altered her course for Bristol, at
which place he would probably have arrived, had not the
Castor and Peggy tenders relieved him of his charge, and
carried her into Plymouth.
At the beginning of August, 1794, there arrived in Liver-
pool, James Scallon, carpenter of the Ellen, Captain Raphel,
which had been taken, in March, by the French frigate La
Proserpine. On the ist of July, he, with six others, had
escaped from the prison at Ouimper, in Brittany, from
whence, after a march of seventeen nights (being obliged to
conceal themselves by day), they reached the sea coast,
where they fortunately found a small boat, in which they
embarked, in the hope of reaching England. Having made
a mast with a strong pole taken from a neighbouring wood,
330 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
they converted their shirts into a sail, and with a piece of
board for a rudder, without water or food, they committed
themselves to the ocean, and in three days, to their inex-
pressible joy, landed at Sidmouth Beach, in Devonshire.
Scallon stated that he left 2,700 English in the prison at
Ouimper. In a small house near the prison, was confined,
under a guard, the Lady Anne Fitzroy, who had been taken
some time before in the packet returning from Lisbon,
about whose fate there had been great uncertainty. Among
the prisoners was Lieutenant Robinson, of the Thames
frigate, whose leg had been shot off in the action when the
Thames was captured, but who was sufficiently recovered to
move on crutches. Some of the crew of the Thames had
been shot in attempting to escape from prison. Since the
defeat of the French fleet, the English prisoners had been
treated with much more severity than before. One of
Scallon's fellow prisoners, who was sent to Brest, in order
to be examined for the condemnation of a ship, saw, whilst
he was there, the Bishop of Ouimper, and 25 other persons
guillotined in the space of eleven minutes. It was stated
that in the action of the ist of June, the French Admiral's
ship Montague had 1,500 men on board, 500 of whom were
killed.
The Gregson, Captain Gibson, was taken on her passage
from Liverpool to Africa, by the La Robuste, of 22 guns
and 160 men, and carried into L'Orient. On the 2nd of
July, 1794, Mr. Pince, second mate, and Mr. Jones,
surgeon's mate, of the Gregson, were ordered, with other
prisoners, about 45 miles up the country. During the
preparations in weighing their baggage, etc., — each having
previously provided himself with a National cockade — they
passed through the crowd unobserved, and got on board a
Danish vessel, where they put on a disguise. They then
went into an American vessel, but the captain being unwill-
ing to keep them, they returned to the Danish ship, only,
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 331
however, to board the American a second time, unknown
to the skipper. They were concealed in the hold eight
days, and, when discovered, were treated by him with the
greatest civility. A few days later, when off Portland
Point, they boarded a brig, bound for Bermuda, which was
standing in, with the intention of getting on shore, but the
Captain refused to assist them, and they were forced to
return to the American vessel. Soon after, they met with
a pilot boat, which landed them at Portsmouth Point.
Captain Tristram Barnard, the kindly commander of the
American ship, paid their passage, and gave them four
guineas to enable them to reach Liverpool. They reported
that the French were re-building several ships of the line and
frigates, a number of the latter being specially intended to
cruise against the African vessels belonging to Liverpool.
During the year 1794, the following recaptures were
effected by Liverpool ships :—
The Enterprise, Captain Young, recaptured the Virginie,
400 tons burthen, from River Plate for Cadiz. The Sarah,
Captain M'Ghie, recaptured the Mary, Captain Taylor.
The Swan, Captain Hall, recaptured the brig Nancy, of
Belfast. The Fortune recaptured the Two Brothers, of
Yarmouth. The Mary recaptured the Active, from Lisbon
for London. The Hawke, on her passage to Barbadoes,
recaptured the Penelope, of Greenock. The Old Dick,
Captain Bird, recaptured the brig Martin, of Whitehaven,
and the brig Ilfracombe, with 198 pipes of wine, 30 bags of
shumac, and 40 quintals of cork. The Old Dick, the Betsey,
Captain Corran, and \hejenny, Captain Smith, had narrow
escapes of being taken by French frigates, but escaped by
dint of sailing. The Barton, Captain Hall, recaptured the
brig Mentor, of Aberdeen, with fruit from Lisbon. The
Othello, Captain Christian, recaptured the ship Minerva,
from Martinico for St. Domingo. The Edgar, Captain
Kendall, took possession of a fine brig, off Cape Finisterre,
332 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
laden with salt, wine, and fruit, but without a soul on
board.
The Commerce, Captain Boswonth, cruising off Desseado,
took four prizes, and the Allanson, Captain Byrne, re-
captured the brig Minerva, of Belfast ; and, on her passage
to Barbadoes, took the Cleopatra, an American vessel, from
Mauritius for Boston, with many French passengers on
board. In August, 1794, the Allanson was herself captured,
homeward bound, by a French frigate.
The Molly, Captain Ford, on her passage to Virginia,
was attacked by a French privateer, of 12 guns, and full of
men, whom she beat off.
The Kitty, Captain Taylor, arrived in Liverpool from
Guernsey, having been retaken from the French by the
Hero, of that island.
Seven slave ships belonging to Liverpool, together with
others from different ports, were taken and destroyed by
the French squadron on the Gold Coast, which also devas-
tated the settlement of Sierra Leone, leaving the settlers,
1300 in number, without provisions or necessaries, but such
as could be obtained from the natives. The store houses at
Isles de Los were also burnt.
The Kitty, Captain Mount, on her voyage to the coast of
Africa, made the island of Madeira, and observed three ships
close in with it. Captain Mount ran down on the weather-
most of them, and found her to be a French privateer,
mounting 24 guns on one deck, and seemingly full of men.
He made sail and stood away, after exchanging a few shots.
Two of the vessels followed him, and continued the chase
two days and nights, pulling a number of sweeps, and had
nearly come up with him, when a breeze sprung up, and
the Kitty sailed away from them with ease. The Kitty,
and the Sally, Captain Woods, were in company with the
Clemison, Captain Jones, when she was taken by a French
frigate, of 44 guns, and saved themselves by bearing down
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 333
on the Frenchman, causing him to make off with his
prize.
On the loth of January, 1795, three ships belonging to
the French squadron, which had committed considerable
ravages on the coast of Africa, sailed up to Duke Town,
Old Calabar, and one of them, carrying 20 twelve-pounders,
attacked the slave ship Kitty, Captain Walker, of Liverpool,
which received and returned three broadsides. Finding
that only one of their number could engage the Kitty at one
time, owing to her position, the enemy sheered off, and
made no further attempts. On receipt of the news in Liver-
pool, a subscription was started for the master, officers, and
crew of the Kitty, for their gallant behaviour. The Kitty
was an "amazingly fast" sailer, and on her voyage to
Africa, in April, 1796, on two occasions escaped from
different squadrons of frigates which chased her.
The Mary Ann, Captain Bushell, left Jamaica on the
i4th of January, 1795, with a crew of 19 men, and two
passengers. On the agth, a French schooner privateer, of
6 guns and 70 men, which had been hovering in sight for
two days, twice attempted to board them. The Frenchman
ran on board the Mary Ann's starboard quarter, where he
lay for half-an-hour, but was repulsed. The contest was
very severe on both sides, and the slaughter on board the
schooner was dreadful. The Mary Ann had two men
killed and four wounded. The two passengers, Lieutenant
Wall, of the Belliqueux, and Lieutenant Ford, of the
Penelope, were complimented by Captain Bushell for their
bravery and gallant conduct, having been foremost in
danger throughout the action, and unremitting in their
exertions to animate his little crew against " their numerous
and inveterate foe."
Nine of the crew of the Cochrane, Captain Wiseman,
of Liverpool, fearful of being impressed in the West
Indies, went on shore in the boat at St. Vincent. They
334 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
unfortunately landed in a small bay near where the French
and Charaibs were encamped, who, on seeing the boat,
rushed to the beach and made them all prisoners. After
remaining in durance two days, the unlucky mariners were
relieved from their perilous situation by the British troops
storming the French and Charaibs' camp.
On the loth of April, 1795, off Abaco, one of the
Bahamas, the Crescent, Captain M'Gauley, fell in with a
Republican privateer, of 10 guns and about 70 men, who
maintained an obstinate action for two hours, and then
sheered off.
The Eolus was attacked off Nevis by a French privateer,
of 10 guns, and full of men, with which she kept up a
running fight of three hours, and at length beat her off, after
inflicting considerable damage and receiving none.
Some curious expedients were adopted to baffle captors
searching for treasure. Amongst the packages on board
the French ship Hermione, captured by his Majesty's ship
Argonaut, were some marked "verdigris," which, on being
opened, were found to contain 46 ingots of silver, which
sold for upwards of ,£12,000 sterling.
The ship James, Captain Warren, arrived at Montego
Bay, on June 22nd, 1795, with a cargo of slaves. On the
passage from Barbadoes, he was attacked, off St. Lucia, by a
French schooner privateer, which he beat off after an engage-
ment of near two hours. Neither the ship nor crew received
any damage, but seven negroes died afterwards from fright,
taken during the conflict.
On the 3ist of August, 1/95, at five a.m., the ship Mary
Ellen, Captain Grierson, bound from Liverpool to Bar-
badoes, discovered a sail in chase, astern, upon which they
made all the sail they could to get clear of her, but to no
purpose. She came up with them at seven a.m., hauled
down English colours, hoisted French National colours,
and proved to be an armed French brig. She fired her
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 335
bow guns into the Mary Ellen, then came alongside and
poured a broadside of nine guns into her, which was
returned "as quick as possible." Then a continual fire
was kept up on both sides for six hours, within pistol shot,
when the stays, topsail sheets, and steering sail booms of
the brig being shot away, she dropped astern for some
time; but the Mary Ellen b^ing at the same time almost a
wreck — the hull, masts, yards, rigging, and sails much
shattered, and the rudder shot away, so that they could not
work her as they wished, — the Frenchman took advantage of
their situation, run alongside the ship again, and poured
a whole broadside into her, which being immediately
returned, he dropped astern, and hauled his wind to the
northward, leaving the Mary Ellen in a most shattered
condition. They then returned to the repairs of the ship,
put her in the best condition they could, made sail, and
arrived at Barbadoes on the 3rd of September. This gallant
action gained Captain Grierson and his crew universal
approbation. On his return to Liverpool, the captain was
married at St. Thomas' Church, to "Miss Stringfellow in
Park Lane."
On the 30th of October, 1795, Captain Farquhar, of the
ship Lord Stanley, wrote from Havannah as follows : —
"On my way from St. Kitts, down the north side of St.
Domingo, I fell in with a French schooner privateer, of 12 guns,
and full of men. He engaged us, but in about forty-five
minutes got so severely handled, as to haul off; his sails tore,
main-topmast and the tricolour flag hang-ing- heels up ; his
mainsail down, and the mast so wounded, that he made no sail
on it while in sight. An intelligent lad in our maiivtop, saw
them heave seven dead bodies overboard. Thank God, we
have received no damage, but some shot throug-h the sails.
A pair more of them came to look for ue off the Matanzas,
but the ship's appearance when the sloop of 8 g-uns — the
largest — was within hail, prevented any firing- ; and I had
336 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
the satisfaction of protecting a Danish ship, which had been
before plundered and much illtreated, by a privateer from
Port-au-Paix."
On his arrival in Liverpool, Captain Farquhar brought
the intelligence that the San Lorenzo, of 80 guns, had
arrived at the Havannah from St. Domingo, bearing "the
coffin, bones, and fetters of Christopher Columbus, which
the Government were preparing to receive on shore for
re-interment, with the highest military honours."
Captain M'Quay, of the Stag, arrived from the Havannah,
and brought the news that five Spanish sailors on board the
Hibernian, of Dublin, Captain Wilson, had cut the throats
of the captain, second mate, and carpenter, and thrown their
bodies overboard. The chief mate had three cuts across his
throat, but, with two boys, he brought the ship to the
Havannah. The five Spaniards took the boat, and landed
at the Moro. The Governor immediately despatched a party
off, who took them, and in a short time they were all executed
in the presence of Captain M'Quay, their bodies quartered,
and their heads hung in cages. The Governor took all the
property, intending to dispose of it, and remit the amount
of sales to the owners in Dublin.
Captain Hart, of the Bolton, of 20 guns and 30 men, left
Jamaica for Liverpool, on September 22nd, 1795, in com-
pany with the Union, a London ship, of 20 guns and 40 men.
Off Cape Corrientes, on the 27th, in a dead calm, a French
ship-rigged privateer, of 18 nine-pounders and 140 men,
commanded by an Irishman, named O'Brien, with the aid
of 24 sweeps laid him alongside of the Bolton, and engaged
her for an hour and-a-half. Unfortunately the Bolton was
between the privateer and the Union, so that the latter vessel
was unable to fire a gun, for fear of damaging her consort.
A breeze springing up, the privateer out with his studding
sails, and by the help of his sweeps, made off. The Bolton
arrived in the Mersey on November 8th.
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 337
On September 25th, 1795, the Jamaica, a Liverpool
vessel in the Government transport service, commanded by
Captain James Farmer, sailed from Gibraltar with the home-
ward bound fleet, and on the 7th of October, was taken with
the rest of the convoy. The same afternoon, six of his sea-
men deserted from him in a boat, but with the remainder of
his crew, the captain retook the ship, made the French
prize crew prisoners, and sailed for Portsmouth, where he
arrived in safety.
In November, 1795, the Wilding, Captain Pemberton,
engaged a French privateer, of 18 guns, and full of men,
for two hours, when the privateer blew up, and all on
board perished. Captain Pemberton died of his wounds
received in the action. As a just tribute paid to his
memory, a tablet, bearing the following inscription, was
erected in St. James' Church, Toxteth Park, by Mr.
Moses Benson, owner of the Wilding; —
"To the Memory of Captain George Pemberton, Com-
mander of the ship Wilding, of Liverpool, who died on the
aoth day of November, 1795, of the wounds He received in a
most Gallant Action with a French Privateer, of superior Force,
when bound on a voyage to Jamaica, In which Captain
Pemberton did Honor to the Character of a British Sailor.
This Monument is erected by the order of Moses Benson, In
testimony of the High respect he entertained for Captain
Pemberton, during many years' faithful services."
The Mersey, Captain Jones, sailed from St. Thomas's on
the 2nd of February, 1796, in company with the Aurora,
Ceres, Diana, and Atlantic, all for Lancaster. On the 5th,
they fell in with a French privateer, from Charlestown,
mounting 16 four-pounders, and 95 men, which boarded the
Diana, Captain Fox. After a sanguinary fight on the deck
of the Diana, the privateer was obliged to make off in a
shattered state, having received a heavy fire from the other
ships, leaving thirteen of her people on board very badly
338 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
wounded, and some dead on the deck. Three of the Diana's
brave crew were killed, and thirteen wounded. The priva-
teer had, in fact, caught a Tartar, through believing the
statement of a Danish skipper that the English ships were
badly manned, having only twelve men each, which en-
couraged the Frenchman to board the Diana. The Danish
ship had been lying alongside the others at St. Thomas's,
and, after giving the Frenchman the above information, she
bore down to see the fight.
In January, 1796, within five hours' sail of Jamaica, the
Elizabeth, Captain Jacob Fletcher, of Liverpool, was
attacked by a French privateer of superior force, which
she beat off after a smart action, in which the Frenchman
had about 30 men killed and wounded. In recognition of
his gallant and seamanlike conduct, the underwriters of
London presented Captain Fletcher with a piece of plate,
of the value of 100 guineas.
The merchants and shipowners of Liverpool petitioned
the Lords of the Admiralty, to send three or four frigates,
or fast-sailing sloops of war, to cruise, from March to
December, on the coast of Norway, from the Naze along
that coast to the eastward, and across the Slieve to the
coast of Jutland. Likewise, for two or three frigates, or
fast-sailing sloops of war, to cruise from Duncan's Bay
Head, on the north-east coast of Scotland, to the Shetland
Islands, for the protection of English vessels trading to and
from those parts. The merchants and shipowners of Hull
also petitioned to the same effect.
The Diana, Captain Pince, from Africa and Demerara for
Liverpool, captured the Rosanna, from Surinam to Amster-
dam, and sent her to Falmouth.
The Ranger, Captain Wilson, from Africa to the West
Indies, was taken to windward of Barbadoes by a French
privateer, of 16 guns, after an action of two hours, and
carried into Curacoa, where Captain Wilson died soon after.
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 339
Two of his men were killed in the action. The Ranger
was recaptured and carried to Barbadoes.
"On the i6th inst.," says a letter from Madras, dated
January 23rd, 1796, "arrived the schooner Fame, Captain
Robertson, from Calcutta. On the yth, Captain Robertson,
being in the latitude of 18 North, fell in with the Modeste
privateer, when she immediately gave chase to the Fame,
but the latter, being a swift sailer, fortunately escaped.
Captain Robertson, a few hours after, saw a large ship
standing towards him, which brought him to by firing a
shot athwart his forefoot, and a boat, with an officer, being
sent on board the Fame, the strange vessel was found to be
the Sally, Captain Brown, one of the Company's extra
ships, a beautiful vessel of 600 tons, and mounting 24 guns,
9 twelve-pounders, five months from Liverpool, and had
not touched at any place, or seen a single sail during the
whole voyage. Captain Robertson having, to the inquiry
of ' what news ' ? answered that the Modeste, a French
privateer of 20 guns, was within a few hours sail of them,
the crew of the Sally instantly gave three cheers, loudly
exclaiming : ' Captain Brown ; you have forty-two old
privateersmen on board: only run us alongside this French-
man, and we will shew him what can be done for the
honour of Liverpool.' Captain Brown instantly complied,
the guns were run out, the ship cleared for action, and in
five minutes the Sally proceeded, under all the canvas she
could crowd, in chase of the enemy ; and should she be so
fortunate as to fall in with the Modeste, we have no doubt
but that, 'for the honour of Liverpool,' the Modeste will
accompany the good ship Sally to her moorings off Calcutta."
On the 3Oth of March, 1796, the Ferina, with a cargo
of salt, from Liverpool to Riga, a new ship belonging
to " Mr. Gladstones,"* and commanded by Captain James
* Probably Mr. (afterwards Sir) John Gladstone, father of the Right Hon. W,
E. Gladstone.
340 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
Handyside, was captured off the coast of Norway, by a
small French privateer, of 8 guns and 28 men, and carried
into Farsund.
To be "a free and accepted Mason" was not without its
advantages, even in dealing with French privateers, at this
period, as we find in the case of Captain May, of the Susannah.
About half-past six in the morning of the 6th of March,
1796, he discovered two sail ahead, bearing W., distant two
miles, lying to under bare poles. Perceiving they were
Frenchmen, he made his ship ready for action. They
proved to be two privateer schooners, one of 16 guns (nine
and twelve-pounders) and 100 men; the other of 6 four-
pounders and 50 men. At seven, one of them came up and
attempted to board him. He poured a broadside into her,
and she dropped under his stern. The other vessel bore
down on his starboard quarter, and both privateers hoisted
the bloody flag on the foretop-gallant mast. In this situa-
tion, with one enemy raking him fore and aft, and the other
laying on his quarter, Captain May found it impossible to
sustain the engagement any longer, or to make his escape,
and struck, after an action of three quarters of-an-hour.
Finding him to be a Freemason, the French commanders
allowed Captain May to depart in an American vessel,
which was present during the action. The Susannah was
recaptured by the Favourite sloop, and carried into Barba-
does.
All owners and masters of vessels taking on board guns
for their defence, were required to procure a license for that
purpose, from the Lords of the Admiralty. The Act passed
in the 24th of George III., only allowed them to have two
carriage guns, not more than four-pounders, and two
muskets, for every ten men. Vessels found with more on
board, without a license, were subject to seizure and for-
feiture. A caution to this effect was published in April,
1796.
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 341
Captain Wright, of the Ann, writing from Barbadoes, on
the 2ist of March, 1796, to his owners in Liverpool, says:—
"Yesterday, to windward of this island, I was attacked by
a long schooner privateer, of 16 guns, with a great number of
swivels and small arms, and full of men, which, after an engage-
ment of two hours and a half, we beat off. He seemed much
disabled, as he shewed no other sail after he left us, whilst in
sight, but a piece of foresail. The disabled state of my own
vessel totally prevented me following him, could I for a moment
have had such an intention, the fore-mast being shot one-third
through, the fore top-gallant-mast shot away, fore and main
topmast stays and mizen stay gone, main yard shot through in
the slings, the braces, staysail haulyards, chief part of the
running rigging and sails cut to pieces, and the boats stove ;
though fortunately none of my small crew (only 25 in number)
was killed, and but two slightly wounded. Every encomium is
due to my officers and ship's crew ; and too much cannot be
said in praise of their bravery and good conduct on the
occasion."
The Brothers, Captain Cudd, was captured by the Morgan
Rattler, French privateer, of 14 guns, commanded by John
Coffin Whitney, of L'Orient. The privateer, and six prizes
which he had taken, were all captured by the Suffisante
British sloop of war, 14 guns, and it was a fine sight to see
the little vessel sailing into Plymouth on the 3Oth of June,
1796, with her seven prizes. The Morgan Rattler was
originally a Liverpool privateer.
The Nereus, Captain Williams, arrived at Port-au-Prince,
from Liverpool, after beating off two French privateers.
In November, 1797, on her passage to St. Domingo, the
Nereus had an engagement of two hours with a French
privateer, of 16 guns, which she beat off with the loss of one
man killed, and one wounded. The Recovery, Captain
Needham, had a narrow escape from a privateer, which kept
up a running fire for two hours, but found the Recovery's
two stern chasers too heavy, and dropped the pursuit.
342 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
The Fame, Captain Bennett, recaptured the brig Bernard,
laden with coffee and cotton for Messrs. Neilson & Heath-
cote.
The schooner Thomas, Captain Bosworth, of Martinique,
belonging to Messrs. Thomas Gudgeon and Co., sent to
cruise off Surinam against the Dutch, fell in with a Dutch
fleet, from Surinam bound for Holland, without convoy.
Captain Bosworth gave chase, and brought twelve of them to,
but he could only man five, which he carried into St. Pierre.
They were described as ''amazing large ships, and five of
the richest prizes taken this war." Their united cargoes
consisted of 1,240,682 Ibs. of coffee, 671 hogsheads of sugar,
244 bales of cotton, and a quantity of cocoa. The Thomas
had previously captured a valuable ship, laden with coffee,
from the same place. The remaining part of the fleet was
taken the same day by two British frigates. Out of 72 sail,
69 were captured.
At ten p.m., on the i2th of August, 1796, on her voyage
to the coast of Africa, the slave schooner Harlequin, Captain
Topping, belonging to Messrs. T. & W. Earle, fell in with
a French privateer, who came up within gunshot, and fired
his bow chasers at them, which was returned with their
two stern chasers, whereupon the enemy shortened sail,
watching them all that night. They altered their course
several times in hope of escaping, but the Frenchman
kept so close that, with the advantage of night glasses, he
prevented them getting clear. Captain Topping then
determined to try to beat the enemy off, and got everything
ready for action. At three a.m., he made her out to be a
long, black brig, pierced for 16 guns, and she then made sail
to run alongside of him, with the intention of boarding, but
was prevented by the play of the Harlequin's stern chasers.
A general action immediately ensued, which was kept up
with equal spirit on each side for thirteen hours. During
this engagement, the Frenchman attempted to board several
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 343
times, but Captain Topping himself taking the helm, by a
watchful steerage frustrated his design, either of boarding
or doing any material damage to the Harlequin, which,
with all sails up, made the best of her way, the enemy in
hot pursuit. When a lucky shot from the slaver damaged
his rigging, the Frenchman dropped astern to repair, and
again followed them, and this happened repeatedly during
the action. Captain Topping being informed by the crew
that all their shot was expended, gave orders to fire writh
copper dross, which was accordingly done for some time.
Finding, at length, that it was in vain to resist without proper
ammunition, and hard to be shot at without a return, Captain
Topping, at the request of all the crew, who, till then had
behaved with the greatest bravery, ordered the colours to be
struck, and the privateer took possession of the Harlequin.
She proved to be the L'Aventure, of Bordeaux, of 14 guns
and 90 men, commanded by Pierre Lautorine, who kept
Captain Topping and his men nine days, and then put them
on board a Swedish dogger, which landed them at Figueira.
The Harlequin was recaptured by the Sugar-Cane, of
London, and carried to Cape Coast. She afterwards traded
on the Windward Coast, under the command of Captain
Higgin, but, early in 1797, we hear of her again, under the
command of Captain Topping, recapturing from the French
a Swedish ship, which she sent to Lisbon ; and in June,
1797, taking, after a running fight of an hour and-a-half,
off Cape Finisterre, the Spanish brig privateer Signora del
Carma, of 9 guns (nine-pounders), a number of brass swivels,
and 70 men. On her passage to Angola, in February, 1798,
the Harlequin beat off a French privateer, of 14 guns, and
full of men, after an engagement of three hours. On the
2oth of December, 1798, the Harlequin, bound to Africa,
was taken by the La Mouche French privateer, of 18 guns
and 200 men, of Bordeaux, which, on the i7th, had taken
the Union, of Lancaster, Captain Thompson, after a
344 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
severe action of three hours and-a-half. The Frenchman
gave the Harlequin to Captain Thompson, with 89 English
prisoners, on condition that he should proceed with them
to England, and get them exchanged for the same number
of French.
Captain Smerdon, of the Bud, writing from Jamaica to
his owners in Liverpool, in October, 1796, says :—
"We were chased on our passage from the Windward
Islands by a French privateer, and as I found he sailed faster
than we did, after we had got everything prepared to receive
him, I hove to. On his coming up, he fired several broadsides
at us, before I returned him a shot, as from the length of his
guns his shot went over us, when ours would not touch him.
At last, the fellow in going about missed stays, and was obliged
to wear, which brought him close to us, and I immediately
gave him the contents of our starboard guns, then wore round
and gave him the larboard ones, which were well loaded with
round and grape. We did him considerable damage, as he
immediately made sail from us, and as the wind was very light,
he was able to get away. I chased him about an hour, and
then bore away. Some of his shot went through our sides,
just above the bends, but he did us no other damage."
On the 8th of October, 1796, the ship Backhouse, Captain
James Flanagan, on her voyage from Liverpool to Martin-
ique, was chased by a French cutter brig, of 16 guns, full
of men, from eight in the morning till nine at night, when
she came up, and began to fire at them. Being dubious of
her all day, Captain Flanagan had made every preparation
to give her a warm reception, and when he found really
what she was, he illuminated the ship with his side lanthorns
to every gun ; in with all his small sails, backed his main-
topsail, and fired a shot, reserving his broadside till the
Frenchman came alongside. Contrary to expectation, the
enemy sheered off, but followed them till daylight next
morning, compelling them to keep their quarters all night,
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 345
for fear of attack. The next morning, the Frenchman renewed
his visit, under English colours, which he hauled down three
times, and fired a shot each time, as much as to say,
"Strike!" Captain Flanagan, writing to his owners,
says :—
"But we never minded ; we kept everything clear, and the
g-uns pointed at him, waiting- his coming close to us, so that
we were sure our shot would tell, as we had none to waste,
when he down English colours altogether and up French ;
sheered under our quarter, and gave us a broadside, which we
returned directly, which staggered him very much, and I
believe wounded his mainmast, as we afterwards saw him
repairing. But his men, four or five, came tumbling out of
their main-top in a terrible hurry; nevertheless he continued his
fire about one hour successively at us, till our last two cart-
ridges were handing out from the cabin by one of the boys,
who said, 'Sir, here is the two last cartridges,' which struck
me, but not with fear, when I exclaimed, 'Never mind, there
is luck in those two, I hope.' I had not well spoke, when he
made sail from us, on which we made sail after him, and con-
tinued our chace till he got clear; when we resumed our course,
but he came down on us again on Monday, after repairing his
mainmast, but we again met him ; and he, seeing our intention
as he supposed, he sheered off again, and we after him till he
was out of sight. Commodore Blanket was kind enough to
o o
spare me seven casks of powder, which I paid him for with a
stock of potatoes, etc. Our engagement, lat. 28.30 N. long
24 W."
In July, 1797, on the passage from St. Vincent to Liver-
pool, the Backhouse had an engagement with a French
schooner privateer, of 16 six-pounders, and full of men.
Captain Flanagan's crew consisted only of 15 men, in-
cluding the officers, by whose steady and brave conduct,
aided by the gallant intrepidity of three gentlemen who
were passengers, he fortunately beat her off, after a warm
action of two hours and-a-half, without a single man on
346 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
board being hurt, but with his running rigging much cut
by the enemy's shot, and his ammunition nearly all
expended.
Captain John Mills, of the slave ship Sally, of 8 four-
pounders and 23 men, writing from River Rionoones, on
October roth, 1796, tells how he baffled Monsieur Renaud:—
" I arrived at Isle de Los the 25th of August. On the 5th
of September, being thick, hazy weather, the ship Mentor, M.
Renue, from Goree, carrying 20 guns, nine and six-pounders,
was observed standing in to the harbour, under English colours,
and as we expected the Manchester, and Falmouth, to arrive
daily from Liverpool, we took her to be one of those ships, but
when she came close alongside of us, she hauled down the
English and hoisted French colours, and gave us a broadside.
" The people being all in good health and spirits, we deter-
mined not to give the ship up, but immediately cut the cables,
and set the sails to the best advantage, although the shot came
very fast upon us. As soon as that was done, we fired a
broadside, and hauled our wind to beat out of the harbour, and
get clear. The second tack of the privateer, away went his
main-top-gallant-yard in the slings, and then the Sally gained
on him fast, till we got clear of the islands, when the flood tide
making, he could not get out after us. We stood out to sea
for six days, and lay to four more, in order to give them time
to get away. I then bore away for the River Riopongos ; but
on making the land on the i7th, the privateer and her prize,
the Manchester, hove in sight, almost within gunshot, about
three o'clock in the afternoon.
" How to get clear of them then, I did not know, but hauled
my wind to the southward, till dark, and then wore right round
to the northward, in order to get in shore of her, which I luckily
effected, and got into the River Rionoones safe in the morning,
where I now lie 300 miles up the river. I lost three boats, two
anchors, and cables, but have got another anchor since my
arrival here. I have been told by Mr. Jackson, of Isle de Los,
that Renue declared, if he took us, he would put us all on
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 347
shore on a desolate island, with a biscuit round each of our
necks, for daring to engage him. He did not destroy any
property on shore, but cut the buoys from our anchors, lest we
should recover them again ; and had heard of our going to
Riopongos, which induced him to cruize off there for us. I
expect to be off the coast in all January next."
Monsieur Renaud's squadron, having taken and destroyed
many British ships on the coast of Africa, two Liverpool
vessels were sent out to punish him. On the 25th of
December, 1797, the Ellis, Captain Souter, and the St.
Anne, Captain Jones (both belonging to Liverpool) ; the
Dedalus frigate, Captain Ball, and the Hornet, sloop-of-war,
Captain Mash, arrived at Isle de Los, after sinking the Bell,
and doing some damage to the town and fort of Goree. The
Ellis and the Hornet cruised off that place, and took the
Ocean and the Prosperity, two of Renaud's cruisers, and
recaptured the Quaker, with 388 slaves on board, and also
an American ship called the President. Early in 1798, it
was stated that the two Liverpool ships had totally destroyed
Renaud's-squadron, with the exception only of his own ship,
which managed to escape. On their passage to Africa, in
the same year, the Ellis and the St. Anne recaptured the
Hannah, from Mogadore for London. Captain Souter,
writing to his owners from Barbadoes, on the 3rd of July,
1798, gives the following account of an affair with a French
frigate, on the coast of Africa :—
" On the 3oth of May, lying at Cape Mount, saw a large
ship coming from the southward ; made the signal to the St.
Anne to get under way immediately. The Pilgrim, having a
copy of our signals, got under way also. As soon as the St.
Anne came up, I took my station astern of her, finding it was
impossible for her to escape if I left her, thinking better to
risque an action, than bear the name of a runaway ; the Pilgrim
being a long way astern shortened sail for her to come up. The
French frigate (as I was afterwards informed by Captain
348 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
Mentor, who was unfortunately captured by her), was called
the Convention, Captain Roscow, two months from Dunkirk,
carries 32 guns, and 200 men, had taken four ships. She bore
down on the St. Anne and Ellis, and commenced a brisk fire,
which we returned with all the strength we were masters of.
After a little, finding1 us rather stronger than she expected, she
filled, I supposed with an intention to rake the St. Anne. I
immediately filled, and shot ahead of the St. Anne to leeward
and met her, being little more than a good musquet shot apart,
and received her broadside, being well prepared to pay her for
her trouble. She, finding our shot heavier than she expected,
made sail in a greater hurry than she took it in. My running
rigging being very much cut, she got out of reach of my guns
before I could set my top gallant sails; chased him till dark,
then wore round, and joined the St. Anne, who was a long way
astern."
The Ellis, in 1800, recaptured the ship La Fraternite,
Captain Rockliffe, which had been taken on her passage to
Africa, by a French privateer of 22 guns and 200 men.
On the ist of November, 1796, in N. lat. 42.30. W. long.
16, a French privateer, of 18 guns (12 nine-pounders, and
6 six-pounders), with 2 swivels, and a crew of 90 men,
ranged alongside of the slave ship Ann, Captain Catterall,
hailed her and then sheered off, but came up again the next
morning under their starboard quarter, when the action
began on both sides, and continued with great spirit for
about an hour. The Ann, having sustained several broad-
sides from the enemy, was greatly disabled in her sails and
rigging, had her boats stove, and received very considerable
damage. Her crew, seeing the great superiority of the
enemy, fled from their quarters, and ran below, leaving the
captain and his officers alone to defend the vessel, which, as
it was then impossible, obliged them to strike their colours.
" We are sorry to state," says the Liverpool paper, " wrhat
may at first appear repugnant to the character of British
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 349
seamen, which, we trust, will not be tarnished, when we
inform our readers that the crew was in great part composed
of Americans and foreigners, not interested in the preser-
vation of that exalted name." After the lapse of a century,
England is more than ever dependent on foreigners to man
her merchant navy. Will they, in the next great naval war,
think as much of preserving her exalted name, as of quietly
running her ships into an enemy's harbour?
The Comivallis, Captain Tate, from Liverpool, arrived at
Jamaica in 34 days, after beating off two French privateers,
full of men, both of which attempted to board her.
The Swan, Captain John Walls, one of the London cheese
ships, gave a French privateer such a warm reception, on
mere suspicion of his intentions, that he bore away before
the wind, without attacking the Swan, or the Apollo, which
was in company with her.
The following letter, dated November 3Oth, 1796, was
written off Barbadoes, by Captain Ratcliff Shimmins, of the
slave ship Tarleton, belonging to Messrs. Tarleton & Rigg,
of Liverpool :—
" On the 28th instant, about forty leagues to the eastward
of Barbadoes, at daylight in the morning-, we fell in with a
large French schooner, of 12 guns ; after giving him a broad-
side, he bore away. Same day at meridian, rather hazy, saw
a ship to the S.W. standing to the northward, about six miles
distant. As we got nearer, perceived her to be a ship of
force. Did not like her appearance, but found it impossible to
avoid her, and to induce him to shew colours, hauled our
wind, hoisted an ensign, and fired a gun to windward.
On which, he hauled up his courses, down stay sails, and fired
two guns to windward, then hoisted the bloody flag at the
fore-top-gallant masthead. We then saw what he was ;
kept our wind, which he perceiving, made after us. Finding
my people all healthy and well disposed (particularly my
officers), and with the assistance of the best of our slaves,
prepared for action, and about two o'clock he got alongside
350 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
of us, hoisted his French ensign, and before there was any
time for hailing, gave us a broadside, which we returned
warmer than he wished. The action continued without ever
ceasing, till five o'clock, when he sheered off, and stood to the
northward. The only damage we received was in our sails
and rigging ; not a man hurt. She was as handsome a
frigate-built ship as I have seen, mounted 20 guns, nine-
pounders, on her main deck, and eight guns on her quarter
deck ; had much the appearance of the Princess Royal,
formerly of Liverpool.
" My people were in high spirits, and if we could have got
alongside of him again, we would, I am certain, have saved
them the trouble of taking down their bloody flag, but our
rigging and sails being a good deal cut, partly prevented us.
He was much more shattered than us, and his hull pretty
well moth eaten, his quarter was at one time so well cleared,
with our eighteen-pounders, that we suppose a number of
them slept under their arms. Nothing but his superior
sailing saved him at last. We expended five barrels of gun-
powder, and the next afternoon, about five o'clock, made the
Island of Barbadoes."
"Captain Peter M'Ouie, who commanded the ship
Thomas, of Liverpool," says Brooke, "was as brave and
respectable a man as ever commanded a vessel sailing out
of Liverpool ; and he several times signalised himself in
engagements with vessels of the enemy, of superior force.
The Thomas carried 16 guns, of heavy calibre, and sailed
from Liverpool, under his command, with a crew of 78
men, and besides being adapted for the regular trade* in
which she was employed, she was completely equipped as a
privateer. On the 2nd of January, 1797, she encountered a
French National corvette, mounting 18 guns, twelve-
pounders, and four carronades of very heavy metal, and
* The slave trade ; in dealing with which, we shall have more to say of this
vessel.
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 351
between 200 and 300 men, and a severe engagement took
place, the vessels being so close together that the enemy's
bowsprit was entangled in the foreshrouds of the Thomas,
and so remained forty-seven minutes, whilst the enemy
threw on board hand grenades, stink pots, and other
missiles, besides keeping up an incessant fire from the tops
upon her deck. After making some attempts to board,
and after sustaining considerable injury, and much loss of
life amongst her crew, the French vessel was beaten off."
In a letter to his owner, Mr. Thomas Clarke, dated at
sea, in lat. 38° 56', January 5th/ 1797, Captain M'Ouie
himself supplies full particulars of the engagement, which
are as follow : —
"On the 2nd instant, in lat. 37. 40 scudding under easy
sail, the man whom I had stationed at the masthead, gave the
signal of a sail ahead, and bearing right down for me ; I,
however, judged it most prudent to keep the course I was
then steering. On the vessel approaching nigher, I discovered
her to be an armed vessel. Of course, I made the necessary
arrangement to act on the defensive, for the preservation of
the Thomas and cargo. The vessel having come within gun-
shot of the Thomas, I fired a gun, and hoisted my colours, to
learn who or what she was, when I found her to be a French
National corvette, mounting 18 guns, twelve pounders, with
four carronades, of very heavy metal, with from 200 to 300
men. The shot of one of the carronades made a hole in the
side of the Thomas's cabin, of ten inches diameter, but no
material injury accrued therefrom.
" But to commence with a detail of the whole action. The
corvette steering right down upon me, I hoisted my colours,
giving her a shot, which for some time was not answered. I,
however, took every necessary precaution. The corvette being
now abreast of me, I gave her a full broadside, which was
answered by several guns, miserably conducted, and from
which I received no damage. The corvette kept her course for
some time, and I expected had no further intention of engaging,
r2 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
which was wished for on my part, being- agreeable to your
instructions. I therefore continued my course.
"In a few hours the Frenchman about ship, hoisted his
bloody pendant for boarding, made sail, and in a short time
(he sailing comparatively speaking, two feet for my one), came
off my larboard quarter, and in a very peremptory manner,
ordered me to haul down my colours, otherwise he would grant
me no quarter whatever. I hailed him through my Linguist,
that if he would come alongside, I would treat upon more
amicable terms, but to no effect. He then, like a man, laid
his ship alongside of me, with his bowsprit entangled in my
fore-shrouds, when the action became general, and for forty-
seven minutes remained in this position, with a determined
resolution to board me on his part, and a determination on mine
to resist him to the last. His bowsprit being thus entangled,
I with my own hands, lashed my shrouds to his main-top-mast
back-stay, which, if the lashing had not been cut, I am convinced
you would have had a good account of her. The men were all
armed with tomahawks, etc. Her tops were all crowded with
men, and from so well continued and kept up fire of small arms,
I am surprised the injury was not greater. The enemy threw
on board hand granadoes, stink-pots (five and twenty or thirty
stink-pots and hand granadoes I have now on board), marling-
spikes, boarding-pikes, and even the arm of his ship's head.
" My first broadside, I am assured, injured her masts very
materially, his foretopmast and jib-boom being both shot away.
In the general part of the action, my quarter guns tore him to
pieces, the carnage was dreadful, sweeping every thing before
them, being both well loaded with grape, ball, and canister
shot, and well conducted. After the smartness of the action
was over, the fellow gained on me much, and shot ahead of me
like an arrow (in plain truth, I never saw a vessel sail so
remarkably fast in all my life), and soon about ship, and went
astern of me, I suppose to repair the injury sustained from my
guns. The same evening he came several times down, I believe,
with an idea of finding me unprepared, and to board me, but I was
ever ready to receive him, my men always resting on their guns.
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 353
"The following- day, the 3rd of January, the fellow hove
down upon me, as if to engage, but the cowardly scoundrel
never came so near as that one of my shot could tell. I
therefore kept them in reserve. The whole of that evening-,
till four o'clock in the morning of the 4th, the fellow kept
pestering me by turns. What must my feelings be when I
inform you that my surgeon, Mr. James Beatty, was shot
through the head, and died instantaneously at my feet, on the
quarter deck, after having fired several muskets at the enemy.
I had also one seaman shot through the head (John Stile) ; my
ship's steward, Thomas Bevington received a shot through his
leg, but is in fair way of recovering. My gunner's mate (James
Hogat), received a shot through the arm, but will soon be of
service to me again. Several others of my hearty crew received
small wounds, but of no material consequence. I should be
wanting in feeling was I not to observe with what firm
resolution the whole of my small ship's company, consisting of
forty-seven, behaved. I am particularly indebted to Mr. Gullin
for the grand manner in which he worked the stern chasers
and quarter guns, which much injured the enemy. Mr. Douglas,
who commanded the main-deck guns, his conduct was such
that will ever reflect honour upon him, as well as Mr. Crabbe.
"My boatswain behaved in a grand manner, going through
the most imminent danger. I recommend him to your notice ;
in fact, the whole of my small crew behaved in the most gallant
and heroic manner. At two o'clock a.m., observed a fleet to
the S.E. From the number of vessels, I judged them to be an
English fleet; four o'clock came within hail of a small sloop,
who gave me to understand that the fleet was from England,
under convoy of the Sheer-ness, James Cornwallis, Esq., com-
mander, to whom I am particularly obligated, he having sent
his surgeon, after finding my situation, to examine the wounds
of my people, with a promise of every assistance."
This well-fought action was soon followed by another,
which occurred off Monte Video, in April, in the same year,
when the Thomas fought a Spanish vessel of war, full of
354 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
troops, and mounting between 30 and 40 guns. The
action commenced at eight in the morning, and lasted until
half-past twelve, with scarcely any intermission, at no
greater distance than musket or pistol shot. The Thomas
suffered considerably in her hull and rigging, and in the
loss of several of her brave crew ; and her quarter-deck at
one time took fire, in consequence of an explosion of gun-
powder; yet Captain M'Quie succeeded in preserving his
vessel, and beating off the enemy's ship. In the same year
he captured a ship, from Buenos Ayres, laden with hides,
tallow, etc.
On the 3rd of January, 1797, at 7 p.m., the ship King
Pepple, Captain James Brown, in her passage to Barbadoes,
fell in with a French brig, of 18 guns and full of men. At
7.30 they commenced a smart action, and kept up a hot
fire until 10 o'clock, when the privateer ceased firing and
hauled her wind about two miles from them. At 6.0 in- the
morning she bore down upon them again, and both ships
maintained a warm fire for about four hours, when the
brig hauled away, seemingly in very great confusion, her
sails and rigging much shattered, and with great slaughter
amongst her crew. The three last broadsides from the
King Pepple, with double charges of grape and langrage,
went home with great effect. "I could plainly see the
people either drop or dodge from the fire," writes Captain
Brown. " She having much the advantage in sailing, I
thought it useless to follow. We expended nine barrels of
gunpowder. I cannot say enough in behalf of my officers
and people, no men could behave with more spirit and good
conduct ; fortunately had nobody hurt."
"On Tuesday last," says the Advertiser, of February
20th, 1797, "was launched from the building yard of Mr.
Edward Grayson, a remarkable fine three-decked ship,
called the Watt, pierced for 22 guns on her gun deck, built
for Richard Walker, Esq., and intended for the Jamaica
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 355
trade. The tide was very high, the launch very fine, and
having a large band of military music on board, playing
martial tunes, the whole proved highly gratifying to a vast
concourse of spectators which had assembled on the
occasion." Thus were war and commerce harmoniously
blended together.
The Fair Penitent privateer, Captain Dunlop, captured
and sent into Liverpool, the Clara A. Norbeg, from Lisbon
for Bilbao, with salt, cocoa, sugar, etc. ; also a prize laden
with anchors, cables, and naval stores, from Altona ; and
the brig Seahorse, from Havre to Cadiz, laden with linens
and other merchandise. The Forbes, of Liverpool, captured
and sent into Martinico, the Neptune, from Surinam for
Amsterdam.
In March, 1797, the Barton, Captain Richard Hall,
having parted company with the Agreeable, Captain
McCallum, on the passage to Barbadoes, was attacked by
a heavy Spanish privateer, of 16 guns and 120 men, which
was repulsed after a smart action of twenty minutes. The
Spaniard kept about half a mile astern of the Barton all
night, but on the Agreeable appearing in sight at daylight
next morning, the privateer bore down on both ships, when
a warm action was fought for an hour and forty minutes,
resulting in the privateer sheering off, much damaged in
her sails and rigging. The Agreeable had two men
wounded during the engagement.
The armed brig Swallow, Captain John Maclver, of Liver-
pool, whilst cruising off Leogane, to prevent supplies being
carried in there, sent into Port-au-Prince a large brig and
schooner, laden in America, with French property on board.
He took several other vessels, and saved the Fame, of Liver-
pool, from being captured when parted from the fleet.
The owners of the Swallow, were Thomas Twemlow,
Peter Maclver, Samuel McDowall, Iver Maclver, of Liver-
pool, merchants, and the commander, John Maclver. In
356 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
the Letter of Marque* granted to Captain Maclver on the
I2th of July, 1796, to cruise against the French, the Swallow
is described as of about 256 tons burthen, British built,
square stern, scroll head, and two masts, mounted with 18
carriage guns, carrying shot of six pounds weight, and no
swivel guns, and navigated by thirty-five men, of whom
one-third were landsmen. In the commission granted to
cruise against the Spaniards in January, 1797, she is said to
have twenty carriage guns, carrying shot of six and twelve
pounds weight, cohorns, and swivel guns, and to be
navigated with 80 officers and men. The Swallow was
not an ordinary privateer, or Letter of Marque ship, but an
armed vessel, specially hired by Government, as will be seen
by the following letter, addressed to Captain Maclver by
Mr. Huskisson : —
" PARLIAMENT STREET, December yth, 1797.
"SiR, — I am directed by Mr. Dundas to desire that, on
the receipt of this letter, you will put yourself under the orders
of Captain Lane, of His Majesty's ship Acasto, and obey such
directions as you may receive from him, until the period of your
arrival at St. Domingo, which you will immediately report to
the Officer commanding- His Majesty's Troops there, and obey
such further orders as you may receive from him. You will,
previously to your sailing from Portsmouth, receive on board,
Colonel de Cambefort, with his lady and family, and such other
officers as may be furnished with letters from me for that
purpose.
" I am, Sir, Your most obedient, humble servant,
W. HUSKISSON.
"To the Officer commanding the Swallow, hired armed
vessel."
As special interest attaches to this vessel, owing to her
principal owners and commander being members of that
* By the courtesy of Messrs. D. £ C. Maclver, we are enabled to give, in
another part of this volume, the full text of the Letter of Marque.
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 357
famous Clan Iver, which has given to Liverpool several
merchant princes, whose foresight and enterprise have con-
tributed greatly to the prosperity of the port, we append the
following account of the Clan, condensed from an elegant
and interesting brochure, printed for private circulation : —
The Maclvers were of Scandinavian origin, but of Iver,
the prog-enitor of the race which bears his name, nothing- is
known. Perhaps he landed upon the shores of Scotland from
his own private ship of war, and found some dear ' Highland
Mary/ who lured him from his wild sea life. Anyhow, his
grandson or great-grandson, Donald Maclver, lived in the
reign of Alexander II., A.D. 1219, and was the father of Iver
Crom, the conqueror of Cowal. The ancestors of the race
were among the chieftains, who, in 1221, fought under
Alexander II. against Somerled the Younger, and were
rewarded with Baronies in Argyll formed out of the lands which
they had conquered. The Ordinance of King John Baliol,
dated at Scone, loth February, 1292, shews the decendants of
Iver to have been settled there as an independent, family,
holding their lands of the Crown in the thirteenth century ;
thus assigning to them as high an antiquity in that district as
can, on any certain historical ground, be claimed for the name
of Campbell. The Maclvers always maintained in Argyll the
character of a brave and energetic Clan, and constituted a
formidable division of the forces of the House of Argyll. The
Chieftains of the Clan were hereditary keepers and captains of
the Castle of Inverary. The Clan Iver formed part of the
vanguard of the Scottish host on the fatal field of Flodden,
when Archibald, Earl of Argyll, with his cousin, Sir Duncan
Campbell, and all the flower of Argyll, fell valiantly fighting
in front of their King. The main body of the Clan Iver
exchanged their ancient patronymic for that of Campbell, and
the greater number of the Ross-shire Maclvers migrated to
Lewis in the seventeenth century ; from these are descended
the Maclvers of Uig, and of the Maclvers traceable to Uig,
the most important are the Maclvers of Liverpool. A
358 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
member of the Clan settled in Uig had two sons, Iver and
John ; from Iver the late Rev. Wm. Maclver, of Lymm,
Cheshire, was descended. John, the son of Iver, had three sons,
named Iver, Peter, and William. Iver and Peter settled in
Liverpool, and became prosperous merchants and shipowners,
having at one time almost a monopoly of the trade between
Liverpool and Glasgow. They were joined by their brother
William, who, after the death of both without issue, became
the head of the house. He married Anne Clark, by whom he
had (besides a daughter) an only son, the Rev. Wm. Maclver,
who died in 1863, leaving six sons and five daughers. Charles
Maclver, the progenitor of the Maclvers of Liverpool, was the
son of Captain John Maclver, brother of the great-grand-
father of the Rev. Wm. Maclver. This Charles Maclver,
the grandfather of the late Charles Maclver, of Calderstone,
also commanded a ship. He had seven or eight sons, of
whom only three grew up. The eldest of these, John, earned
a very high reputation by his skill and gallantry in command
of the Swallow, a ship of 18 guns, and in other armed vessels
in the Government service. He died without issue, as also
did a younger brother who served under him with the same
credit, and afterwards commanded a ship. These two
brothers were uncles of the late Charles Maclver, of Calder-
stone. One of them is referred to in the following paragraph
from the Edinburgh Advertiser, of March 23rd, 1795 : — ' The
armed ship in his Majesty's service, King Grey, commanded by
the gallant Captain Maclver, was sunk by a bombshell, and
part of her crew drowned.'
The only son who left issue was David, who, like the other
members of this family, wras an intrepid and skilful mariner,
and who perished in command of a ship in the Bay of Biscay, in
1812. He married Jane, daughter of John Boyd, of Port
Glasgow, who, when in command of a merchant ship, volun-
teered his services on board of a man-of-war of the convoy, on
the occasion of an attack by a French squadron. The attack
was successfully repelled, but Captain Boyd was killed in the
action. The before-mentioned Captain David Maclver was the
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 359
father of Messrs. David and Charles Maclver, the founders of
the firm, so well known in connection with the Liverpool and
Glasgow steam trade. In conjunction with Sir Samuel
Cunard, Bart, (then Mr. Cunard), and Messrs. James and
George Burns (now Sir George Burns, Bart.), of Glasgow,
Messrs. David and Charles Maclver established the Trans-
atlantic Royal Mail Steam Service, which is now known as the
Cunard Line. The firm of D. and C. Maclver, of which the
two brothers were the original partners, managed this Trans-
atlantic service at Liverpool, from the year 1840, until their
retirement from the management in 1883. David Maclver died
unmarried in 1845, at t^ie aSe °^ 3^ years- Charles, the head
of the house of the Maclvers of Calderstone, and representative
of the family in Liverpool, died in 1885. He has left numerous
descendants to hand on the honourable traditions of the race.
The Elizabeth, Captain Johnston, on the passage from
Barbadoes, beat off a French privateer, of 14 guns and full
of men, after an engagement of two hours, in which the
Frenchman's fore-top-gallant mast was shot away.
The Lord Rodney, Captain Joseph Campbell, took, and
carried to Montego Bay, a valuable Spanish prize, bound to
Cadiz with cotton, coffee, cocoa, hides, etc.
The Eliza Jane, Captain Hayward, on her passage from
Africa to St. Kitts, had an engagement of four hours with a
French privateer, whom she beat off.
The Dart, Captain Clare, on her passage from Liverpool
to Africa, took a French privateer, of 6 guns, dismantled
her, and gave her to the crew ; and afterwards had an engage-
ment with another privateer, of 12 guns and 90 men, which
she beat off.
The Lucy, Captain James, from Liverpool for Demerara,
and the Cornbrook, beat off a French privateer, and a Spanish
cutter of 14 guns.
The Posthumous, Captain Leigh, of Liverpool, recaptured
the Plumper, from Jamaica for London, which had been
taken by the French.
360 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
The Hinde, Captain Mullion, on her passage to Africa,
was chased five different times by French cruisers, but
escaped by superiority of sailing.
The Molly, Captain Tobin, from Liverpool to Africa,
captured a Spanish ship of 300 tons, bound from Cadiz to
the River Plate ; and the Gudgeon, Captain Boardman, on
the passage from Africa to Demerara, had an engagement
with a French privateer, which she beat off. The Ocean,
Captain Harrison, on her voyage from Liverpool to St.
Domingo, had the good fortune to take the La Victoria, a
fine Spanish brig, from Buenos Ayres to Old Spain, laden
with hides, oil, and copper, valued at ,£10,000. The
Eagle, Captain Wright, homeward bound from St. Croix,
was sunk in an engagement with a French privateer.
Several of the crew were wounded, and Captain Wright was
carried prisoner to Nantz.
On the 25th of August, 1797, the Ranger, Captain Bell,
on her passage from Liverpool and Providence for the
Caicos, was taken by a French privateer, after an engage-
ment of two hours, in which Captain Bell was killed, and
the Ranger carried into Cape Fran9ois.
The ship Susannah, Captain Gladstone, on her passage
from Riga, in company with the Jane, of Workington, fell
in with a French privateer, of 14 guns and full of men,
which he engaged for an hour and-a-half. although he had
only 8 guns and 14 men. The privateer sheered off with
the loss of her mizen mast, and otherwise much disabled,
and appeared to have lost a number of men. Captain
Watson, in the fane, with 2 guns, rendered every assistance
in his power. There appeared in sight during the engage-
ment twelve sail of merchant ships, which made their
escape.
The Isabella, Captain Rogers, from Liverpool for Africa,
was taken on November 23rd, 1797, by the Ferret privateer,
of 16 guns and 190 men, from Bordeaux, after an action of
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 361
one hour, in which the mate was killed and the captain
badly wounded. The Isabella was carried into Bordeaux,
where Captain Rogers died of his wounds.
On the Qth of October, 1797, the Backhouse, Captain
James Hunter, from Liverpool for Africa, in lat. 45°,
long. 11°, fell in with a French cutter, mounting 16 guns
(twelve-pounders). Captain Hunter, writing at sea, gives
the following account of the engagement : —
" At ten in the morning" commenced action within a cable's
length, and continued so until one p.m. A heavy fire was
kept up on both sides. About meridian, unfortunately, had
our fore topmast shot over the bows, but notwithstanding our
dismantled state, we kept so well directed a fire that a little
after one he thought proper to sheer off, being compleatly
beaten ; which plainly appeared by his not being able to take
an advantage of our crippled state, having laid by us until
four p.m. when he made sail and came up again, attempted to
rake, and do us all the damage he could, but did not prevail
as we kept firing random shot as well as him, from our after
guns. But the truth is he was so much disabled that he
would not risk a close action again, therefore at six o'clock he
hauled away to the N. W. and left us. We have suffered
greatly in our rigging and sails, not a mast or yard in the ship
that has escaped his shot. It has taken until this time to
repair our damages, and hope by tomorrow we shall have
every thing in order again. I have great reason to be thank-
ful we suffered no more in the ship's company, having only
two killed and three wounded, one of the latter I fear will
prove mortal. I was slightly wounded early in the action, but
it proved no detriment to maintaining the engagement. My
officers behaved with truly becoming courage, and are deserv-
ing of every notice ; indeed my ship's company all, to a very
few, behaved gallantly, and would have supported me to the
last in defending the ship. In the sails are 170 shot holes,
besides a much greater quantity in the rigging and hull."
On November 26th, 1797, the Elizabeth, Captain Graham,
362 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
belonging- to Messrs. Henderson and Sellar, on her
passage to Africa, had a close engagement for an hour and
twenty-five minutes, with a ship of 16 or 18 guns, which
sailed away much damaged, and in evident confusion, to
join a brig — her consort. The Blanchard, Captain M 'Gauley,
on her passage from Africa to Barbadoes, took a Spanish
brig, laden with oil, skins, etc.
In December, 1797, the Eliza, Captain Bird, on the
voyage from Africa to the West Indies, was blown up, after
an engagement with a French privateer, which had struck
to her. Only seven of the Eliza's people were saved, being
picked up by the privateer. As the Eliza was apparently a
slave ship, the catastrophe must have been a heart-rending
one.
On the 3oth of December, 1797, the Lovely Lass, Captain
William Lace, belonging to Mr. Thomas Parr, and the
Agreeable, Captain Hird, on their passage from Liverpool
to Africa, had an engagement for upwards of two hours
with two privateers, one a blacksided ship of 22 guns, and
the other, a yellowsided ship of 18 guns, which they beat
off. Captain William Lace, though engaged in the slave
trade, enjoyed the friendship of Roscoe, one of the most
zealous enemies of the traffic.
The ship James, Captain Miller, on her passage to
Africa, fell in with a French privateer, and engaged her
from seven o'clock in the morning till half-past eleven,
when she sheered off. Four days later, the James was
attacked by a French National brig, of 14 guns and 100
men, and taken after an action of three hours and-a-half at
close quarters, in which Captain Miller and the boatswain
were killed, and five men badly wounded. T\\Q James was
nearly a wreck, the Frenchman having fought her on both
sides, and raked her fore and aft. She was shortly after-
wards recaptured by the Magnanime frigate, and carried
into Cork.
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 363-
On the i yth of February, 1798, the Barbara, Captain
Dickson, belonging to Messrs. Edmund Chamley & Co.,
was taken, by boarding, after a hard fought engagement of
sixteen hours, by the Zemly corvette cutter, of 14 guns and
170 men. Two men were killed, and ten wounded on board
the Barbara, amongst the latter being the Captain, wounded
in seven places. The Barbara was so much disabled, that
it was with the greatest difficulty she was got into Guada-
loupe, the action having been fought within twelve leagues
of Martinique. The Zemly had two long i8-pounders on
her forecastle. In the same month, the Young Dick, Captain
Smith, was captured, full slaved, by a Spanish privateer, of
16 guns and 120 men, at Cape Mount.
Captain Williams, of the Abigail, writing at sea, on St.
David's Day, 1798, says: —
"At two p.m., saw a sail to the northward, standing
towards us with all sail set; at three p.m., took in steering
sails, and hauled our wind to meet him; at four p.m., got
within gunshot, when he fired a gun, and hoisted National
colours. We manned our guns, and gave him three cheers.
She proved to be a large schooner of 14 guns, and upwards of
1 80 men, as I am informed by the bearer of this letter. We
fought him within pistol shot, for seven hours, and kept a
steady and well directed fire with grape, doubleheaded and
langridge shot. He attempted boarding us three different
times, but we repulsed him with small arms, and three hearty
cheers. During the action we carried away the privateer's
maintopmast, shot her foresail to rags, and killed and wounded
a great number of her people. My officers and men behaved
as Englishmen, steady and collected. In the middle o. ' "
action, they all came aft, and declared they would stick to their
guns, and be true to me, for which I thanked them — they
instantly returned to their quarters, and behaved like heroes.
Am sorry to inform you my poor carpenter was wounded, but
not dangerous ; he received a shot through the leg, went below
364 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
to the doctor, and as soon as the wound was dressed, came up
again and behaved like a man. Our hull and sails are much
shattered, boltsprit and sprit-sail-yard severely wounded, but
we will soon put all to rights again. We received 23 grape and
musket shot through our fore and aft main-sail.
P.S. Depend upon it I will not give the ship away."
The Abigail, on her passage from Africa to Jamaica,
recaptured an American vessel.
The Governor Williamson, Captain Kelsick, and the Eliza,
Captain Bird, recaptured a large Portuguese brig, laden
with tobacco and rum. The former vessel was subsequently
lost going into New Calabar, the crew and part of the cargo
being saved. The Brothers, Captain Thompson, was lost
in Old Calabar river, and the crew saved.
In March, 1798, Mr. Gladstone (little dreaming that from
his loins should spring the greatest man of the great
Victorian age) presided at "a very elegant entertainment,"
given at Bates's Hotel, by the merchants and shipowners
trading to Hamburg and Bremen, to Captain Paget,
commander of his Majesty's ship the Dart, and his officers,
in consequence of her being appointed by the Lords of the
Admiralty to convoy a number of valuable ships from
Liverpool to the Elbe and Weser. The Mayor, Bailiffs,
"several naval characters," and many of the leading
merchants, were of the party. In the following April, Mr.
Gladstone became a widower.
Captain I. H. Morgan, of the brig Betsey and Susan,
writing to his owners, from Port-au-Prince, on April 5th,
1798, says : —
" In lat. 41. long. 18 30. fell in with a large French privateer
brig, which shewed 18, but mounted 16 nine and six-pounders.
I made a running fight for about one hour, but finding she
would come alongside me, I prepared every thing for close
action, which lasted above two hours within pistol shot, when
she sheered off. I was in a most shattered state, main and
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 365
gib-boom shot overboard, main and forestays gone; and
almost every rope in the vessel cut to pieces, several dangerous
shot in my hull, and my masts and yards much wounded. She
was full of men, not less, I suppose, than 100. I had three
men slightly wounded, but am in hopes they will soon get the
better of it. During the action, my officers, and men behaved
as becomes Britons on all such like occasions — " Remarkably
well."
" We have much satisfaction in stating," says the paper
of May yth, 1798, "that the mode so generally recommended
on the sea coasts, is likely to form a very essential part of
our voluntary armament, as we hear that Messrs. Thomas
and William Earle are completely fitting up at their own
expence a very formidable gunboat of 60 tons burthen,
carrying 24 pounders on her bows, for the public service ;
which we hope will be followed by many others. This, in
addition to the naval force to be stationed at the entrance
of the port, will be a very important and effectual additional
protection to this town and neighbourhood."
On the Qth of May, 1798, the Hind, Captain Mackenzie,
in her passage to the West Indies, took a sloop privateer, of
4 carriage and 4 swivel guns, and 41 men.
On the 30th of May, 1798, the ship Henry, Captain
Samuel Every, saw a sail, which tacked and stood towards
them, hoisting a French ensign. All hands were called to
quarters, and the privateer, which proved to be the Caroline,
of Nantz, 14 guns and 120 men, came up and fired a broad-
side into the Henry, which was immediately answered, and
the engagement continued for two hours. The Henry was
then obliged to strike, having had one man killed, the mate
and four men wounded, and her hull, sails, and rigging
considerably damaged. "We were all that evening on
board the privateer, and with great reluctance I came out
of the old Henry," says Captain Every. Next day, a British
frigate stood towards them, and on the Frenchman asking
366 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
Captain Every what he thought she was, he replied, " An
American." The privateer then stood towards the stranger
to see for himself, but finding his mistake, took to his heels.
After a chase of three hours, the frigate came nearly up to
the privateer, upon which the English prisoners rose on
deck, and Captain Every had the satisfaction of hauling
down the French colours. The Henry being then just in
sight from the masthead, the frigate gave chase and
recaptured her.
On the 1 4th of June, 1798, the Maria, Captain Martin,
the Mersey, Captain Molyneux, and the Africa, Captain
Smerdon, three vessels bound to Africa, captured the
Spanish xebeck Soliadad, from Cadiz, laden with wine,
brandy, iron, etc.
" Lloyd's Lists of last week," says Billing^ s Advertiser,
"announce the arrival of 192 ships from the West Indies,
exclusive of those at Liverpool, Lancaster, and White-
haven. There is not a missing ship of either fleet — a
•circumstance unparalleled in any former war. What a
delightful view of the vigour of our navy, and of the
prosperity of this country, to see our fleets of merchantmen
arrived safe in the midst of war."
The Agreeable, Captain M'Callum, belonging to Mr.
Barton, was captured on the 2Oth of September, 1798, by a
schooner privateer, of 14 guns and 120 men, and taken into
Guadaloupe. She was carried by boarding. The privateer
ranging up, put upwards of 60 men into her, over her
quarters, and through the cabin windows. Thirteen of the
Agreeable1 s people were killed in the action, three of them
passengers, and a great number of her crew were wounded.
The French put 18 twelve-pounders and 210 men on board
the Agreeable, and sent her to cruise off Barbadoes. As she
was a match for any merchantman, and sailed very fast, it
was feared she would do much mischief. The Concorde
frigate and the Amphitrite were sent after her, the latter
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 367
with orders not to return without her. She was ultimately
retaken by a sloop-of-war, and carried into Tortola.
On the 27th of September, 1798, the Bud, of 10 guns and
30 men, Captain Robert Tyrer, bound from Liverpool to the
coast of Guinea, was taken in latitude 37°, longtitude 18° N.,
after a very severe action of half-an-hour, by the President
Parker privateer, of L'Orient, of 8 brass guns (thirty-six-
pounders), i long nine-pounder, and 65 men. The Bud
had two men killed, and two wounded. She was retaken,
on the 4th of October, with the privateer, by his Majesty's
ships Flora and Caroline, and sent to Lisbon.
The Forbes, Captain Pince, and the Charlotte, Cap-
tain Crow, recaptured the Portland, from Virginia for
London.
On the 7th of October, 1798, a shot fired by one of the
homeward-bound ships saluting the town, carried off the arm
of Robert M 'Combe, an old cooper, standing near the Old
Dock Gates ; tore open the breast of William Treasure, a fine
young man, mate of the William ; and killed Dennis Burns,
an apprentice, standing near the bridge of the Old Dock.
Treasure died in a quarter of an hour after the accident.
After this, vessels were forbidden to fire in the river nearer
the town, on the north side, than lineable with the North
Battery, nor on the south side, than Birkenhead Point.
Since that accident no vessel can salute the town under a
penalty of £10 a gun, as was found by the Captain of the
Hannah, who was fined in June, 1799.
The George, Captain Hackney, from Liverpool to Africa,
was taken on the Coast, by the Republican French priva-
teer, of 32 guns.
The Swallow, Captain White, escaped the same privateer,
in a squall, after a running fight of an hour. The Swallow,
having, on her passage from Liverpool to the West Indies,
captured a privateer, from the Isle of France, was herself
taken by the prisoners, and sent to Cayenne.
368 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
The King Pepple, Captain Phillips, recaptured the Prince
of Wales, from Bristol to Africa.
The Brooks, Captain Williams, on her passage from
Jamaica, recaptured the Clermorit, from North Carolina,
laden with tar, turpentine, etc. ; and the Mary, Captain
Erskine, on the voyage to Africa, recaptured the Maria,
with fruit and wine, from Malaga. The Two Brothers,
Captain Cummins, recaptured the Astrea, Captain Tink-
man, from Liverpool for Boston.
The slave ship King William, of Liverpool, Theophilus
Bent, master, having on board only 15 effective hands able
to stand to their quarters, was, on the morning of the nth
of October, 1798, at the distance of 180 miles from
Barbadoes, chased by a French privateer of 16 guns, six
and four-pounders, and 170 men. Captain Bent, finding
that he could not avoid fighting, brought the enemy to
close action, which lasted two hours and-a-half, when the
privateer, having sustained considerable damage, and an
immense loss of men, sheered off, leaving the King
William almost a wreck, having received 602 shots, and
her rigging cut to pieces. She had one of the crew killed,
and four wounded, besides eight male slaves below, two of
them mortally.
The Otter, Captain Grierson, and the Beaver, Captain
Murray, on their passage to Africa, took a brig bound to
Bilbao, with naval stores.
On the 2ist of October, 1798, Cape Clear, bearing
E.N.E., distance 235 leagues, at one a.m., Captain
Brelsford, of the ship Mary, 12 guns and 29 men, saw a
brig to the northward, which followed close astern till
daylight, when she brought the Mary to action, and, after a
contest of one hour and twenty minutes, sheered off, with
her foretop-sails a good deal dismantled. The Mary's
principal damage was in the mainsail, with some of the
running rigging cut away. In consequence of her good
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 369
quarters, her crew escaped scathless. The privateer was
pierced for 18 guns, and fought 12, with from 90 to 100
men ; they were so numerous as to fire muskets from the
bowsprit.
Captain Alexander Speers, of the slave ship, Amelia and
Eleanor, writing from Barbadoes, on the 26th of October,
1798, to his owners, Messrs. W. Brettargh & Co., Liverpool,
says : —
"On the ist inst., I fell in with a French privateer, of 18
guns, six and nine-pounders, in lat. 3^ S. long. 22 W. He
hailed from London, bound to Angola. At eleven a.m., the
action commenced, and continued till half-past two p.m. Early
in the action, I lost my bowsprit and foremast, close by the
rigging. When he found I was disabled, he renewed the
action with double vigour, and hoisted the bloody flag at his
main-top-gallant-mast head, steered alongside within pistol
shot, and hailed me, "Strike, you - —\ strike!" which I
answered with a broadside, which laid him on a creen. He
then stood away to the northward, to plug up his shot holes,
as I could see several men over the side. In about twenty
minutes, he came alongside again, and gave me a broadside as
he passed. He then stood to the southward, and got about a
mile to windward, gave me a lee gun, and hauled down his
bloody flag, which I answered with three to windward. I have
received a deal of damage to my hull ; on my starboard bow,
two ports in one ; several shot between wind and water. I had
not one shroud left forward, but what was cut to pieces, stays,
etc. I lost all head sails, and my after sails much damaged.
I lost one slave, and four wounded ; four of the people wounded ;
two are since dead of their wounds. I shall not be able to pro-
ceed from hence till January, as my hull is like a riddle."
In a letter from Barbadoes, dated December ist, 1798, we
have the following spirited description of an engagement
between the ship Barton, Captain Cutler, which had arrived
there in 51 days from Liverpool, and a French privateer : —
" In the afternoon of Monday, about 20 leagues to
2A
370 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
windward of the Island, she discovered a sail standing- to the
southward, which in the close of the evening' stood for her, and
coming within gunshot, kept in the wake of the Barton most
part of the night, receiving her constant fire of stern chasers,
without returning- a shot. At daybreak, the enemy, (which
proved to be a French privateer schooner, of 18 guns, nine and
six-pounders), spoke an American brig astern, and at sunrise
bore down with a press of sail upon the Barton, who again
opened her fire as soon as she came within shot, and soon after
a close action commenced, which lasted two hours and an half,
the schooner repeatedly attempting to board ; but by the heavy
and well directed fire from the . ship, was prevented from
g-etting- near enough to effect their purpose, and was at last so
dismantled in her rigging, that she sheered off; but having
refitted, commenced a second attack at noon, with a most
sanguinary design of boarding, and notwithstanding the
incessant cannonading from the ship, ran plump on board, and
endeavoured to throw her men into her. But well prepared
to receive the enemy, the whole of the Barton's crew being
assembled on the quarter deck, and headed by their gallant
commander, who was spiritedly seconded by his passengers,
an attack, sword in hand, commenced, and the enemy were
driven back with considerable loss, many of them being spiked
from the netting and shrouds of the ship, while by a well
directed fire from the cabin guns, numbers were swept from
their own deck ; and great part of her rigging being cut away,
she dropped astern and gave over the contest, amidst the
victorious huzzas of the British tars, whose bold commander,
calling from his quarter deck, defied the vanquished Republi-
cans to return to the attack. Captain Cutler's conduct on this
occasion cannot be too highly spoken of, and such was the
enthusiasm of all on board the ship, that his passengers bear
a proportionate share of honour, while his mates have a just
claim to the approbation and applause of their merchants,
whose well-known liberality is ever ready to reward the merit
of every man in their employ. The second mate, and three
seamen were wounded on board the Barton. "
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 371
The following intelligence was communicated by a gentle-
man, who went out passenger in the ship Benson, Captain
Croasdale, for Jamaica: —
"At daylight in the morning- of Thursday, the 6th December,
1798, St. Kitts, N.N.E. about 18 leagues, we descried two
vessels on the starboard bow, which at eight we could plainly
discover to be a ship and a brig, under a press of sail, standing
towards us. At half after ten the latter passed us about a mile
astern, under American colours, standing to the southward ; .
and the ship, which we could by this time observe to be a
vessel of force, upon our weather quarter, coming up with us
fast, under English colours. At a quarter before eleven she
fired a shot at us, and showed the tricoloured flag, when we
in studding sails, and laying to for her coming up, prepared to
give her a warm reception. At eleven the action commenced,
within pistol shot of each other, and continued without inter-
mission till about thirty minutes past twelve, when the firing
ceased, and both vessels, which had been ungovernable, lay to
for the purpose of refitting.
"At twenty minutes past one, the action again commenced
and continued till about a quarter past two, when our opponent
hauled his wind to the southward, and left us in such a crippled
state in our rigging, masts, sails, as to be unable to follow.
Fortunately no lives were lost in the contest, from the excellent
quarters our wood hoops afforded, and the enemy chiefly aiming
to disable us aloft. A neutral vessel we spoke the same
evening, informed us the ship we had engaged was a National
Corvette, lately from France, and that she mounted 20
nine-pounders, and was manned with 170 men. This was
afterwards corroborated by a gentleman, a prisoner at that
time on board, who got down to Jamaica shortly afterwards,
and says that they had twelve killed, and ten wounded."
On the day following the action, the Benson fell in with
a large schooner privateer, of 12 guns, and full of men,
which she drove amongst Cape Roxen shoals, the west end
of Porto Rico. On the nth of December, she chased a
372 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
French cutter of 17 guns, which had an American ship, her
prize, in company. The privateer liberated the prize, on
seeing the Benson gaining upon her, but the wind dying
away in the evening, the cutter out sweeps and escaped.
On a former passage to Jamaica, the Benson took a
Spanish prize, valued at about ,£7000.
The slave sloop Henry, of 6 three-pounders, 2 two-
pounders, and 14 men, Captain Cusack, on her passage
from Africa, was chased by the Spanish packet, St. Roselia,
of 10 eighteen and twelve-pounders and 75 men, which
dropped astern after an engagement of forty minutes.
Coming up again shortly after, a close engagement took
place for about three-quarters of an hour, when the Spaniard
sailed away. At i p.m. on the following day, he again
came alongside, and gave the Henry a broadside, which was
returned, and an engagement within pistol shot followed
for three hours, resulting in the capture of the Henry, which
was heavily damaged and ungovernable. After taking
possession of the sloop, the Spaniards ran her on shore,
about seven leagues to leeward of Cape Maize, where all the
prize crew and slaves perished, except 27 negroes, who swam
on shore. Captain Cusack and his crew were well treated by
the Captain and officers of the St. Roselia, but in prison, at
Havannah, the Captain was only allowed three-sixteenths
of a dollar per day to live on. The Nassau paper, of
February 22nd, 1799, contains the following curious
intelligence : —
"On board of the sloop Henry, Cusack, from Africa for
this port, captured by the Spanish schoonqg, St. Roselia,
Captain Monase, were two African youths of about twelve years
each, one named John, the son of King George, and the other,
Tom, son of King- John Qua Ben, both having- extensive
domains on the river Gaboon. These youths their fathers had
committed to the charge of Captain Cusack, to be carried to
Liverpool, to be there educated. They were both taken from
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 373
Captain Cusack, to be sold as slaves, in spite of all his remon-
strances, and at Havannah, he was told by a respectable
Spanish merchant, that they would not be delivered up. The
owner of the Spanish vessel is Francisco Maria Cuesto, who
must consign his name to eternal obloquy, should he persist in
refusing- these unfortunate youths their freedom. A representa-
tion on this business, we have reason to expect, will be made
to the government of Cuba."
On the 1 7th of April, 1799, Captain John Ainsworth, of
the slave ship Polly, wrote to his owners in Liverpool, from
Jamaica, as follows : —
"In lat. 3. 46 S., long. 22, W., I fell in with a large
Spanish brig, and after a running engagement of four and-a-
half hours, captured her, called the St. Antonia> from Teneriffe
to Buenos Ay res. We expended 160 cannon cartridges, and
upwards of 400 musquet and musquetoon cartridges. Our
sails and rigging were much cut, and several of our slaves
slightly wounded by a shot that went through our side under
the main-chains, and broke two stanchions of the bulk head
of the women's room. On the i2th of March went into
Barbadoes to land the prisoners, being 22.
"I left Barbadoes on the i6th March. In the morning of
the 1 7th, fell in with a French schooner privateer, who chaced
us till 2 p.m. I then hove to for him, on which he shortened
sail, and seemed consulting with his officers. Soon after he
made sail, and came up under our quarter, when I gave him
what guns I could get to bear. We had a number of our men
slaves with small arms, which they fought very well, and
killed and wounded several of the privateer's people. She
then attempted to board us on the quarter, and carried away
our main-sheet. At this time only small arms were fired, and if
our people had been at the cabin guns we must have sunk her.
In their attempt to get up the side, I took a boarding pike,
and threw it at them, which went through the side of one man,
into the thigh of another and they both fell. He then sheered
off. I can safely say he had 20 men, or upwards, killed and
374 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
wounded, his decks being- full of blood. We gave them three
cheers, and chaced him in our turn, but could not come up
with her. She was full of men, but cannot say what force. I
had one man wounded, our hull full of musquet shot, and our
sails and rigging very much cut and shattered."
The Townley, of Liverpool, was, on the 4th of July, 1799,
captured by a French privateer, of 14 guns, which took out
her crew, except Mr. W. Atkinson, the chief mate, and John
Overton, and put six men on board her. On the 7th, Mr.
Atkinson, assisted by Overton, took an opportunity to fasten
three of the Frenchmen below, and attacked the rest. The
prize-master fired his pistols without effect, and fell in the
conflict, when his men submitted ; and on the i4th, the two
Englishmen took their ship safe into Viola Sound, in Shet-
land.
On the examination of the French prize-master of the
Polly, Captain Thompson, for Liverpool from Lisbon, re-
captured by the Sylph, 18 guns, Captain Dashwood, it came
out in evidence that the convoy of the fleet, a Portuguese
frigate, of 44 guns and 300 men, suffered the La Bellone,
French privateer, of 22 guns and 130 men, to come into the
middle of the convoy, capture and man five sail, worth
;£io,ooo each, and carry them off, without making any effort
to retake them.
At two p.m., on the loth of July, 1799, the ship Planter,
of 12 nine-pounders, 6 six-pounders, and 43 men, Captain
John Watts, on her passage from Virginia to Liverpool,
espied a lofty ship to the southward in chase of them.
Captain Watts, in a letter dated off Dover, July I5th, gives
the following account of the subsequent proceedings : —
" By her appearance we were fully convinced she was an
enemy, and being likewise certain we could not outsail her, at
four p.m. had all ready for action, down all small sails, up
courses, spread boarding- netting-s, etc. At half-past five p.m.,
we backed our main top-sail, and laid by for her, all hands
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 375
giving- her three cheers. She then bore down under our
starboard quarter, fired one gun into us, and showed National
colours. We found her to be a privateer of 22 guns, twelves,
nines, and sixes, with small arms in the tops, and full of men.
We immediately rounded to, and gave her a broadside, which
commenced the action on both sides. The first broadside we
received cut away all our halyards, top-sheets, and braces, and
killed three men on the quarter-deck. We kept up a constant fire
for two glasses and-a-half, when she sheered off to repair
damages; and in about one glass returned to board us, with
his Bloody Flag hoisted. We were all in readiness to receive
him, got our broadsides to bear upon him, and poured in our
langrage and grape shot with great success. A heavy fire
kept up on both sides for three glasses this second time. In
all, the engagement continued firing for five glasses. At last
he found we would not give out, and night coming on, sheered
off and stood to the south-west. His loss, no doubt, was
considerable, as the last two glasses we were so nigh each
other that our fire must have done great execution. My ship's
company acted with a degree of courage which does credit to
the Flag. I cannot help mentioning the good conduct of my
passengers during the action : Mr. M'Kennon and Mr. Hodgson,
with small arms, stood to their quarters with a degree of noble
spirit ; my two lady passengers, Mrs. Macdowall and Miss Mary
Harley, kept conveying the cartridges from the magazine to
the deck, and were very attentive to the wounded, both during
and after the action, in dressing their wounds and administering
every comfort the ship could afford ; in which we were not
deficient for a merchant ship.
" When he sheered off, saw him heaving dead bodies over-
board in abundance. Our ship is damaged in the hull ; one
twelve pound shot under the starboard cat head splintered the
sides much ; one double-headed shot through the long boat ;
sails, rigging, spars, prodigiously injured. We had four killed,
and eight wounded."
A letter from Whitehaven supplies the following addi-
tional particulars : —
376 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
"Mrs. Macdowall and Miss Mary Harley, who lately
distinguished themselves so much in the gallant defence of the
ship Planter, of Liverpool, against an enemy of very superior
force, off Dover, are now at Whitehaven. These ladies were
remarkable, not only for their solicitude and tenderness for
the wounded, but also for their contempt of personal danger,
serving the seamen with ammunition, and encouraging them
by their presence. The merchants of that town have accord-
ingly acknowledged their services in the handsomest manner,
and have also instituted an enquiry for the parents of one
William Aickin, a native of that town, who was killed in the
action, after signalising himself in a most exemplary manner.
Early in the conflict he received two wounds, one of which
almost separated his hand from the arm, notwithstanding
which, without any other assistance than the application of some
styptic, and a bandage by Mrs. Macdowall and her companion,
he returned to his station and continued his exertions in
defence of the ship, till he fell in a manner covered with
wounds, from a broadside too successfuly directed by the
adversary. He was then carried below, where he expired in a
few minutes after requesting Mrs. Macdowall to convey his
duty to his parents, and to let them know that ' he died in a
good cause.' "
The Dick, private ship-of-war, Isaac Duck, commander,
on her passage from Liverpool to Gibraltar, beat off eight
gunboats, after an action of three hours and-a-half. Later
in the year, she arrived at Barbadoes with three prizes.
On the 1 3th of October, 1799, on her passage from St.
Bartholomew's to Liverpool, the Dick fell in with a National
corvette of 22 guns, with which she came to close action,
the enemy keeping up a smart fire of musketry from his tops
and quarter deck for two hours, when the Dick's langrage
and grape shot cleared her tops. Finding they had received
some shot between wind and water, and having four feet
water in the hold, they bore down and came within half
pistol shot abaft the corvette's beam, and kept up a regular
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 377
and well supported fire at her for an hour, when she made
all sail possible and run ahead. They then brought their
ship by the lee to plug the shot holes, and found, although
they had the weather gage, a twelve-pound shot had gone
through the lower part of their bends. An hour and-a-half
later, they made the pumps suck, and at five p.m. (eight
hours after the commencement of the action) had their rig-
ging stopped and sails set, and all ready for engaging. The
enemy laying to ahead, seeing them coming up ready for
action, made sail, and run to the S. W. The behaviour of the
ship's crew, many of whom were wounded, was extremely
steady and valiant. Mr. Hugh Morris, the first mate,
specially distinguished himself in the engagement. Nearly
five years later — in the paper of August 2Oth, 1804 — we
read that the underwriters had presented Captain Duck with
200 guineas, in recognition of his good conduct and bravery,
in beating off a corvette of 22 guns and 200 men, after a
close action of three hours — possibly the same affair.
At the close of the year 1800, the Emperor Paul, of
Russia, declared war against England, and suddenly seized
on all the English vessels in Russian ports. Russian
vessels in English ports were promptly seized and confis-
cated by way of reprisals. The Angola, the only Russian
vessel then in the port of Liverpool, was seized, and the
crew sent to prison, by Captain Hue, commander of his
Majesty's ship Actceon, who thereby made ^800 prize
money. The Admiralty ordered the release of the crew.
In January, 1801, Captain Hue took possession of eight
Danish and Swedish vessels in the port. During the
eighteenth century, a great number of girls and women
entered the army and navy as soldiers, sailors, and marines,
doing duty, and fighting side by side with the sterner sex,
without being suspected, until some unlucky accident, or
severe wound, revealed the jealously guarded secret. Some-
times the fair aspirant for military or naval honours or a
378 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
violent death, was detected on the threshold of her antici-
pated glory. A romantic affair of this sort happened on
board the Action.
"Some few weeks since," says Billinge's Liverpool
Advertiser, of May i2th, 1800, "a young person who had
the appearance of a boy, solicited to be brought on board
his Majesty's ship, the Actceon, and continued in the ship
upwards of seven weeks, performing the duty of his station
the same as other boys, when by means of a letter sent to
some friends it was discovered that this pretended boy was
a fine girl, about 18 years of age. The loss of a mother,
and neglectful father, was the only reason she would ever
acknowledge for such a step. During the time she was on.
board the Actceon, she conducted herself with the greatest
propriety, that no one had the least suspicion of her sex.
She was sent on shore again, dressed in proper clothes,
with a handsome collection made for her by the officers and
ship's company."
On the i3th of January, 1800, a French brig privateer, of
14 guns, entered Torbay with the Gibraltar fleet, and
remained six days. She was several times boarded and
questioned what she was, but her hands, to the number of
50, being concealed, the few on deck (who spoke good
English) said she had been a French privateer, but was
bought by some Liverpool merchants. On the sailing of
the convoy, she also got under weigh, and in the night
would doubtless have captured the most valuable ; but a
signal was made, which she being unable to answer, of
course, was suspected, boarded, and taken possession of by
the Namur.
The underwriters presented Captain James Sturrock and
the crew of the ship Pursuit, five per cent, on the value of
the ship and cargo, for their gallant defence against a
French privateer, of considerable force, on the 5th of
January, 1800.
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 379
On the 6th of October, 1800, the Dick, Guineaman,
mounting 20 guns (four and six-pounders), and 42 men and
boys, Captain W. Grahme, sailed from Liverpool for the
Coast of Africa. On the I5th of October, she had the mis-
fortune to fall in with the La Grande Decide, a famous French
privateer corvette, mounting 22 guns (nine and twelve-
pounders) on one deck, and 176 men. After as desperate an
action as ever was fought, lasting about seven hours and-a-
half, the Dick, reduced to a mere wreck, was forced to strike
to superior force. The brave Captain Grahme and ten of
his crew were severely wounded. The captain died six days
afterwards on board the privateer. The first lieutenant of
the corvette was killed, and 39 of the crew killed and wounded
in the action. Soon after, the Clyde, of 44 guns, Captain
Cunningham, hove in sight, took possession of the Dick,
and carried her into Plymouth, while the Fisgard, of 48
guns, chased the privateer. Captain Cunningham took
every care of the wounded men, entering them as super-
numeraries, and by that means, procuring their admission
into the royal naval hospital. A letter received in Liverpool,
probably from one of the officers of the Dick, gives the
following account of the engagement : —
"An action commenced a few minutes past one o'clock at
noon, which was most gallantly defended on both sides within
pistol shot. About five o'clock the Dick's standing and
running rigging, bracings, and bowlines were cut to pieces ;
sails all in rags, topmasts gone, lower masts crippled, and
several shots betwixt wind and water. It was about this time
that an unfortunate canister shot struck poor Grahme and
took away all the upper part of his skull ; in this situation he
was carried below. To revenge his death, which his brave
crew anticipated, and for the honour of the British ensign, one
of the brave tars nailed the Dick's colours to the stump of the
mizen mast, and they one and all were determined to fight
the vessel as long as she could swim ; and without dread or
380 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
fear the chief mate and crew fought on till near eight o'clock,
having at that time their noble captain and ten men wounded,
their ammunition expended, every gun dismounted, spars and
rigging shot away, 3 feet 10 inches water in the pump well,
both pumps going, vessel expected to go down, and the enemy
upon their quarter in the act of boarding, when Captain
Grahme advised them, to prevent every man from being put
to the sword, to strike their colours. He delivered up the
vessel in the most courageous manner ; and even had the
presence of mind to desire the third mate to fling his rifle-
piece, pistols, sword, &c., overboard, saying no other man
should ever use them. He manfully walked overboard his
own vessel into the enemy's boat, refusing aid or assistance,
saying to his men, ' My brave fellows, you have done your
duty like Britons,' adding (meaning his own vessel) ' Poor Dick
thou hast done thy duty likewise, but obliged to strike to
superior force — I only wish thy guns had been heavier metal.'
"The French first lieutenant was killed; the enemy had
also 27 killed and wounded, and several of her crew died after
the action. She was much hurt in her masts and hull, and
several holes in the side, which they were obliged to plug up
with lead. On Grahme's arrival on board the La Grande Decide,
he was allowed a cot in the Captain's cabin, who behaved to
him like a brother. The French doctor attended him night and
day, his own chief mate was always with him, and his crew
allowed frequently to see him. He was insensible after the
first twenty-four hours, and on the 2ist of October, about
three o'clock in the afternoon, he departed this life, universally
respected by all who knew him. He fell like a hero and a
British sailor, fighting under the influence and for the honor of
his country's proud ensign ! God rest his soul in peace and
happiness. He was launched into the deep same evening,
sewed up in his cot, in as decent a manner, as the situation
would admit of."
Captain Samuel A. Whitney, of the ship Hiram, writing
to his owners in Liverpool, from Fort Royal, Martinique,
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 381
on the 22nd of October, 1800, gives the following account
of events in real life, that have a foretaste of Stevensonian
romance about them : —
"I have a very unpleasant account to give you of the
Hiram, which, after being- twice taken and retaken, arrived
here the i3th inst. after being one hundred and two days at
sea; the circumstances are these: On the i3th September,
being in long. 55. and lat. 30. I was overtaken by a French
sloop of war brig, called the Curieuse, Captain Ratlett, from
Cayenne, on a cruise of two months, and then to France, who
after an examination of my papers, pronounced the greater part
of my property to be English. They then took out all my
people, (except my brother, one green hand, and a boy of 12
years of age), and put on board two officers and eight men,
and ordered us for Cayenne, and after keeping us company for
two days, and robbing us of a lower yard, a cask of water, a
ship glass, and sundry small matters, they left us. I, on first
discovering her to be French, went below, loaded my pistols,
and hid them away in a crate of ware, which if I had not done
I should have lost them, for no less than three different times
was my trunk searched, my brother's chest and the cabin all
over, and were as cautious as though they read my determina-
tion in my face. The officers would not allow the men to go
off deck at any time, and they eat, drank and slept on deck
themselves, never suffering but one at a time to go off deck ;
therefore, I found I had no other chance but to engage them
openly by daylight. I directed my brother to have a couple of
handspikes in readiness, and when he saw me begin, to come
to my assistance. Therefore, at four o'clock on the after-
noon of the fourth day after being" taken, I secured my pistols
in my waistbands, went on deck, and found the Prize-master
asleep on the weather hen-coop, his mate at the wheel, and
their people on different parts of the main deck, my brother
and man on the lee side of the windlass. Under the circum-
stances I made the attempt, by first knocking down the mate
at the wheel. The prize-master jumped up so quick that I could
382 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
get but a very slight stroke at him. He then drew his dirk
upon me, but I closed in with him, sallied him out to the
quarter rail and hove him overboard, but he caught by the
main sheet, which prevented his going into the water. By this
time I had the remaining eight upon me, two of whom I
knocked backwards off the quarter deck ; by this time my
people got aft with handspikes, and played their parts so well
that I was soon at liberty again. I then drew a pistol and
shot a black fellow in the head, who was coming to me with a
broad axe uplifted, the ball cut him into the skull bone and
then glanced, but it stunned him and amazed all the rest, who
had no suspicion of my having pistols. By this time the mate
whom I first knocked down, had recovered and got a loaded
pistol out of his trunk, and, apparently, fired it directly in my
man's face, but the ball missed him. The prize-master got on
board again and stabbed my brother in the side, but not so bad
as to oblige him to give out until we had got the day. In
this situation we had it pell mell for about a quarter of an
hour, when at last we got them a running, and followed them
so close, knocking down the hindermost as we came up with
them, until part made their escape below. The rest then
began to cry for mercy, which we granted on their delivering
up their arms, which consisted of a discharged horseman's
pistol, a midshipman's dirk, a broad axe, a handsaw, and two
empty junck bottles. We then marched them all aft into the
cabin and brought them up one at a time, and after examining
for knives, etc., we confined them down forward. By this
time it was quite dark, and my brother was obliged to give
out, and lay in extreme pain for forty-eight hours, expecting
every moment to be his last, but he afterwards recovered
astonishingly, and was soon able to keep his watch. My man
got so drunk that I could not keep him awake at night, so
that there was only my little boy and I to work the ship,
watch the French, and attend my brother. I kept a French
lad upon deck, the only one that was not wounded, and kept
him at the wheel all night. The weather was extremely fine
and the Frenchmen quite peaceable, so that I met with little
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 383
difficulty. Thus we kept possession of her for ten days, when
we had reached within two or three days sail of Savannah,
being in the long-, of 75. On the 2yth September, was again
overtaken by a French privateer, from Guadaloupe, who, with-
out any ceremony of examining papers (only to find out the
contents of my packages) came immediately on board, broke
open the hatches, and filled the deck with bales, trunks, cases,
etc., and after examining for the most valuable goods, sent
them on board the privateer. As her cruise was nearly at an
end, having sent off their men, they hove overboard all their
empty water casks and lumber of all kinds, and filled them-
selves as full as an egg out of us, not leaving room for their
people to sleep below. They were two days at work upon us.
They then took out my brother, man and boy, (leaving me on
board) and all the former French crew, except four men, and
put on board eleven more of their own men, and after plunder-
ing me of part of my cloaths, brass hanging compass,
carpenter's tools, spare cordage, deep-sea line, and many
other like stores, they left us, ordering us for Guadaloupe ; and
after being forty-six days longer in their hands, we were taken
by his Majesty's ship Unite, and sent into Martinique."
Billinge's Liverpool Advertiser, of February gth, 1801,
records the death of Captain William Hutchinson, in the
following terms : —
"On Saturday, universally lamented, Mr. William Hut-
chinson, aged 85. Of him, it may be truly said, that he steered
through the voyage of life, under the direction of the great
Captain of our Salvation, without ever deviating a point from
moral rectitude ; he was a friend to the fatherless, and made
the widow's heart sing for joy ; to his indefatigable exertions,
we are indebted in a great measure, for the superior advantages
we enjoy as a commercial port, and the instituting of the
laudable society for the relief of the widows and families of
Masters of vessels, will ever make his remembrance be held
dear, by that useful body of people."
On the 5th of March, 1801, the Bolton (Letter of Marque),
384 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
280 tons, 20 guns, and 70 men, Captain J. Watson, on her
passage from Demerara for Liverpool, engaged for an hour
most gallantly, a large French privateer, of 26 guns and
260 men, called La Gironde, of Bordeaux, which ran her on
board, and she was obliged to strike to a superior force.
The Frenchman had a great advantage in the action, owing
to the number of men he was able to keep at the musketry,
to the great annoyance of the Boltoris people. Captain
Watson and five of his crew were wounded, and two
passengers were killed. Both ships were considerably
damaged, but the French had none killed or wounded. In
addition to a valuable cargo of sugar, coffee, cotton,
elephant teeth, etc., which was plundered by the privateer,
the Bolton had a very fine tiger on board, and a large col-
lection of birds, monkeys, etc. She was retaken on the
passage to Bordeaux, by the Leda, of 38 guns, and sent to
Plymouth.
The General Keppel privateer, Captain James Finlayson,
recaptured an American ship, and took another from Cadiz.
On the i4th of June, 1801, he had an action with the La
Mouche privateer, of 22 guns and 250 men, with her prize,
the Hiram, of Liverpool, in company. The latter, manned
with 60 Frenchmen, soon sheered off, as did the privateer,
after a warm engagement, in which she had her second
captain killed, several men wounded, and her hull, masts,
sails, and rigging considerably damaged. The General
Keppel, was captured in the Rio de la Plata, on November
2Oth, 1801, by a Spanish frigate of 44 guns, after a severe
engagement of three hours.
On the I4th of August, 1803, the ship Juno, of 18 six-
pounders, and 44 men and boys, Captain Affleck, was taken
70 leagues from Wilmington, after an action of two hours,
by the French frigate Poursuivant, mounting 22 French
twenty-four-pounders, 12 nines, and 350 men. The Juno
had two men killed, the mate wounded, and her hull, masts,
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 385
sails, and rigging, very much shattered. When she struck,
the Frenchmen gave her three cheers, and Captain Affleck,
when he stepped on board the frigate, was very kindly
received by the French commander, who returned him his
sword, and let him have part of his own cabin, expressing
surprise that he had fought so long against such a superior
force. "But," says Captain Affleck, in a letter to his
owners, "knowing I had a set of the bravest fellows that
ever swam salt water, I was determined to defend the ship to
the last extremity." The French captain, finding the Juno
too much damaged to proceed to France, made for Charleston,
but the American government refusing to allow the frigate
and her prize to enter the port, the Frenchman took the
cargo out of the Juno and burnt her. "This brilliant
action," observes Billinge's Advertiser, "reflects immortal
honour on Captain Affleck and his brave crew, and will no
doubt meet that admiration and applause, we conceive they
are so well entitled to."
The Underwriters, of London, presented Captain Affleck
with a valuable bowl bearing the following inscription : —
"The ship Juno, of Liverpool, commanded by Captain
Lutwig Affleck, of 18 guns, six-pounders, and 44 men, being
captured off the coast of North America, on the i4th August,
1803, by the French frigate Poursuivant, of 22 twenty-four-
pounders, 12 nine-pounders, and 350 men, after a well fought
battle, the Underwriters of London present Capt. Affleck with
this token of their estimation of his skill and bravery, in main-
taining a long and gallant action, with a ship of such superior
force."
The following communication was sent to Captain
Affleck, by Mr. (afterwards Sir John) Gladstone, on behalf
of the Liverpool Underwriters : —
"UNDERWRITERS' ROOMS, LIVERPOOL, i$tk August, 1805,
"Sir, — By the direction of the Underwriters of Liverpool,
and with particular satisfaction to myself, I beg leave to
2B
3S6 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
enclose a Bill on London for the sum of £120. It is their
desire this money may be employed in the purchase of a
suitable piece of plate, of which they request your acceptance,
as a mark and testimony of the high- sense they entertain of the
high skill and gallant conduct displayed by you, when Com-
manding the ship Juno, of this port, armed with 18 six-
pounders, and defended by a crew consisting of 44 men and
boys, in the action which you maintained for two hours, off
the Coast of America, against the French National frigate
La Poursuevante , mounting 22 long twenty-four-pounders, 12
long nine-pounders, and 350 men, tho' at last compelled to
submit to superior force. I have the honour to be, Sir, your
most obedient, J. GLADSTONE, Chairman of the Underwriters'
Committee.
"Ten Guineas of this sum was subscribed by Messrs.
Davies, Dale and Co.
" To Captain Lutwidge Affleck, late of the ship Juno, at
Greenock."
Messrs. Davies, Dale & Co., were, no doubt, the owners
of the Juno. Captain Affleck acknowledged the honour in
the following terms : —
"GREENOCK, 22nd August, 1805.
" DEAR SIR, — Your esteemed favour of the i5th curt.,
enclosing a Bill on London per £120, I received by last post,
and beg you will assure the Committee of Underwriters, at
Liverpool, that I cannot find words to express the gratitude I
feel, for so great a mark of their regard.
" I have ever considered it my duty to defend the property
of others, entrusted to my care against the enemy, as long as
there was any prospect of advantage to be gained by resistance.
Yet, I cannot help feeling much gratified by the high opinion
which so respectable a body of men, have been pleased to
express of my conduct in the defence of the Juno. I have the
honor to be, Sir, Your obliged humble servant,
LUTWIDGE AFFLECK."
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 387
On the 2Oth of October, 1805, the ship Harmony, of
Greenock, Captain Affleck, fell in with a brig, supposed to
be Spanish, but showing no colours, off the island of
Tenerifife. She mounted 16 guns, and appeared to have 170
men on board. Captain Affleck was determined to attack
and take her if possible, but it being light winds, could not
come up with her. He, however, manned three boats, with
himself and 24 men in one, and 22 men in the other two.
They pulled off, and soon got alongside the brig, when a
heavy fire of musketry took place on both sides, but after a
severe conflict, the boats returned without success, Captain
Affleck, with eight men, having been killed, and 18 wounded
in the contest. The report of this affair leaves us in doubt
whether the commander was Captain Affleck, formerly of
the Juno, or a relation — possibly a brother.
In October, 1803, the Ainsley, Captain Every, brought
into the Mersey, a prize called the L! A imable JLucile, a large
French Indiaman, from the Isle of France to Bordeaux,
valued at ^"80,000.
The Margaret and Eliza, Captain Barry, outward bound
Guineaman, captured, on the 5th of September, 1803, tne
ship, Maria Alletta, from Batavia for Amsterdam, valued
at ^"45,000.
The Sarah, Captain Sellers, and the Ann Parr, Captain
Baldwin, took the French ship City of Lyons, 400 tons, from
the Isle of France for Bordeaux, laden with coffee, pepper,
indigo, etc., valued at about ,£26,000.
The peace of Amiens, which had caused great rejoicings
in Liverpool, proved to be nothing more than a truce, or
short breathing-time between two desperate conflicts. A
series of military victories, culminating in the triumph of
, Marengo, had placed the continent of Europe at the feet of
France, or rather under the heel of Bonaparte. The naval
conquests of the ist of June, of St. Vincent, Camperdown,
and the Nile, with innumerable smaller victories, had made
388 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
Great Britain mistress of the ocean, had placed the colonies
of France at her mercy, and inflicted upon the military and
commercial navies of France, Holland, and Spain, in the
first ten years of the war, the loss o'f 81 line of battle ships,
187 frigates, 248 smaller vessels of war, 934 privateers, and
5,453 merchant vessels. Thus the commerce of Europe was
lost to Havre, Bordeaux, Cadiz, Rotterdam, and Amster-
dam, and ultimately to Hamburg and Bremen, and
concentrated in London, Liverpool, Bristol, Hull, the Clyde,
and the other ports of the British empire. The war, which
had ruined the allies of both, had left the principals in
possession of immense strength, unbroken courage, and
with additional causes of irritation and jealousy. Hence
grounds of difference sprang up almost immediately, and
after a stormy scene between Bonaparte and the English
ambassador at Paris, both parties began to prepare for war.
Bonaparte collected an army at Boulogne for the invasion
of England. The threat was received with shouts of
defiance by the people of Great Britain. Letters of Marque
and Reprisals were issued on the i6th of May, 1803, and
the King's Declaration was dated May i8th. The armed
vessels of England scoured the channels, sinking every gun-
boat that ventured to leave Boulogne, and even attacking
them under the batteries ; whilst hundreds of thousands of
volunteers rushed forward to defend their country. Liver-
pool, true to its fighting instincts and its renown on the sea,
did not yield to any town in the empire in the energy and
efficiency of its patriotic preparations against the invader.
As this is not a military history of Liverpool, it would take
too long to relate in detail how nobly the merchants and
people of " the good old town " did their duty at this great
crisis in the world's history — when the liberty of the
nations hung on the attitude and pluck of Britons.
It is, however, due to their patriotism to state briefly
the result of their efforts. Mr. John Bolton, of Duke
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 389
Street, one of the wealthiest merchants, raised and
clothed, at his own expense, a regiment of volunteer infantry,
of which he became Colonel. All the boatmen of the river
Mersey, who were secured from impressment, came forward
and offered to assist in working the great guns of the forts,
and were formed into a regiment of artillery, under the
command of Peter Whitfield Brancker, Esq. Two regi-
ments of infantry were formed, one commanded by Lieut.-
Colonel Williams, the other by Lieut.-Colonel Wm.
Earle. There was also a Rifle Corps and a Custom
House Corps, and the Liverpool Light Horse. Lieut.-
Colonel Hollinshead raised and clothed a company of
pioneers at his collieries to serve with Lieut.-Colonel
Williams's regiment, of which he was second in command,
and Mr. Ford North presented the same regiment with
two brass guns, completely equipped for service. The
Corporation subscribed ,£2,000 from their own funds, and
,£1,000 from the funds of the Docks. The drilling of the
regiments was incessant, the enthusiasm great, the people
being of one mind — to save the country or nobly fall in its
defence. At a review of the Liverpool Volunteers, on the
sixty-seventh birthday of George the Third, the number of
officers and men who appeared in the field was as follows :
i Colonel, 6 Lieut.-Colonels, 8 Majors, 54 Captains, in
Subalterns, 221 Sergeants, 152 Musicians, and 3,313 rank
and file. From this crude outline of the defensive attitude
of the old " Dicky Sams," it would appear that a propensity
for privateering and slave trading in a community is not
incompatible with self-sacrifice and an exalted patriotism—
or, at any rate, was not in old Liverpool.
In 1803, Messrs. J. & H. Parry, merchants, presented a
piece of plate, with the following inscription, to Captain
Thos. Nicholson: —
" Presented by John Parry and Henry Parry, of Liverpool,
Merchants, owners of the Anna and Ellen, private ship of war,
390 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
to her commander, Thomas Nicholson, in grateful testimony
of his unwearied exertions for their interest, in his able and
active conduct as an officer, in capturing- two valuable French
merchantmen, and of his judicious' management in bringing
them safe into port."
The paper of January 24th, 1804, warns "persons liable
to the impress service and all others," against two practical
jokers, or "extraordinary informers," as they are called,
one a tobacco manufacturer, and the other a clerk in a salt
warehouse, who sported with the feelings of their acquaint-
ance, by causing them to be seized and carried to the
rendezvous of the press-gang, where, with considerable
property upon them, they were detained several hours
among a company with which few would associate by
choice.
Captain Richard Sherrat, of the ship Caldicot Castle,
captured by the French, gives the following account of the
affair, in a letter dated Barbadoes, i8th April, 1804 :—
" I sailed from Demerara on the 2yth February, and on
the 8th March, being then about 200 miles to the eastward of
Guadaloupe, I fell in with two French privateers, a ship and
a schooner, who came alongside about eight in the evening,
and opened a very heavy fire upon us, which we returned, and
in about fifteen minutes disabled the schooner, when she
sheered off. We continued the action with the ship until
about twenty minutes past nine, when she sheered off also,
but continued in sight during the remainder of the night, in
which time we were employed repairing damages and getting
the ship in a proper state of defence. About half-past six next
morning the ship came within pistol shot, and opened a tre-
mendous fire of great guns and small arms, which we returned,
and continued in action for about fifteen minutes, when
finding our sails and rigging cut to pieces, the ship very much
hulled, several shot having gone through her, our wheel shot
to pieces, two others and myself wounded, one (my second
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 391
mate) mortally, we were obliged to strike. The ship proved
to be Le Grand Decide, of Guadaloupe, mounting- 20 nine-
pounders and 2 brass twelves, with 160 men. I have been
here these two days, and will go home either in the Venerable
or Barbadoes, with the protest regularly done. I am nearly
well of my wound ; it was a musket ball which entered my
right hip, and came out near my backbone. I have nothing
more to inform you of, but hope by the above account there
will not be any blame attached to either my men or me, as
they all to a man behaved in a very gallant manner."
The following letter, relating to the sale of East India
prize goods brought into Liverpool, was received by the
Mayor : —
" LONDON, 6th June, 1804.
" I have this day had a final hearing of the Lords of
Trade, on the subject of the Petition of the Mayor and
Corporation and Merchants of Liverpool for leave to sell at
that port, the cargoes of those East India Ships which have
been taken in there, and I have their Lordships' authority to
acquaint you, that the Petition has been granted, and that
there is no objection to the Owners proceeding to advertise
and dispose of the said Cargoes. I beg the favour of your
making this generally known.
" I have the honour to remain, Dear Sir, Very truly yours,
S. COCK.
" To his Worshipful the Mayor of Liverpool."
The paper of July 2nd contained an advertisement
stating that in consequence of an unexpected opposition
to the Bill then pending in Parliament, for permitting the
East India prize cargoes to be sold in Liverpool, the sale
was unavoidably postponed.
On the 4th of August, 1804, the ship William Heathcote,
of Liverpool, Captain Thomas Phillips, about 600 tons
burthen, carrying 20 guns and 30 men, from Demerara
bound to Liverpool, with a valuable cargo, consisting of
1,400 bales of cotton, and 125 casks of sugar, said to
392 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
be worth ^"80,000, had the misfortune to encounter in
the Irish Channel, the French dogger privateer, General
Augereau, of 12 guns and 192 men. After a very severe
action of half-an-hour, the Frenchmen made use of their only
superiority, which consisted in their number, when by run-
ning their ship alongside, they carried the William Heathcote
by boarding with nearly their whole force. Captain Phillips
was killed after the Frenchmen got on board ; they rushed
upon him and stabbed him in many places, and he died,
encouraging the mate to fight the ship as long as possible,
but the mate was soon after mortally wounded. The
captain's son, a lad about twelve years old, behaved nobly
when the French were boarding. He was, however, mortally
wounded, and thrown overboard before he expired. A pas-
senger and a seaman were also killed, and another passenger
and seven seamen, besides the mate, were badly wounded.
According to one account, the owner's son was one of the
killed. The ship's sails and rigging were much damaged,
especially in the after part of the vessel. The privateer
suffered considerably in her hull, and had several men killed,
and the captain and five men wounded. After the exchange
of prisoners, the Frenchman bore away for a Spanish port,
and had arrived near St. Andero, when the Nautilus sloop,
of 18 guns, Captain Aldham, recaptured her, and carried her
into Plymouth. The General Augereau was taken on the
i3th of February, 1805, by H.M.S. Topaze, Captain Lake.
On the 2nd of October, 1804, the Cockatrice, of 18 guns,
escorted the William Heathcote to Liverpool.* The latter's
*The following letter was written by Mr. Bamber, one of the officers of his
Majesty's ship Natitilus, Captain Aldham, and prize-master of the William
Ueathcote, to Captain Moses Joynson, of Liverpool: —
" His MAJESTY'S SHIP Nautilus, 24th August, 1804.
" DKAR SIR, — I have to congratulate you upon the recapture of the William
Mfathcote,\>y his Majesty's ship the Nautilus on the 9th inst., which ship 1 am
now master of. Knowing your great partiality to the employ of Messrs. Neilson
& Heathcote, and your prepossession in favour of the ship, determined me to inform
you of the recapture of her, as I know you would be very happy to be the first to
congratulate Messrs. Neilson & Co. on this subject. I am likewise proud in saying,
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 393
average was settled for the recapture, by the agents for the
Nautilus and the underwriters, at ,£36,000 for the cargo, and
,£8,000 for the hull, stores, guns, and tackle.
Captain Leavy, of the ship Britannia, writing to his
owners, Messrs. France, Fletcher & Co., from Jamaica on
September ist, 1804, gives the following description of a
well-fought battle between the Britannia and the General
Erneuf, French privateer : —
" On 3rd July, we fell in with a French corvette of 22 guns,
in lat. 41, long". 13, who ran from us ; on the 5th, fell in with
the same corvette, who at first seemed determined to attack us,
but desisted on our chacing, and again run away. After this,
nothing particular occurred until Sunday the 5th of August, at
8 a.m., in lat. 17, Antigua, W. 200 miles, saw a strange sail
which we soon perceived to be a cruizer, by making all sail
after us, which we took no notice of, not wishing to lose a
good breeze which we had not been favoured with for several
days. This encouraged the robber to make boldly for us, our
guns being then in and our ports down, he thought we should
be a good prize for him. At half-past 3 p.m. found him coming
up fast, took in our steering sails, prepared for action, and
hauled our wind towards him. At four, he hoisted the Tri-
coloured Flag, and gave us a salute with a 24 Ib. shot, in ten
that she w as by no means given away, as they gallantly defended her till the last,
against a superior in number, in which Captain Phillips, Mr. Shepley, and two
men were killed. Mr. Fraser, a passenger, Mr. Kewley, the mate, and several
men were badly wounded. Mr. F. was fortunate enough in being left on board
the William Heathcote, with three of the wounded men, and the major part of the
ship's company ; and I am happy to say they are all in a fair way of recovery.
The French officers taken on board the William Heathcote were loud in their
plaudits of the bravery of the Captain, Mr. Shepley, Mr. Fraser, Mr. Kewley,
and the ship's company. Mr. Kewley, they say, killed three men with his own
sword. He is on board the privateer, which I am very sorry for, as his brother
was a most particular friend of mine. Mr. F. received two musquet balls, which
was nearly affecting his life ; one our surgeon extracted since he has been on
board this ship. I am happy to say he is nearly well of his wounds. The
privateer was in sight at the time we recaptured the William Heathcote, and did
not make sail until she saw her haul down her colours, and we could not go in
chase of her. I hope I shall have the pleasure of seeing you at Plymouth to take
the William Heathcote to Liverpool. She is very much shattered in her hull, and
her deck and ropes are steeped with blood, much to the honour of them that fell
in defence of her. and those poor fellows who are wounded, and in fact, her
whole crew."
394 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
minutes he grappled our quarter, when a brisk and well
directed fire commenced on both sides, with great guns and
small arms. He continued fast to the Britannia 40 minutes,
during which time he twice attempted to board, and was beat
back with great slaughter. All this time we could only get
our stern and quarter guns to bear, which cleared his rigging,
and shot away his boarding booms and grapplings.
"After he found he could not succeed in boarding, he
attempted to haul off, and get on board his tacks, which
enabled the Britannia to get her side to bear, and in ten
minutes the enemy was a complete wreck, his main-mast shot
away close to the cap, his fore-top sail sheets and fore-top
gallant ditto all cut, his sails in tatters, his side drove in, and
his fire compleatly silenced, his tops and decks that were
before full of men, scarcely one to be seen. With the remains
of his shattered foresail, mainsail, and mizen, he kept the
wind. Perceiving night coming on, and the Britannia's fore,
and fore-topsail braces, mizen-boom, mizen-stay, and mizen-
topsail all shot away, it was some time before the ship could
be brought upon a wind. Immediately after getting braces
reeved, we gave chase and passed him to leeward, having to
make a tack for want of after-sail, the ship was long in stays,
and before we could come up with him, it being dark and
squally, we lost sight of him. We then hove to, in full
expectation of falling in with him at daylight, expecting from
his crippled state he must run before the wind, but was much
disappointed in not seeing him, and I much regret, that after
fortune had so far favoured us, we had not daylight to take
possession of him, who intended to make a prey of us. My
people were in high spirits, and fought like English seamen.
I am confident the proudest of Frenchmen with equal numbers
must have humbled to them. I met with a great loss from the
enemy's first fire, having my boatswain, carpenter, and two of
my best men stationed with me to work the ship, wounded ;
four of my people run from me at Madeira, and two sick,
which made some of the guns to be weakly manned. My
passengers volunteered their services, and am truly sorry to
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 395
say, one of them lost his life, but on the whole our loss was
not so great as might be expected.
" The Britannia has suffered much in her rigging- and sails,
most of our lower rigging dreadfully cut, as well as almost every
running rope in the ship. The masts are full of small shot.
We were obliged to bend an entire fresh set of sails, but am
happy to say the ship is not much injured in her hull. The
day after our engagement, we were spoke by Commodore
Hood in his Majesty's ship Centaur, who very politely sent his
surgeon on board to examine the wounded, and also supplied
us with medicines we were in want of.
" On the gth, we fell in with a schooner under Danish
colours, who informed us that the privateer we had engaged
was the General Erneuf, carrying 4 long brass twenty-four-
pounders, and 12 eighteen-pound carronades, and had on
board, when she sailed from Basseterre, 170 to 190 men.
From the description given, she must be the same vessel, but,
to all appearance, must have had more men on board, they
being as throng as they could well stand.
"List of killed and wounded: — R. Rishton,* passenger,
died by a shot in his side. Captain Leavy, D. M'Call, J.
Newman, John Grey, and Edward Audley, wounded, but fast
recovering."
In February, 1806, while Captain Leavy was on shore,
the Britannia blew up in Cork harbour. A lady passenger
and others on board perished.
On the Qth of October, 1804, the Barbadoes, Captain
Lewis, on her passage from Barbadoes to Liverpool, beat
off a French privateer of 14 guns and full of men, after a
smart action of two hours, in which the Barbadoes had two
men severely wounded, one of whom afterwards died of
his wounds. During the engagement, the privateer hoisted
the bloody flag and attempted to board.
" Richard Rishton, aged 21, son of the widow Rishton, at the Waggon-and-
Horses public-house, in Blackburn."
396 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
The sloop Dick, of Chester, laden with slate, from
Carnarvon to Portsmouth, was captured, near the Land's
End, by a French privateer, and retaken by the mate
alone, " a fine daring Welshman," who was left on board
the sloop with four of the captors. The Frenchmen, being
frightened at a gale of wind, the mate, who evidently had
some of the polite and persuasive qualities of Davy Llewelyn,
told them he was well acquainted with a port under their
lee, and unless they would give up the helm to him, every
soul of them would perish. They consented, and he bore
away for England. He then, with the blandness of the
heathen Chinee, enticed them to go below, make a good
fire, and take tea, and when they were down, kept them
there, having previously secured a musket and hanger.
He carried the vessel safe into Torbay.
On the 26th of December, 1804, the ship Lord Nelson,
Captain Maginnis, the Harmony, Captain Reed, of 20
guns, and the Nymph, Captain Heinsen, of 10 guns,
sailed in company for mutual protection, from St. Thomas's
for Liverpool. A few hours after they sailed, they fell in
with a large schooner privateer of 10 guns (two of them
long 12 pounders) and 100 men, all of whom, as well as the
captain, were blacks. Captain Maginnis, seeing that the
privateer was making a stretch to cut off the Nymph,
directly hove to, to give her time to come up with him. In
this, however, he was disappointed, as the privateer
succeeded in boarding and carrying her. The Lord
Nelson then continued her course, the privateer in chase,
which she kept up the whole of the night, and at three p.m.
the following day the privateer came up and the Lord
Nelson prepared for action, which soon commenced by the
enemy attempting to board. This manoeuvre Captain
Maginnis evaded by heaving his ship in the wind, and
giving the privateer his broadside of star and grape shot.
The action was then continued within pistol shot, with
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 397
great warmth on both sides, for upwards of an hour and-a-
half, the blacks making- several attempts to board. At
length the privateer crowded what sail she could, and bore
off in the most shattered condition, her rigging being very
much cut, her main boom shot away, and all her bulwarks
entirely gone. As she sheered off, the officers and crew of
the Lord Nelson gave her three cheers. The Harmony,
Captain Reed, bore away before the action commenced,
when the privateer was endeavouring to cut off the
Nymph.
The schooner Lancaster, Captain John Pettigrew, having
captured the Die Vigilante, L Union, Les Deux Anges, Der
Guteman, and Vroiv Esther, a dividend was paid in full to
the owners on January i6th, 1805, and also to the crew on
the 23rd, at the office of Messrs. Gabriel James & Co., 59,
Parr Street. This captain was probably the same who, on
the gth of July, 1801, wrote the following letter, from Bar-
badoes, to Evan Nepean, Esq., Secretary to the Board of
Admiralty :—
" SIR, — I have the honour to acquaint you, for the infor-
mation of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, that on
the 22nd day of June, in N. lat. 10 deg. 25 min., W. long-, per
accompts. 40 deg. 18 min., on board the ship Intrepid, of
Liverpool, bearing Letters of Marque, under my command,
having in company the ships Dominica Packet and Alfred, I
had the good fortune to capture, after a running engagement
of nearly two hours, the Spanish frigate-built ship La Galga,
commanded by Francisco de Pascadello, and mounting twenty-
four heavy sixes, and seventy-eight men, bound to Cadiz or
any port in Spain, loaded with hides, cocoa, indigo, and copper
in bars, the quantity not yet known. I am happy to say we
sustained no other loss than that of one of my brave men, and
our sails and rigging a good deal cut. The other ships have
not sustained any damage, except the prize, which has suffered
considerably in both hull and masts, and rigging. I arrived
398 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
here on the 4th of July, with the prize and above-mentioned
ships, I have the honour to be, etc.,
JOHN PETTIGREW.
"P.S. — The Galga has been at different ports, but was
last from Rio de la Plata."
In March, 1805, there arrived in the Mersey, the Spanish
ship St. Ana, alias Nostra Hermanos, from Vera Cruz and
the Havannah for Cadiz and Malaga, laden with 60,000
dollars, 242 chests sugar, 1,800 pieces logwood, 368 cwt.
cocoa, 69 bags wool, etc., captured on the i4th of February,
1805, off St. Mary's by the Lady Frances, private ship of
war, Captain Hawkins, of Liverpool. The Westmoreland,
Captain Goodall, had the good fortune to capture a Spanish
ship from Vera Cruz, laden with sugars, dollars, etc., and
valued at about ,£25,000. She also recaptured the Eliza,
of Waterford, which had been taken by a Spanish privateer,
off Cape Clear.
In April, 1805, the Westmoreland, Captain Reed, an out-
ward bound Letter of Marque, of Liverpool, was taken, after
a desperate action of two hours, by the Spanish ship
privateer Napoleon, of St. Sebastian, pierced for 20 guns,
and mounting 10 nine-pounders, and 4 eighteen-pound
carronades, with 180 men on board. Captain Reed died
of his wounds soon after his vessel struck. Six of his crew
were killed. The Napoleon was captured by H.M.S. Topaze,
Captain Lake.
The Underwriters of London presented to Captain Lewtas
a valuable silver cup, with the following inscription engraven
thereon : —
"This cup is presented by the Underwriters of Lloyd's
Coffee-house, to Captain William Lewtas, of the ship Venerable,
of Liverpool, as their Testimony to the Bravery of his conduct
in twice repulsing1, with great slaughter, a French privateer,
carrying 16 guns, and 104 men, on his voyage from Liverpool
to Barbadoes, in March, 1805."
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 399
In May, 1805, an order for a general embargo on
shipping was issued from the Admiralty. It was followed
by a very hot press for seamen and even landsmen.
Protections were altogether disregarded, and ships were
stripped of their hands, except such as were absolutely
necessary to preserve them. The paper of May I3th, thus
referred to the subject : —
"The immediate augmentation of our naval force is thought
a matter of such pressing necessity, that all considerations of
individual suffering must, for the present, give way. The
order for an embargo at this port was announced from the
Custom-House on Thursday ; and, during the whole week, the
press gang had been indefatigable in their exertions. Persons
of all professions, as well as seamen, have been occasionally
taken ; though many have been released, on proper application
being made. In the early part of the week about forty
Irishmen, just landed from a Dublin packet, and who were
proceeding up the country in search of employment, were
pressed, and immediately taken on board the tender ; but most
of them are since liberated. The embargo extends to all
vessels bound to foreign parts, including Ireland and the Isle
of Man, with the exception of ships belonging to foreign
powers, provided they have no British seamen on board. It
extends, likewise, to coasting vessels of every description,
except such as are laden with coals and grain."
The cause of this extraordinary press for seamen was,
that the French and Spanish fleets were at sea, prepared to
strike a great blow either at the Colonies, at Ireland, or at
England itself, and it was thought urgently necessary to be
prepared at every point.
On the nth of August, 1805, Mr- Joseph Whidbey, late
chief mate of the West Indian, Captain Dunn, wrote the
following letter to his friends in Liverpool, from Oporto :— -
"It is with much concern I inform you of our being
captured by the combined fleets, on the 8th of June last, they
400 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
being 20 sail of the line, 7 frigates, and 2 brigs, the day after
we left Antigua, under convoy of the Netley schooner, who
escaped the enemy by superior sailing. The French finding
that the prizes could not beat up to Guadaloupe, and fearful
of Nelson overtaking them, they the next morning dispatched
5 frigates (having troops on board) to destroy them and
afterwards land the troops at Guadaloupe, which they effected,
putting my captain and others on shore with them. It was a
distressing sight to us to see our ships and cargoes burnt and
sunk, when two English frigates were bearing down on them,
but too late, the 5 French frigates returning at the time to join
the fleet. We were stripped of every thing but the cloaths we
had on. On the 22nd of July, to the southward of Vigo, we
fell in with the British fleet, consisting of 13 sail of the line
and i frigate. We were crammed below at six in the after-
noon, when the British Tars gave us three cheers, which was
returned by the cowardly Frenchmen, and a heavy cannonade
commenced on both sides. I was on board the Bucentanr,
the French Admiral's ship, of 90 guns ; she, with one of 80
guns, engaged the English Admiral's ship, which unluckily
got dismasted. A brave 74 going to engage the ship in our
line ahead of us, sheered alongside and poured such a broad-
side into us that occasioned not a few to be brought to the
doctor (where I was), without arms or legs, and caused
numbers to fall on the decks, headless, and no doubt our poor
fellows suffered greatly also. Two Spanish 74/5 got dismasted
and were taken ; the French suffered much in their rigging
and people. At half-past nine at night, being very thick
weather, the firing ceased, and the English fleet,* the next
morning, lay to leeward of the French line, but the supper the
Frenchmen got that night made them afraid of getting a
similar breakfast, and indeed I, myself, was fearful of a
renewal of the engagement, the English not being a match for
such a superior force. The French bravadoed to me, and said
they would bear down on board the English. I told them to
go, they were ready to receive them, although the three-decker
'Commanded by Admiral Sir Robert Calder.
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 401
of the English was dismasted, but the thick weather coming
on, the French made the best of their way to Vigo Bay, where
we arrived three days after, and landed the prisoners, which
were marched into the Portuguese dominions, where I now am,
sufficiently distressed."
The Mersey privateer, Captain Baldwin, captured the La
Asia from Lima, bound to Cadiz, laden with 282,151
dollars, 46 marks, 3 oz. of plate silver, 1497 chests of
cascarilla, 3068 cargas of cocoa, 583 bars of copper, 792
bars of pewter, 19 bags of beaver, 18 bales of Spanish
wool, and i bale of carpets. The paper of September 2nd,
1805, stated that the log of the Mersey was then on board
Lord Nelson's ship, the Victory, having been taken from
on board an American vessel on the I5th of July, the day
before he made Cape St. Vincent. The American Captain
reported that when he left the Mersey, she was water-logged
and on fire, and had evident marks of having been
employed in towing a large vessel which was, no doubt,
the Spanish prize afterwards recaptured by the combined
fleets.
The merchants of Liverpool have ever been prompt and
liberal in recognising the gallantry of their captains. That
they rewarded pluck and faithfulness, apart from success, is
proved by the following correspondence which appears in
Billinge's Advertiser, of September 3Oth, 1805 : —
"CAPTAIN WILLIAM DEAN, Dear Sir, — We have the pleasure
to inform you, the owners of the Bellona privateer commanded
by you, on a six months' cruize, have desired us to present you
with One Hundred Pounds, as a token of the high opinion they
entertain (notwithstanding you have been unsuccessful) of your
good conduct, and zeal for the concern, during the cruize. We
are, Sir, your most obedient servants, LAKE & BROWN, Liver-
pool Packet Office, September, 1805."
"Messrs. LAKE & BROWN, and Owners of the Bellona,
Gentlemen, — I have to acknowledge your letter of this day's
2C
402 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
date, and must say, the handsome and liberal manner in which
you, with the other owners of the Bellona, have been pleased
to testify your approbation of my conduct, leaves me quite at
a loss how to express myself on the" occasion, but however in-
adequate I may be to such an undertaking-, I shall ever feel
the most mortifying regret that my exertions were not crowned
with the success due to such liberal minds, and I am proud in
having the honour to subscribe myself, your very obliged and
very faithful humble servant, WM. DEAN."
In February, 1806, the ship Shipley, belonging to
Messrs. Shipley, Williams & Co., of Liverpool, and
commanded by Captain Wilson, on her passage to the
West Indies, was attacked by a French three-masted
schooner privateer (late his Majesty's schooner Demerara),
mounting 14 guns and full of men. Waiting until the
breeze was dying away, she attempted to board the ship,
but was repulsed with the loss of several of her men.
She then, by means of her sweeps, dropped under the
Shipley's larboard quarter, and commenced a very hot fire
of great guns and musketry. From the position in which
the ship lay, it was impossible to get any of her guns
to bear, and the calm rendered the vessel unmanageable.
In that situation she engaged the privateer with small
arms for an hour and-a-quarter, until four of her men
were killed, Captain Wilson and Mr. Holden, the first
mate, besides the steward severely wounded (the former
shot through the shoulder and his hand much shattered,
the mate having his thigh broken), when the men, after
a most gallant defence, and having no officers to command
them, were obliged to strike. The French had their
second captain and five men killed and many wounded.
The Shipley, after having been plundered of much valu-
able cargo, which was carried on board the privateer,
was recaptured by H.M.S. Galatea, and sent to Barbadoes.
The private ship of war Mars, John White, commander,
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 403
took the Dutch brigjong Vrow Maria, the prize money of
which was distributed on February 25th, 1806, at the
counting house of Messrs. M'lver, M'Viccar, and M'Cor-
quodale, in Pownall Street. The following letter from the
ill-starred French Admiral Villeneuve to his chief, explains
the fate of the Mars :—
" On board the Bucentaure, off the Azores,
on the 4th Messidor.
"My Lord, — I have the honour to inform your Excellency,
that yesterday morning- the advanced frigates discerned two
sail, to which they gave chase and came up with. One was
an English privateer, the Mars, of Liverpool, of 14 guns and
50 men ; the other was a Spanish ship, the Minerva, which
had been captured by the privateer, and which he was escorting.
The ship was coming from Lima, having been at sea nearly
five months, with a very rich cargo. Independent of 420,000
piastres, her cargo consisted of bark, cocoa, etc. ; the whole
estimation at from five to six millions (French). The privateer
being much damaged from boarding, Captain Lameillerie, of
the Hortense, set it on fire, after taking the crew on board.
The Didon manned the other, and I have her under my
protection.
" I entreat your Excellency to accept my respects.
VILLENEUVE."
The brig Hope, Captain Higgins, of Liverpool, bound
from Oporto to Dublin, laden with wine, was captured
shortly after leaving port by a French privateer, who took
out all her hands, except the captain and one man, and,
leaving the prize in charge of six Frenchmen, the privateer
bore away. The captain gave them plenty of wine to drink,
with which they became so intoxicated as to render them
quite helpless. When in this state, the captain and his
assistant secured the arms, and confined four of the sailors
in the hold. The remaining two they left on the quarter
404 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
deck to become sober, and then compelled them to work the
vessel till they arrived in an English port, when they were
sent to prison. Having completed his complement of hands,
the captain proceeded on his voyage, but only to meet with
worse disaster. On the night of the 6th of August, 1806,
the weather being remarkably hazy, the good brig Hope
struck on a reef of rocks off the Point of Greenore and
immediately foundered. The crew were saved.
A remarkable and interesting example of courage and
perseverance is afforded in the escape from a French prison,
of Mr. M'Dougall, lieutenant of the Laurel privateer, of
Liverpool, captured on the i4th of June, 1803, a°d Mr.
Samuel Mottley, a midshipman in the Navy. Mottley was
taken in the Minerve, Captain Brenton, on the 3rd of July,
1803, off Cherbourg, where she had grounded while in
chase of some vessels. He and other officers of the ship
were marched to Verdun, after having been hurried from
one prison to another, where they had the liberty of the
town. Mottley got into some scrape with the townspeople,
and was sent a close prisoner to the fort of Bitche, in
Lorraine, and confined in a " souterrain," many feet below
the floors of the prison. Here he remained, treated with exces-
sive severity, from the 24th of May till the 22nd of August,
1806, on which day he, and three of his fellow prisoners, got
leave to go to the town to settle some affairs. They were
conducted under a guard, and therefore lay under no obli-
gation not to escape, and it struck the midshipman that
the thing might be accomplished. He communicated his
thoughts to M'Dougall, who appeared to him the most
enterprising of the other three, and therefore the fittest to
share in the daring of the undertaking. Their minds were
soon made up, and a lucky opportunity offered itself. The
party asked the guard permission to bathe, which was
granted, and Messrs. Mottley and M'Dougall left the river
before the other two. Dressing themselves, they told the
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 405
guard they would go on to the hotel, and provide dinner,
the guard remaining to attend the others to the house. In
a word — they ran off, and got away without hurt. When
they had marched about six miles, they heard alarm guns
firing, and they pushed on about an hour longer, and then
concealed themselves in a wood, where they remained till
half-past nine o'clock in the evening. They then made the
best of their way till towards dawn, and then again lay
down in the woods. This method was steadily pursued
till the evening of the 27th of August, when they crossed
the Rhine in a boat they seized on the bank. Their
sufferings were extremely great during the six days we
have been speaking of. They avoided the high road
and habitations, and tasted no food whatever but fruit,
which they stole occasionally. During the first night
and the last they waded up to the middle in swampy
ground, and suffered much from lying wet each of the
days, and not daring to take exercise. From the Rhine
to Stuttgart they proceeded on their former plan, only
they ventured to obtain food, and one night, from exces-
sive fatigue, they slept in a bed in a village. At
Stuttgart, an English gentleman advised them to make
the best of their way to Cassel, Hanover, and Hamburg,
which they did. The route to the town of Hanover was
performed on foot, on the same system as before, onlv a
little relaxed, and they slept oftener under cover. They
walked about 600 miles without shoes or stockings. At
Hanover, they took a carriage to Hamburg, where they
saw the English Consul, who furnished them with money
and a letter to the English agent at Husum. They sailed
from Husum in the Lark packet, and landed at Harwich
on the evening of the ist of October, 1806. They slept
there and proceeded next day to London, where these
companions in a hardy enterprise separated for their
respective homes.
406 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
The great event of the year 1806 was the battle of
Jena, which crushed the Prussians, on the i4th of October.
On November 2Oth, Bonaparte issued his famous Berlin
Decrees, forbidding France, and all her allies, to trade with
Great Britain, declaring all British ports to be in a state of
blockade, all British subjects wherever found prisoners of
war, all British goods lawful prizes. All the Continental
ports under French influence were thus closed against British
ships ; all neutral vessels which had touched at a British
port were excluded. Bonaparte, deprived of his navy by the
glorious victory of Trafalgar, hoped, by means of the Decrees,
to strike a heavy blow at British trade — the secret of British
strength, as he well knew. Great Britain retaliated by an
Order in Council, dated the yth of January, 1807, which
declared all the ports in the French Empire in a state of
blockade, and prohibited all neutrals from trading with the
enemy ; — that no vessel should trade from one enemy's port
to another of a French or French allies' coast closed against
British vessels. In November, 1807, another Order in
Council enacted that no vessel whatever should enter a
French port unless she had previously touched at a British
one ; and claimed the right of searching neutral bottoms for
the purpose of carrying out this regulation. This was out-
heroding Herod, and Great Britain, being mistress of the
seas, was able to effectively blockade the Mediterranean, the
Baltic, and the French ports, and practically to sweep from
the ocean the commerce of France and her allies. On the
1 7th of December, Bonaparte issued his Milan Decree,
which declared all merchant vessels of whatsoever nation,
which should submit to the British Orders in Council, to be
lawful prizes to the French. Consequent on this, a number
of American ships were seized and confiscated in the ports
of France and Italy. It was a war of commercial exter-
mination. These high-handed proceedings found favour at
first with the commercial community of this country ; but
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 407
ere long the pressure had to be mitigated by the grant of
licenses exempting particular ships from the operation of
the law, and this opened the door to forgery and fraud.
Unfortunately this was not all the mischief caused by the
Orders in Council. Their enforcement made us enemies of
neutral states who wished to trade with France. The
Americans naturally resisted the assumption of the right of
search, and passed Acts in retaliation. The united result of
the Berlin Decree, of the Orders in Council, and of the
American embargo, was to suspend and, for a time, destroy
the commerce of the United States. "Our commerce at
this moment" said the Boston Centinel,"\s like a poor flying
fish, pursued from below by a couple of dolphins, and from
above by a couple of hawks. While the French blockading
decree, and the English retaliatory Order in Council, pursue
it on one side, the non-importation act and the general
embargo assail it on the other. " The evil effects of this policy
were soon felt in Liverpool. In one year its commerce
declined by the amount of 146,000 tons, or nearly one-fourth of
the entire trade. In spite of this drawback, the Liverpool
docks weresoon after found to be insufficient for the accommo-
dation of the commerce of the port, in consequence of the
opening of the trade with Spain and Portugal, and with their
colonies in America. So it has ever been, and so may it
ever be, with Liverpool trade — the closing of one door has
been but the prelude to the opening of another ; and the
merchant on shore, as well as the sailor on the sea, has been
distinguished by courage, resourcefulness, and endurance, in
every crisis in the history of the port.
On the i yth of May, 1807, Captain Frears, of the ship
Fortitude, wrote to his owners in Liverpool, from Port
Royal, Jamaica, as follows: —
" Nothing- material occurred after our leaving- St. Thomas',
until the morning of the i4th inst., at daylight, the Port of
Jaquemel, N.N.W. distant n miles, saw two schooners close
408 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
in with the land. At half-past five o'clock, perceived them to
be armed vessels, pulling- a considerable quantity of sweeps.
As there was not a breath of wind, came up very fast, just gave
me time to get in readiness to receive them. At seven, hoisted
French colours, and continued sweeping towards us, and firing
their great gains at intervals. At a little before eight, com-
menced our fire with what guns I could get to bear, which made
them retreat out of gunshot. At half-past eight, swept up
again on either quarter to board. In this situation remained
until ten, keeping1 constant fire at them with what guns I could
get to bear. At a quarter-past ten, got their boats out, and
grappling up to the square-sail yard-arms. At eleven, clapt
me alongside, one on each quarter. As there was no wind, I
could not work the ship to get our guns to bear as I could wish.
The fire, believe me, Gentlemen, was tremendous. My two
after-most guns, with the carronades, were all the guns of
service to me, with my small arms — but alas ! what was my
musketry to contend with 185 men, some on one side, and some
on another. At meridian, boarded me, cutting up every person
who could not get out of their way. I am sorry to say that
my loss is so great, 4 men killed, 8 dangerously and 4 slightly
wounded. Every praise is due to my officers and men ; they
behaved like Englishmen to the last moment. I am sorry to
see so many suffer, although I suffer most myself, having
received at boarding a ball through the thigh, and a dangerous
cut on the cheek and ear. At six p.m., of the same, the ship
was recaptured by his Majesty's ship Heureux, and sent for
this port, where we arrived this day.
"The following are the names of the killed and wounded
on board the Fortitude : —
"Killed-- Mr. Charles M'Adam, Junr., supercargo,
James Harrington, William Williams, Francis Frederay,
seamen.
"Wounded dangerously — Robert Frears, captain; Hugh
Rogers, boatswain; Thomas Williams, William Catton, Jacob
Peterson, James Hamilton, Donald Mark, Nathaniel Hunt,
seamen.
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 409
"Wounded slightly — Joseph Dunn, Joseph Edwards, John
Jones, John Tyrer, seamen."
The paper of October 5th, in recording the death of the
brave Captain Frears, at the early age of 30, observes,
"the severe wounds he received in his gallant but fruitless
attempt to preserve his ship from the grasp of the enemy
(two French privateers of superior force), off St. Domingo,
on the I4th of May last, brought on a fatal illness, which
has at length terminated his existence, and left his family
and friends to lament his loss."
At sunset, on the ist of August, 1807, the brig Pope, of
Liverpool, Captain Masheter, carrying 12 six-pounders and
25 men, on her passage from Liverpool to Barbadoes, when
within a day's sail of her destination, and soon after
speaking one of the King's cruisers, fell in with the French
privateer schooner Le Jeune Richard, mounting 8 twelve-
pounders and 1 20 men. Taking advantage of the night,
while the privateer kept aloof to reconnoitre, Captain
Masheter battened down his hatches, made the best
arrangements for the attack, and nailed his colours to the
mast. At sunrise, the action commenced, and was kept up
with unabating spirit on both sides for an hour and-a-half,
during which Captain Masheter lost his right leg, and his
left arm, and some of his men were desperately wounded.
The enemy then boarded, and carried the brig, which lost,
in the stubborn and sanguinary contest, besides the gallant
Captain, who was now completely cut down, the first and
second mates and three seamen killed, and four seamen
wounded. The privateer and her prize arrived at Point-a-
Petre (Guadaloupe) on the 4th of August. The loss of the
privateer was said to be only three or four men, which is
probable enough from the great disparity in numbers of
those opposed to her. Two months later the privateer
encountered Nemesis in the shape of the Windsor Castle
Packet, Captain Rogers. A passenger on board the packet,
4 1 0 THE LI VERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
writing from Barbadoes on the 3rd of October, 1807, gives
the following account of the affair : —
" We are just landed here after -an unpleasant passage of
37 days, and experiencing- one of the most desperate actions
which has been fought this war, though, thank God, we have
been victorious, and have cleared those seas of one of the
fastest sailing privateers out of Guadaloupe, which had in the
last six weeks taken no less than six fine running ships, viz. —
the America and Clio in company, the Margaret, the Pope, the
Portsea, and another. When we met her she was six days on
a fresh cruize, with 86 men, and 6 long sixes and r long thirty-
two-pounder gun. Our force consisted of 6 guns, short sixes,
and 30 men, including 3 passengers. We lost 3 men killed,
and 7 wounded, the first broadside ; but I am happy to say
that with the remainder, in an hour and forty minutes, such
was their gallantry, that they carried the privateer, after
killing 26, wounding 30, and making prisoners of 30 not
wounded, in all 60 prisoners, almost treble the number we had
left for duty. We have therefore, as you may suppose, had
little comfort for the last three days, not having had our
clothes off, and being obliged to sleep upon deck in order to
secure the prisoners. But I have so little time for the
Barbadoes, and am so nervous, that I cannot enter more into
detail by this opportunity, and can only say that if any man
has deserved a token of merit from your Underwriters,
Captain Rogers deserves it in the highest degree. He is a
young man, his first voyage as Acting Captain (the Captain
being left at home), and has therefore nothing but his merit
to depend upon. He was left with only 10 men about him for
the last half-hour, rallying them to their duty, with a deter-
mination to carry the prize, which repeatedly endeavoured to
clear from the packet, but was too fast lashed by her bowsprit
to escape, and he boarded her at the head of four men, and
charged her decks with a gallantry never excelled and seldom
equalled. The officers of the man-of-war here are astonished
when they look at the two vessels and their crews, and,
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 411
instantly in the handsomest manner relinquished all claim to
the prize."
" His Majesty's Post-Masters General," says Billinge's
Liverpool Advertiser, of February ist, 1808, "have ap-
pointed Mr. Rogers, the Acting-Captain of the Windsor
Castle Packet, to a command. Few instances can be
found of more determined bravery than that shown by the
whole crew, which consisted of only 28 men and boys. The
muster roll of the French privateer had 109 men, of whom
there appeared, on the arrival of the packet at Barbadoes,
61 killed and wounded, forty of whom were mowed down
by the last fire." The same paper published the following
paragraph on the 4th July, 1808 :—
" A few days since, an elegant silver cup, value sixty
guineas, was presented to Captain William Rogers, of
his Majesty's Packet Windsor Castle, with the following
inscription engraven thereon : —
" Presented by the Underwriters of Liverpool to Mr.
William Rogers, Acting-Captain of his Majesty's packet Wind-
sor Castle, as a testimony of their high sense of his distin-
guished gallantry in defending that vessel with a force of 28 men
and boys against the French privateer Le Jeune Richard, with
a crew of 92 men, which he bravely boarded at the head of
five followers, and captured on the ist of October, 1807, after
an action of four hours, in which he had 13 men killed and
wounded ; the enemy, 54 killed and wounded. Thus in the
hour of battle displaying to his countrymen an example
inspired by the soul of the immortal Nelson, that England
expects every man will do his duty."
"In addition to the above was added ^130 from the
merchants and Underwriters of Liverpool, to be distributed
amongst the officers and crew of the Windsor Castle, as a
testimony of their high approbation of the great bravery
displayed by them on the above memorable occasion."*
* Captain Rogers acknowledged the presentation in the following letter dated
Falmouth, 2Oth July, 1808 : —
4 1 2 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
On the 28th of August, 1807, the Diana, Captain Lewis,
a Liverpool Letter of Marque, bound to Port-au-Prince,
was attacked by the La Vengeance French schooner
privateer, Captain Bligh, from 'Guadaloupe, mounting
12 nine-pounder carronades, and 100 men. The privateer
attempted to board, but was repulsed, four of the boarders
being taken prisoners, two of them badly wounded, and the
privateer's foremast and bowsprit shot away. The Diana
received considerable damage, but managed to rejoin the
Hannah, which had been unable to take part in the engage-
ment. Captain Lewis was shot through the thigh, and
wounded in the face, while several of his men were also
wounded.
In a letter from Captain James, of the ship Glenmore,
written to his owners from Madeira on the i2th of Novem-
ber, 1807, we have an account of another gallant
and successful defence made by a Liverpool Letter of
Marque : —
" On Wednesday, 2ist October, a suspicious sail ap-
peared on our wake, about seven p.m., when we beat to
quarters. At eight she fired into us, which we returned
with 2 nine-pounders. I immediately hailed him, but the
answer he returned was not satisfactory ; however, he
sheered off and kept without the reach of our guns all night.
At five a.m. saw him bear down towards us, at seven he was
in our wake, and observing no stern guns, no doubt was
determined to keep us end on, so as to drive us from our
quarters, but he was mistaken, for as soon as he came within
gunshot, we lowered down the jolly-boat and fired 2 heavy
" To the Merchants and Underwriters of Liverpool.
"GENTLEMEN, — I beg leave to return you my most grateful thanks for the
distinguished honour you have so generously conferred on me, by presenting me
with a piece of plate, for the service I performed on board the Windsor Castle
packet, in capturing the French privateer Le Jeune Richard, and be assured,
whenever an opportunity offers, I shall not be found wanting in the duty I owe to
my country, to support the high opinion you have entertained of my conduct.
" I remain, with great respect, Gentlemen,
" Your most obedient and most humble servant,
"WILLIAM ROGERS."
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 413
long1 nines into him, which in the course of the night we had
placed there. But notwithstanding a well directed fire from
our stern, he still persevered in his attempts to board. At
half past eight he attempted our starboard quarter, but we
rounded to and gave him a broadside. He immediately wore
round, expecting to get on our larboard side, but he found we
were ready to receive him there ; he was then within pistol-
shot of us. A continual fire on both sides continued until
half-past nine, when we drove them from their quarters, and
not a man was to be seen, nor a single shot from him. I then
hailed him and enquired why he should attempt a second time
such a ship as ours ? His answer was, 'I wished to try what
you was,' and immediately upwards of 100 men made their
appearance. From the small number I had on board, was
afraid to attempt boarding him. As he had the superiority in
sailing, he immediately made sail and stood to the west. She
was a beautiful vessel, pierced for 16 guns, and mounted 14
brass six-pounders, as the wad found on our decks was
covered with verdigrease, and about the size of our sixes ;
she was apparently a new lugger. For the gallant behaviour
of my sailors I have promised them five guineas reward to
drink, which I certainly think they deserve, as in the very heat
of the action they gave three cheers, and sung out ' Conquer
or Die.' I am happy to say not a man was hurt on board our
ship, though many shot have gone through our bulwarks and
cloths, some of our running rigging is cut, and several shot
through our sails. We must have done him much damage, as
we fired 75 shot, 18 of which were from our stern guns."
In July, 1807, an important lawsuit arising from
Liverpool privateering was tried in the Court of King's
Bench, before Lord Ellenborough and a special jury.
Messrs. Hobsons and others, the owners of the Eliza
privateer, Captain Keene, of Liverpool, claimed ^2888
los. 6d. from the Hon. Captain Blackwood, being a loss
sustained by the plaintiffs in consequence of the act of
the defendant, who, being in command of H.M.S. the
414 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
Enryalus, in 1805, sent a lieutenant on board the
Eliza (which the plaintiffs had sent to sea three weeks
before, fitted out for a cruise, with Letters of Marque, etc.,
manned with 41 men and boys), impressed four of her
men, and carried them off, although the captain of the Eliza
produced the usual protection from the Lords Commisioners
of the Admiralty. In a few days after, that is, on the 4th
of April, 1805, the Eliza, in company with the Greyhound
privateer, of Guernsey, fell in with and captured, off the
Azores, after an action of one hour and forty minutes, a
rich Spanish ship, called La dos Amigas, 24 guns, bound
from Lima to Cadiz. She was about 700 tons burthen, and
laden with 179,935 dollars, 473 marks of worked silver, 561
chests of cascarilla, 54 bags 3 serons of wool, 40 serons of
sea-wolf skins, 9 serons of indigo, i chest of drugs, 17,507
cargas of Guayaquil cocoa, 1,745 bars of copper, 3,398 bars
of pewter. The prize-money which this rich haul enabled
the privateers afterwards to divide, amounted to upwards of
^"151,000. In the distribution of the prize-money, in captures
of this description, the owners of the privateers shared three-
fourths, and the crew the remaining one-fourth ; and where
there was a joint capture, each ship, upon such distribution,
was entitled to her portion according to the number of hands
on board at the time of the capture. In consequence, there-
fore, of Captain Blackwood's high-handed proceeding in
impressing four of her hands, the Eliza's share of prize-
money became proportionally less by upwards of ^"3,000, to
recover their dividend of which, the plaintiffs brought the
action. It was contended for the defence that the certificate
and protection produced by the captain of the Eliza were
frauds upon the Admiralty, and justified the taking of the
men in question. It appeared upon the evidence of Lieutenant
Methuen, of the Euryalus, that Captain Blackwood, having
orders to impress able seamen for his Majesty's service,
sent the witness on board the Eliza, to examine her hands,
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 415
and impress any of them that might be liable. He accord-
ingly had the crew mustered on the deck, and upon compar-
ing them by name, age, and description, with the license from
the Admiralty, he found that some of them did not in any
way answer the description given, either as to age, name,
or appearance, and by the account given of their ages, by
the four men whom he did so impress, he found they varied
three, four, and five years from the description in such
license. It also appeared, that the Letter of Marque was
originally granted for a complement of 50 men ; but from
the certificate granted at the Liverpool Custom-house, the
parties had sworn only to a complement of 35 men and boys.
It appeared, however, that from the difficulty of procuring
men for such service in the port of Liverpool, the parties
were not limited to 35 men, but had the power to engage
more if they could be procured. Lord Ellenborough, in
summing up the evidence to the jury, observed that the first
question was whether the defendant was duly authorised to
impress men? Of this there could be no doubt, as the good
of the service required that a certain description of persons
should be liable to be impressed, and in almost every case
captains of his Majesty's ships had such power vested in
them. The next question was whether these men so
impressed, answered the description (in point of age and
appearance) given in the license. Captain Blackwood, his
Lordship continued, could have no sinister purposes to
answer in taking these men. It was a part of his duty, and
from the well-known fame and character of that gallant
officer — whose life must always make a prominent feature in
the naval annals of this country, — there could be no doubt, if
he had acted improperly, or rather illegally in impressing
these men, he could have done it with no other motives but
with a view to the public service. His Lordship did not mean
this as any compliment to that honourable officer, whose
services were too well known to require any eulogium. At
416 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
the same time, if any indulgence was to be made for an error
of this nature, certainly no man was more entitled to have
such indulgence than the defendant. But it was their duty
to decide wholly upon the facts before them in evidence; and
they would consider whether he was justified in this pro-
ceeding, and if not, what compensation in damages the
plaintiffs were entitled to. The jury brought in a verdict
for the plaintiffs — damages, ^2,888 IDS. 6d.
Captain Phillips, writing from Guadaloupe, on March
2Oth, 1808, gives the following account of the capture
of the Robert : —
"We sailed from Africa, 5th February. Nothing par-
ticular occurred until the 6th of March. On that day we
saw a sail, and immediately knew her to be a cruizer, upon
which we made every preparation to engage her, determined
to resist being taken, or sell our vessel dearly. About 7 p.m.
she was right astern, and commenced firing from a long
artillery eighteen-pounder (whilst the Robert's stern chasers
would not reach him). He kept in that position for an hour,
then run close up under the stern and quarter, pouring in his
small arms with an intention of boarding. Fortunately a shot
from the Robert, at this moment (as I afterwards found) killed
two men, and wounded three others on board the privateer,
and materially damaged his foremast. He then sheered off,
but kept in sight all that night, during which we were every
moment expecting him to renew the engagement. However,
at 7 a.m., being daylight, he came up under the larboard
quarter, and kept up a constant fire from his gun and small
arms, for upwards of an hour, when the fire from the privateer
caught the arm-chest on the poop, which exploded, and made
sad work amongst such as were near it, who were dreadfully
scorched by the cartouch boxes exploding about them. In
this situation, the privateer boarded, and after a quarter of an
hour's fruitless resistance, they succeeded in gaining posses-
sion ; they then hauled down our colours. Mr. Youd, the
chief mate, was dangerously wounded by a musket ball near the
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 417
temples, but the ball is since extracted, and I hope he will
recover. Stephen Baker, William Gray, Philip Crawley, and
John Post, seamen, were wounded, and now in the hospital,
where great attention is paid them. From being" immediately
hurried on board the privateer, I cannot exactly inform you of
the fate of those who remained on board the Robert; but by a
French gentleman who arrived here from Martinique, I am
informed the Robert arrived there the 1 2th inst. ; that the
Doctor was, it is feared, mortally wounded, and that several
of our crew are since dead of their wounds."
The following is an extract from a letter written by Mr.
J. L. Forrester, on board the armed ship Active, of 12 guns,
Captain Teed, of Liverpool, dated harbour of Chaquaramas,
Trinidad, July i8th, 1808:—
" On the 1 6th inst. we made the river Demerara, off which
we fell in with a vessel, which we supposed to be a Demerara
dogger, or pilot boat ; but on hailing, she proved to be a
Spanish privateer, and a running fight commenced, which
ended in her sheering off into shoal water. This lasted about
forty minutes, and in bearing up for our port, we found our-
selves about 12 or 15 miles to leeward of Demerara; and
knowing the impossibility of beating to windward with a ship
so deeply laden, our bends being actually under water, we
resolved to bear up for this island, to which we were welcomed
at six o'clock this morning by a French privateer of consider-
able force, who seemed certain of her prize. On our firing a
gun for her to shew her colours, she had the impudence to run
alongside, sent a hand to the mast-head, who either lashed or
nailed her colours, and then returned us two guns, and a volley
of musquetry. The latter seemed a continual shower during
the whole of the engagement, which lasted an hour and a
quarter. We had no one hurt on board, many shot-holes
through our sails, and some trifling injury to our rigging."
Captain Bibby, of the Juliana, writing to his brother, in
Liverpool, on the yth of October, 1808, from sea, the Lizard
bearing E. by N. distant 15 leagues, says : —
2D
418 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
" This is to inform you of the death of Captain Bosworth,
which took place on the 4th ult., after an illness of eight days,
after which nothing material occurred until the 2nd inst. , when
at three p.m. we fell in with a French privateer, full of men, he
having an English Jack hoisted at the main. We took him
for an English gun-brig ; we, however, cleared for action, and
he sheered up under our quarter, till within half pistol shot,
when he hoisted French colours, and without hailing, fired into
us with his great guns and small arms, his deck crowded with
men, which we returned with a broadside, our guns being
loaded with round and canister shot, when he hauled his wind,
firing his musketry, we firing our great guns as long as they
could reach him. At five p.m., she having left us, we stood
on our course, not being in a condition to follow him, being
damaged in our hull, rigging, and sails, and the ship making
a considerable quantity of water. At six p.m., lost sight of
the privateer. At half-past eight a.m., in lat. 49. 44. long. 12. 6.
saw a brig ahead, cleared for action ; at half-past eleven a.m.,
hoisted a French ensign, when she hove to, and shewed
Hambro colours. We then fired a gun, pulled down the French,
and hoisted English colours, and went on board to overhaul her,
when finding the Captain had different papers, one not agreeing
with the other, we took possession, and ordered her for Liver-
pool. At half-past one p.m., discovered a strange sail; at seven
p.m., she came up with us, and proved to be H.M. sloop of war
brig Muttne, Capt. Hugh Steward, who carried me and the
captain of the brig, with the papers of both vessels, on board
his ship, saying he would take the brig from us. He then sent
his boat and took Wm. Gourley and the men we had left on
board the brig, out of her, putting his own people on board,
not suffering mine to take a single article of their cloathing
except what they had on ; nor can we get to speak to the
Captain of the man-of-war to get the people's cloaths over-
board. Fortunately, not a man of our crew was hurt. N.B.
The name of our prize is Johanna.
The following letter was written at sea, in lat. 45, long.
13. 18 W., by Mr. William Hymers, commander of the
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 419
snow Shaw, to her owners, Messrs. John D. Case & Co., of
Liverpool: —
" GENTLEMEN, — I am sorry to inform you that on Wednes-
day, November 3rd, 1808, I saw a roguish-looking brig to
windward, cleared ship for action, at half-past three p.m., he
bore down into our wake, under a press of sail, with an English
Jack flying. I shewed Spanish colours. At five p.m., he down
English colours, and up French ensign, and wore round and
gave us his larboard broadside. We commenced firing our
stern chasers, continued firing two glasses; he dropped astern,
having been a little disabled. At daylight the privateer
appeared off our starboard quarter; at half-past eight a.m.,
commenced close action, and continued without intermission
until half-past eleven a.m. He then out sweeps and sweeped
from us. We then gave him three cheers, and when I came to
look over the shot I had left, I must say that I was heartily
glad that he had sheered off, as I had only six rounds, 13
cannister, and 15 langridge shot, and no cartridges. I have
cut up all my stockings, and the ship's company followed my
example; I then tied up all the carpenter's nails and tools that
would go into a gun, and the cabouse lead. As the privateer
was only laying out at gunshot, I perceived that he had a mind
for another tack as soon as he was ready. I saw him get his
stink-pots on his main yard-arm, and his grapplings on his fore
yard-arm. I then got a spare main-yard athwart abaft to
prevent him getting on our quarter. At one p.m., he crowded
all sail and sweeped up in our wake. As soon as our stern guns
would reach him, we slapped away, and shot away his gaft
and hauled (hulled?) him several times. At three p.m., he
gave us his whole broadside and sheered off. She is a brig,
pierced for 16 guns, but only 14 mounted; she was full of men,
she has two narrow yellow streaks, and all the rest black. I
cannot say too much for Mr. Jackson (chief mate) for his
manly support, and to do the crew every justice, they fought
like Englishmen. Having no shot, I thought it my duty to call
at Madeira for more. I am happy to say that none of my people
420 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
are hurt, only sails and rig-ging- suffered materially; the grape
shot played like hail."
The Lord Cranstoun, Captain Gibson, for St. Croix,
with 50 men and 22 guns, and the Lydia, Captain Lewis,
for St. Kitts, with 22 guns and 45 men, sailed in company
from Liverpool, on the gth of November, 1808, and on the
i6th, were parted in a heavy gale of wind, thunder and
lightning. On the 29th, in lat. 26. 30, long. 31. 26., the
Lydia was chased by a large frigate under Spanish colours,
which, when within half-pistol shot, gave her a broadside,
which was returned by the Lydia, and an action commenced
which lasted about 25 minutes, when Captain Lewis
thought it prudent to strike, having i man killed and 4
wounded, his masts so crippled that it was impossible to
carry sail, and his rigging and sails completely cut to pieces.
The enemy proved to be the French frigate L ' Amphitrite,
of 44 guns (28 eighteen-pounders, 12 thirty-six-pounders,
and 4 long nines) and 450 men, 200 of whom were soldiers
bound for Martinique. On the 3rd December, in lat.
23- 35- N. long. 37. 30. W., they fell in with the Lord
Cranstoun, with which the frigate exchanged two broad-
sides. The Lydia being in company, and on his starboard
side, the frigate on his larboard, Captain Gibson had the
mortification to receive two broadsides from his old consort.
The Lord Cranstoun's masts, sails, and rigging, being
completely shattered, she was obliged to yield to such
superior force. The Frenchmen threw overboard from
both prizes the least valuable articles, transferred part of
the Lydia 's cargo to the Lord Cranstoun, and scuttled the
former. Having captured an American brig they gave
her up to the prisoners (96 Englishmen and 12 Portuguese)
as a cartel, with a small proportion of provisions. Fearing
a long passage to a British port under such conditions, the
prisoners steered for the Isle of Flores, where they arrived
on the 24th of December. Having victualled they sailed
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 421
for Liverpool, where they arrived on the i6th of January,
1809.
In consequence of the number of captures made by the
enemy's privateers in the Channel, the Government gave
directions for the adoption of a system of alarm gun signals,
intended to serve as an intimation to the men-of-war that
a privateer was on the coast, and to point the very place
where it might be found.
The following account of a gallant and successful stand
against fearful odds is extracted from a letter dictated by
Captain Spence, of the Lascelles, at Palermo, 2ist of
August, 1809, and received by the owners in Liverpool :—
" It will now be proper to inform you, that after seeing
many privateers in the Mediterranean, we at last had one to
engage, close under the island of Galitor. It was on the yth
inst., about 12 o'clock at noon, we perceived a larg-e sail in the
offing bearing clown upon us from W.N.W., apparently an
enemy, but we still continued our course. At two p.m.,
coming up with us very fast, we immediately beat to quarters
and cleared away the decks for action. He still coming up,
with a long pendant at his main, and an Algerine flag on his
mizen, we shortened sail ready to engage. We gave him a
gun and hoisted our colours, which he immediately returned
with a broadside, his French colours hoisted. Then we came
to a general action within pistol-shot, with our great guns and
small arms. He fought very hard for about an hour and-a-half
with his great guns, but we suppose that by our driving them
from their quarters, they betook themselves to small arms,
which they continued to do until the end of the action, having
all their sweeps out on both sides, endeavouring to get away
as fast as possible, we still continuing to keep up our fire upon
them.
"She was a very large vessel or ship, and much longer
than the Lascelles, shewed 16 ports, and mounted 14 guns, and
we cannot conceive that she carried less than 150 men.
"We then have the pleasure to say, that we succeeded in
422 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
beating" her off entirely ; and by a peculiar Providence not one
soul of us lost our lives, but five of us were most shockingly
burnt (particularly myself and one of the sailors,) who have
suffered in a most excruciating- manner, and are far from being
recovered. All that the ship could afford in point of relief was
administered to the injured ; and when arrived here, Mr. Gibbs
immediately sent a surgeon on board to attend us all; and now
we have great hopes of our recovery.
" My running- rigging and sails are very much shot away ;
standing- rig-ging and the hull of the ship likewise have received
many a shot. In the course of a few days, I hope to be so
much better as to be able to enter into a protest on this account,
which I shall send you in my next in course."
The foregoing letter was written by Mr. H. Le Resche,
passenger on board the Lascelles, and dictated to him by
Captain Spence, who was disabled by the action he fought
from writing himself, as the following letter from Mr. Le
Resche to the owners of the Lascelles, shows : —
"DEAR SIRS, — I wrote you a few lines by a ship at sea, on
the 1 7th July, viz., La Rose Duncannon, belonging to Messrs.
Rogers & Bownas. Now I have the pleasure to drop you a
few lines more from hence. You see what an awful encounter
we have had, and the effects of it are such that Captain
Spence cannot use his hands, therefore he has beg-ged of me
to write you as above. It's a great blessing that we all escaped
with our lives. All the passengers were equally engaged in
the action. I and Mr. Cougan were employed in working a
six-pounder all the time.
" I have now to inform you, that you have chosen a very
good Captain ; he has your interest very much at heart ; he
thinks of nothing else. I hope you will keep him long in your
employ ; and that you will give him every encouragement, as
he well deserves it."
The Alexander Lmdo, Captain Pince, on her passage
from Rio Janeiro to Liverpool, having thrown 10 guns
overboard in a heavy gale of wind, afterwards encountered
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 423
a French privateer, of 14 guns. Captain Pince having only
4 guns left, called his men together, and addressed them on
the danger of their situation without their individual
exertion, offering 20 guineas to the first man who would
disable the enemy's vessel. The first gun that was fired by
Mr. Patterson, the chief mate, shot away the privateer's main-
yard, upon which she hove to and clued up her sails. Two
days later the Alexander Lindo was attacked by a French
schooner privateer, full of men, who bore down upon her,
but after having received her fire made sail and bore away.
On the 22nd of April, 1810, as a boat from the ship Earl
of Chester, just arrived from Madeira, was putting off with
some of her crew for the shore, it was pursued by a boat
belonging to one of the King's ships lying in the river, for
the purpose of impressing the seamen. The man-of-war's
men wantonly fired several shots at the boat, which was
running in the direction of the Parade Walk, then crowded
with pedestrians. One of the shots took off part of the
finger and lodged in the thigh of an elderly woman then
on the walk. This occurrence increased the hatred of the
people towards the impress service.
In July, 1810, about 200 American sailors assembled at
the Queen's Dock, and having armed themselves with
staves, proceeded to the rendezvous houses of the press-
gang, in Cooper's Row and Strand Street, where they broke
the windows and furniture, and liberated some seamen who
had been impressed. Two of the ring-leaders were appre-
hended, and committed for trial at the Lancaster Assizes.
On the Qth of November, 1810, several hundred people
on the heights of Dover, had the privilege of seeing a
Liverpool Letter of Marque engaging six French lugger
privateers, full of men. The Mary, Captain Barry, was on
her passage from Pernambuco to Liverpool when chased
by the luggers, four of which were within half-pistol shot
of her stern, and the other two on her lee quarter, though
424 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
not within range of musket shot. Owing to the fatigue of
the crew, and the vessel being under close reefed fore and
main-top sails and reefed foresail, caused by the severe gales
of wind, they could make sail but slowly, and the privateers
had nearly got alongside before they could get her sails
trimmed. That done, Captain Barry got the Mary's guns
well supplied with round and grape shot, and by two well
directed broadsides caused the two headmost luggers to
drop astern, until they were again supported by their
consorts. At last, having drawn close in to the land, where
they saw the English gun brigs making sail, the privateers
made off, but were so daring that they chased the Mary
almost within gunshot of the men-of-war brigs, the com-
mander of one of which complimented Captain Barry on his
perseverance and consequent escape.
An atrocious and deliberate outrage, far exceeding any
wild, practical joking ever indulged in by Joe Daltera and
his Committee of Taste, was perpetrated in Liverpool, in
November, 1810. Half-a-dozen fellows, assuming the char-
acter and authority of a press-gang, seized a very respectable
gentleman of the town, who never was at sea in his life, and
took him to a public-house, where they shut him up in a
room, and confined him as an impressed man. In this
miserable apartment he was forcibly detained two days and
nights, without food or refreshment of any kind, and was
not released till his captors had extorted from him a sum
of money as the price of his liberty. The gentleman
immediately complained to the Regulating Captain of the
port, of this unexampled outrage, and was assured by that
officer that every exertion would be used to discover the
authors of it, but that the offence had certainly not been
committed by any of the press-gangs under his command,
nor had any such person been brought to any of the houses
of rendezvous under his direction. It does not appear that
the daring ruffians were ever brought to justice.
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 425
The ship Brothers, of Liverpool, Capt. Geo. Powditch,
on her voyage from Bahia to London, was captured on the
i3th of March, 1811, by the French privateer Diligente, of
i4eighteen-pounders and 150 men. Monsieur Garceau, the
commander of the privateer, put on board 15 men, leaving
in the Brothers only the steward, John Murdock, who
selected such of the privateer's people as he found inclined
to his purpose, and recaptured the ship. The prize-master
was ordered to carry the Brothers into a port in Norway,
and the people who aided Murdock in the recapture were
chiefly Norwegians, pressed into the French service. The
Brothers arrived in Liverpool on the 2Oth of April, 1811.
The threatened disappearance of the British seaman from
the mercantile marine of Great Britain is suggestive of a
bad time for our shipowners and the country in the next
naval war.
When the French privateer La Cupidon was taken on the
24th of March, 1811, by the Amazon frigate, four English-
men were discovered amongst the crew. They represented
themselves to be Americans ; but some suspicions arose,
and they were taken into custody as traitors, and tried at
the Old Bailey Admiralty Sessions, in February, 1812. In
their defence, the prisoners stated that they had suffered
much in a French prison, and their only motive in getting
on board the French privateer was to seek an opportunity
of returning to their native country. Far from wishing to
aid the enemy, they had actually engaged with other
Englishmen and Americans to overpower the crew of the
privateer, and lodge her in a British port. This was
corroborated, but it unfortunately turned out that two of the
prisoners had also served in the Napoleon French privateer.
They were found guilty, and sentenced to death, the Judge
observing that the distress of the prisoners was no excuse
for serving the enemy. In March, 1812, two seamen were
executed for the same offence — high treason ; five more,
426 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
who had been sentenced to death at the same time, received
the royal pardon. Long confinement and hard usage in
French prisons undoubtedly drove many British seamen to
take service on board French privateers, while others entered
the enemy's ranks for baser reasons.
During this long struggle, Liverpool became a depot for
prisoners of war. The gaol in Great Howard Street, which
had been erected in 1786, but not occupied, was used for
this purpose. In January, 1799, there were 4009 French
prisoners in Liverpool, out of a total of 30,265 in Great
Britain. The mortality amongst them was very consider-
able, and the hearse was constantly in requisition to convey
from the gaol the corpse of some poor Frenchman to the
portion of St. John's Churchyard then used as a public
cemetery. Among the 1 100 French prisoners liberated after
the Peace of Amiens, was one who had made 300 guineas
during his confinement, by his skill and industry in manu-
facturing toys.* With their usual ingenuity, the French
manufactured a variety of trinkets, rings, snuff boxes, slippers,
crucifixes, baskets, little carved boxes, and toys, which were
exhibited on a stand in the entrance of the gaol, and sold for
their benefit. Though ill-clad, dispirited and miserable,
they were not always sad. Occasionally they performed
plays in a small theatre within the walls, to which the
public were admitted, the admission money raised in one
night being, in some instances, as much as ^50. Once
an unrehearsed tragedy took place ; one of the Frenchmen,
while dancing and singing on a Sunday evening, in July,
1793, dropped down and expired immediately. A prisoner
named Domery, a Pole by birth, possessed a marvellous and
* This was used as one of the arguments in favour of Mr. Gregson's plan for the
encouragement of mechanical drawing and design in the Blue Coat Hospital, and all
the public schools of Liverpool. Referring to the advantages to the hoys from such
training, the paper of April 12, 1813, says : " Should they incline for sea, and he
taken into a French prison, their ingenuity there may enable them to sustain their
confinement with more comforts than usually fall to the lot of a British tar."
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 427
insatiable appetite. In one day he consumed 14 Ibs. of
raw beef, 2 Ibs. of candles, and drank twelve bottles of
porter, and felt fit for more. The capacity of the deposed
King of Babylon for eating grass has not been recorded,
but from a medical report published on Domery's case,
we know that he could eat grass weighing 4 Ibs. or
5 Ibs. at a time. Cats, dogs, and rats, were mere tit-
bits for him, and his sufferings from the want of what
is vulgarly called a really "square meal" must have
been terrible. Felix Durand, one of the Frenchmen
confined in the Tower, in Water Street, about the
middle of the eighteenth century, had some romantic
experiences. He worked for a tradesman in Dale Street,
the go-between being a young lady, who became sufficiently
interested in the prisoner to herself make a survey of the
rooms adjoining his place of confinement, and in conse-
quence of the information so gained, Durand and several
of his compatriots made their escape. After wandering
about the country for some time, pretending to be deaf and
dumb, and surprising the country-people by the clever
workmanship he turned out in return for their hospitality,
he one day, being in hiding, overheard a young lady
expressing her admiration of the scenery in the French
language. Unable to suppress his emotion, he rushed
forward and poured forth his sorrows in his native tongue,
and, as he thought, into a sympathetic ear. Unfortunately,
he was recognised by the lady's companions and attendants
as the deaf and dumb man who had sought employment a
a few days previously. In spite of the lady's pleading, a
gentleman of the party arrested the poor Frenchman, and
carried him before a very gruff old justice at Ormskirk,
who sent the prisoner back to Liverpool. One true heart
in that town was not sorry to see him once more, and
Monsieur Felix Durand, having discovered that fact, was in
due time united in holy matrimony to Miss P , of Dale
42 3 777^ LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
Street, the young lady who had facilitated his escape. His
compatriots had been retaken before him.
The French privateer L'Amelie, described as schooner-
rigged, with a yellow streak, and white bottom, showing no
guns, but carrying 14, and 100 men, and commanded by
Captain Lacroix, sailed from St. Malo for a cruise, and very
judiciously chose a station commanding the entrance into
three channels — St. George's, Bristol, and the English.
She had been three days out, when, on the 25th of November,
1811, she encountered the ship Sally, of Liverpool, George
Knubley, master. Captain Knubley took every precaution,
and made every disposition which human foresight could
suggest, for the preservation of his vessel, and during the
action kept the quarter-deck amidst a shower of musket-balls,
endeavouring to encourage his men to an effectual resistance.
But, after a sharp action of about twenty minutes, the Sally
was carried by boarding, and the crew, with the exception
of three, taken on board the privateer, where, to the honour
of the commander and his officers, they experienced every
possible kindness compatible with their unfortunate situation,
being allowed to preserve the whole of their private property,
and indulged in all the comforts and luxuries which the
privateer afforded. During the action, the first lieutenant of
the U'Amelie was killed, and several of the crew wounded.
The Sally had five wounded, one dangerously. She was
ordered for France, and parted company with her captor
next day. Captain Lacroix promised to Captain Knubley
that he should have his liberty, and the first ship of little
value which the UAmelie should take, upon condition of
his giving his parole for the exchange of an equal number
of French prisoners in England, to be sent to France as
soon as possible after his arrival at an English port. This
promise Captain Lacroix had an opportunity of fulfilling on
the 28th of November, when he captured the brig Noah, of
Dundee, Captain Bowman. After taking possession of the
WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 429
brig, and offering Captain Bowman to ransom her, which was
refused, the Frenchman agreed with Captain Knubley about
the exchange of prisoners, and having filled up the necessary
papers, and given him the sole command of the Noah, set
him, and the crews and the passengers of both vessels, at
liberty, declaring at the same time, that if the exchange of
prisoners was honourably made on Captain Knubley's part,
he would set every Englishman, whom the fortune of war
should throw into his power, free the first opportunity.
During this war, commerce, like politics, continued in a
state of extraordinary excitement, being too often a mere
lottery, prices depending on the course and result of events
which no sagacity could foresee. A victory or a defeat
made one man, who was rich in the morning, poor at night,
or suddenly raised another from poverty to riches. May
Great Britain never again experience the horrors of such a
prolonged struggle ; but if her own liberties and those of
mankind call for a similar magnificent effort of courage and
endurance, may the sons and daughters of the most
powerful empire the world has ever seen, do their duty as
valiantly and as successfully as their forefathers, who held
the bridge of liberty against the Arch-tyrant in " the brave
days of old." Passing over an innumerable series of minor
engagements, captures and recaptures, which would only
weary the reader, though representing great bloodshed and
immense gains and losses to the combatants, we proceed,
in the next Chapter to chronicle the leading incidents and
the fading glories of privateering during the second war —
by the grace of the Prince of Peace may it be the last
war — with the United States of America.
430
CHAPTER VI.
LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS DURING THE SECOND WAR
WITH AMERICA.
THE relations of Great Britain with the United States had
been of the most unsatisfactory character ever since the
first issue of the Orders in Council, in 1807, which compelled
all vessels on their way to blockaded ports to touch at
British harbours, and asserted a right of seizing British
sailors found in American vessels. The United States,
highly exasperated, met this step by the announcement that
all intercourse with Great Britain and her dependencies
was at an end. Although the embargo was withdrawn in
1809, and the trade with this country for a time resumed,
the friction still continued. In spite of the remonstrances
of the American Government, of the American merchants
of Liverpool and elsewhere, and of many of the ablest men
in this country, the British Ministry persisted in enforcing
the orders until June, 1812. President Madison, in his
address to the American people, stated that upwards of a
thousand American vessels were seized under these orders
on the high seas, carried into English ports, where many
of them were condemned, and all subjected to heavy losses.
At the beginning of the year 1812, as the commercial and
manufacturing distresses became greater, it appeared that a
perseverance in the unwise policy would produce a war
with America. The great attainments and powerful
SECOND WAR WITH AMERICA. 431
eloquence of Mr. Brougham were for four years ranged
against the orders, and on the i6th of June, 1812, his
efforts were crowned with success, Lord Castlereagh
announcing to Parliament that the ministry had decided to
suspend the orders. The concession came too late. Two
days after Lord Castlereagh's announcement and three
weeks before the news could reach America, President
Madison had issued a declaration of war against Great
Britain. The war lasted about two years and-a-half, in-
flicting enormous losses on both belligerents, whilst their
successes were so nearly balanced that both nations were
heartily glad to accept the mediation of the Emperor of
Russia to put an end to the unnatural conflict. Perhaps
there never was a contest where the amount of political and
commercial benefit received on either side was so ridicu-
lously disproportionate to the frightful material and moral
damage inflicted by the belligerents upon one another.
From a return made to the House of Lords, it appears
that from the ist of October, 1812, to the ist of May, 1813,
382 British ships were captured by the Americans, of which
66 were retaken and 20 restored, leaving a loss of nearly 300
British ships in seven months — a most unsatisfactory result
of a naval war for the mercantile classes. It is difficult to
arrive at a correct estimate of the losses on each side. " In
the course of the conflict," says Baines, "from eight hundred
to a thousand English merchant ships were taken by the
American privateers and ships of war, and at least an equal
number of American merchantmen were taken by the British
cruizers." The American privateer commander, Captain
Coggleshall, however, puts down the number of American
vessels taken and destroyed by the British, at not more than
five hundred sail. He points out that most of the American
losses occurred during the first six months of the war. After
that period the United States had very few vessels afloat,
except privateers and Letters of Marque. A large portion
432 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
of their merchant-ships, he says, returned home within the
first two or three months after the commencement of the war,
and were laid up out of reach of the enemy. Some of them
were taken up the navigable rivers, and others dismantled
in secure places. The same authority claims that the little
navy of the United States, with the aid of privateers and
Letters of Marque, captured, burnt, sunk, or destroyed about
two thousand sail of British shipping, including men-of-
war and merchantmen. This statement does not include
captures made on the great lakes, which would swell the
number to a much larger figure. It has been roughly esti-
mated that of these two thousand vessels, two-thirds, or say
thirteen hundred and thirty sail, were taken by American
privateers and private armed vessels, and the remainder by
United States Government ships. The British, according
to Captain Coggleshall, entered the contest with a navy of
1060 men-of-war, 800 of which were in commission, and were
effective cruising vessels. To oppose this immense force,
the United States had but seven effective frigates, with some
twelve or fifteen sloops of war. Of the latter, the greater
part were lying in the dockyards repairing.
In the latter part of the war, the risk of capture was so
great that the freight on cotton, from Savannah to France,
rose to lod. a pound. The insurance on coasting voyages
in America, rose to the rates of from 6 to 25 per cent.*
according to circumstances. At the close of the contest,
upwards of 200,000 bales of cotton (then more than a year's
supply) was piled up in the warehouses of America, whilst
* The Liverpool Mercury, of May 7th, 1813, quoting from an American in-
surance list, says, "the following is a statement of the premiums of insurance on the
coasting trade from Boston, on the 3rd ult. — To Eastport, 7 to 10 per cent. ; other
eastern ports. 2 to 5 ; to New York, £6 to £f io/- ; to Philadelphia, 10 ; to the
Chesapeake, 12 to 15 ; to North Carolina, 17 to 1 8; to South Carolina, 21 to 28 ;
to Savannah, 22 to 25. With regard to foreign trade, it is emphatically stated in
the insurance list that there is none remaining, except to France, and the premium
upon voyages to that quarter is 30 to 50 per cent. ! " Another account stated that
at Halifax insurance had been absolutely refused on most vessels ; on others 33 per
cent, had been added to the former premiums.
SECOND WAR WITH AMERICA. 433
England was suffering distress for want of it. The highest
quotations of the war, for cotton, were those of March iQth,
1814, as follows : — New Orleans, 3/- to 3/2^ per Ib. ; Sea
Island (April gth), 3/11 to 4/1; Pernambuco, 2/11^103/1^;
Surat, 1/9 to 2/-.
American privateers swept the Atlantic, and even pene-
trated within a few leagues of the mouth of the Mersey.
The merchants and shipowners of Liverpool, instead of
fitting out private armed vessels with the energy which had
characterised them in former days, put their trust in the
Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, and found, too late,
that the King's cruisers, like the modern policeman, were too
often absent from the spot where their services were most
required. The depredations of the American privateers on
the coasts of Ireland and Scotland at length produced so
strong a sensation at Lloyd's, that it was difficult to get
policies underwritten, except at enormous rates of premiums.
It is said that thirteen guineas for ^100 was paid to insure
vessels across the Irish Channel.
Liverpool suffered greatly in 1812, the diminution in the
number of ships entering the port (compared with 1810)
being 2130, representing a fall in tonnage of 287,603 tons,
and in dues of ^"21,379.
The following is a copy of a letter from Captain Affleck,
of the ship May, to his owners in Liverpool, dated St.
Lucia, 8th of August, 1812 : —
" I am happy to inform you of the arrival of the ship May
here on the 5th. Nothing materially occurred on the voyage
until the 3rd inst., at 2 p.m., when a vessel was seen from the
masthead, bearing- W.N.W. standing to the S.E. the wind at
the time E.N.E. a light breeze, our course west, being at the
time in the latitude of this island, and about 160 miles to
windward. At 4 p.m., had neared this strange sail so as to
see his hull distinctly, and perceived him to be a large schooner,
and apparently a vessel of war. Ordered all hands to quarters,
2E
434 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
and had everything- clear for action. At five, he tacked to the
northward, and at half-past he tacked again, and came into our
wake, when he immediately bore up after us under all sail,
with English colours hoisted, and hot wishing to let him come
too near, fired the stern guns at him, which were immediately
returned by his broadside of 4 guns, and was answered by the
May in the same manner. At 7 p.m., he hoisted a light, and
hailed — "Where is that ship from?" Answered, " Falmouth,"
and demanded to know what schooner that was. He replied —
"A British man-of-war," and ordered me on board with my
papers immediately. I told him if he attempted to come a
yard nearer, he should receive my broadside, but at that
distance I would send my boat on board, which I did, with my
chief mate and two men. His boat immediately returned with
six men and an officer, all armed, none of whom were allowed
to come on board, except the latter ; one who attempted had a
pistol put to his breast, and he immediately sat down in the
boat. The officer, on coming on board, told me he was a
British privateer, belonging to Bermuda, and insisted on my
going on board his boat with my papers. I told him I was a
British Letter of Marque, and would not quit my vessel, unless
to go on board one belonging to his Majesty, and ordered him
out of the ship, at the same time, desiring him to send my
mate and people on board. His boat soon after returned with
the following note: "Captain Taylor presents his regards to
the master of the ship, and insists on his coming on board with
his papers, otherwise he may abide by the consequences." My
answer was as before, and sent his boat off. He then hailed,
declared he would sink me, should I refuse to comply with his
request. My answer was, " Fire away! " which was put into
execution as soon as his boat reached him, by his broadsides,
and showers of musquetry, and was as quickly returned by the
May. I had no longer a doubt of his being an American
privateer, and on the dawn of day my suspicions were
confirmed by his colours. From this time, half-past 7 p.m.,
till 9 a.m., a fire, with very little intermission, was kept up by
both vessels ; and it appeared during this long action to be his
SECOND WAR WITH AMERICA. 435
intention to board the May, which was always frustrated by
rounds of grape, until at last he was obliged to haul off in the
greatest confusion with his sails, rigging, and hull dreadfully
cut up, and indeed we are in the same situation, having six of
our lower shrouds shot away, forestay, main-top mast back-
stay, three shots between wind and water, the main topmast
wounded, and the sails and running rigging cut to pieces, one
man killed, and two wounded. And it affords me the greatest
pleasure to say, that nothing could exceed the coolness and
bravery of the few people I had the honour to command.
" I am, Gentlemen, your most obedient servant,
" WILLIAM AFFLECK.
" P.S. The above is a confused account of the action with
the American privateer, as I had only a few minutes' notice of
this opportunity to write you by way of Martinique. I have,
however, only to add, that had the May been armed with any
other guns than those on Col. Congreve's plan, she must
inevitably have been captured, from the small crew I had on
board — one man having been killed, and one wounded, by the
first discharge from the privateer, after the return of his boat.
The privateer mounted eight guns and full of men.
" Killed — Joseph Rummona, seaman. Wounded, J. B.
Hanna, second mate ; Wm Walker, apprentice ; both slightly,
and they are doing well.
"Prisoners on board the privateer — Samuel Hazelhurst,
chief mate ; John Erick and James Antonia, seamen."
* In this case we have the advantage of presenting the enemy's version of the
affair. Thejfollowing is an extract from the log of the American privateer schooner
Shadow, of Philadelphia, Captain Taylor, which evidently met, without catching,
a Tartar in the May : — •
"On the 4th of August, at half- past twelve (meridian), saw a sail to the eastward
standing westward; made all necessary sail in chase. At half-past five p.m.,
carried away the square-sail boom ; cut the wreck adrift ; rigged out the lower
studding-sail boom, and set her square-sail again, coming up with the chase. At
six p.m., being within gunshot, she commenced firing from her stern guns. At
seven p.m., came up with her, and commenced an action ; at half- past seven, the
ship hoisted a light in her mizzen rigging, which was answered by a light from us;
at the same time hailed her. She hailed from Liverpool, when Captain Taylor
ordered her to send her boat on board with her papers, which she in part complied
with, by sending her boat with an officer and two men, whom we detained, and
gave directions to man the boat with our crew, board the ship, and demand her
papers. These orders were delivered by Mr. Thomas Yorke, who received for
answer, that such a demand would not be complied with, at the same time handing
436 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
The Shadow arrived at Philadelphia, was refitted, and
soon sailed on another cruise.
As a mark of their sense of his gallantry, the Under-
writers of Liverpool presented 'Captain Affleck with an
elegant silver cup of the value of forty pounds, and at a
general meeting passed a resolution allowing him free
access to their rooms. Thus did the merchants, ship-
owners, and underwriters of Liverpool at all times foster the
spirit of gallantry and fidelity in the merchant navy of the
port, and helped to render it formidable in war and
unrivalled in peace.
On the i3th of December, 1812, Captain G. Howard, of
the private ship of war, John Tobiu, writes from Bahia to his
owners, Messrs. Hughes and Tobins, of Liverpool,
describing an action between that ship and the American
privateer Alfred, as follows : —
" GENTLEMEN, — I am happy to inform you of my safe
arrival at Bahia, after a pleasant passage of 46 days. Nothing-
material occurred until the 2ist Nov., being in the latitude
8. 10. S., and longitude 33. 30. W., being a degree or two to
the eastward of Cape St. Augustine, at one o'clock in the
morning, being moonlight, a vessel was seen under a very
heavy press of sail in our wake, coming up fast. I continued
him a note addressed to Captain Taylor, purporting that his ship was a British
Letter of Marque, called the J\Jay, from Liverpool, bound to St. Lucia, commanded
by Captain Affleck, mounting fourteen guns and fifty men. He also stated that the
Orders in Council had been rescinded, and a change of Ministry taken place in
England. The note was handed to Captain Taylor. The boat was again sent on
board, with a note from our captain, demanding his papers, which were refused. At
half-past eight o'clock a brisk fire commenced on both sides, during which time
William Craft, sailmaker, was wounded. At ten p.m., dropped astern, with the
intention of lying by all night within gunshot ; at intervals kept up a brisk fire ;
weather, squally and dark.
"At daylight, ranged up under her stern and commenced a severe action, when
we received a shot in our starboard bow which shattered the wooden ends, started
the plank shear, and broke several timbers. At half-past seven a.m., received
another in our larboard bow ; struck the larboard after-gun-carriage, killed six men
and wounded three. At half-past eight a.m., our commander received a ball in his
left temple, which instantly terminated his existence, to the inexpressible regret of
all hands. About the same time a shot struck under the larboard fore-chains,
between wind and water, which caused the vessel to leak badly ; found three feet
water in the hold on sounding the pumps."
SECOND WAR WITH AMERICA. 437
on our course until four o'clock, when I called all hands to
quarters, took in steering- sails, stay sails, hauled up the
courses, and prepared for action, she being- then on my
weather quarter, and took in all her small sails and prepared
for action also. At five o'clock, I hauled up for her, being-
daylight, and hoisted Spanish colours, with a gun. At a
quarter past five, she being- within g-unshot, hoisted American
ensign and pendant, and gave us a shot. I thought it prudent
to keep up the Spanish colours until he came a little nearer,
as the John Tobin's guns' are short, and I did not wish to let
him know we were English until my guns would tell. He
soon gave us another shot between the fore and main masts.
I then down with Spanish colours and displayed the British,
which he no sooner saw than he began to fire away with
round and grape shot as fast as he could well load and
discharge, and we returned it as quick as he sent it, from
a quarter before six until a quarter after nine o'clock, when we
both desisted in order to repair damages, having the chief part
of my running rigging and sails shot away, also two guns
disabled during the action. At seven o'clock, he shot away
my ensign halliards, and our colours came tumbling down. It
was not long, however, before they were up again, and a
second time shot away, on which, one of my people volun-
teered to go to the mizen topmasthead and nail them up,
which was done, although the shot was flying in all directions.
I then hoisted the red flag forward, and gave them three
cheers. At a quarter before ten, we commenced firing again,
and shot away his boom. He then thought it best to make
off, and making all sail, kept close by the wind. At a quarter
after ten, she tacked and stood to the northward. The John
Tobin tacked also after her, firing as long as our guns would
have any effect ; but he soon got out of their reach, owing to
his superior sailing. At eleven o'clock, I wore ship and stood
on my course, not being able to come up with him.
"Gentlemen, I cannot speak too highly of Mr. Cannon, my
chief mate, likewise the rest of my officers and ship's company,
not forgetting Mr. Toole, passenger, for his gallantry during
438 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
the whole of the action. I am happy to say that the John
Tobin has not suffered much in her hull. The privateer mounts
nine guns on a side, with two stern chasers, and full of men.
Her guns are nine-pounders, having some of her shot on
board, which we have taken out of the John Tobin s bends.
She was a long, low ship, with a billet head, yellow sides, and
three royal yards rigged aloft, exactly the appearance of a
small sloop of war. You will be astonished, Gentlemen, to
hear that I had not a man or boy hurt on board, although the
shot were flying about us like hail. Since my arrival here, I
am told that there are three American privateers on this coast,
two of them brigs, and the other (the one we engaged) a ship.
I shall be under the necessity of purchasing some more powder
before I sail. I suppose we shall have another dust coming
home, with one of the brigs ; as for the ship, she will not come
near us again."
The Underwriters of Liverpool presented Captain Howard
with a silver cup " in testimony of his gallant and seaman-
like conduct in defending his ship against the American
privateer Alfred, on the 2ist of November, 1812, off the
coast of Brazil."
The following details of an action between the Bridget,
of Liverpool, Captain Archibald Kennan, and an unknown
armed schooner, which fought under English colours, off
Surinam river, were supplied by a person on board the
Bridget, writing from Demerara : —
" On the 6th December, 1812, at 4 p.m., saw a sail to the
northward, standing to the southward ; at 5 p. m. , made it out to
be a large hermaphrodite brig or schooner. At half-past five,
when he was on our weather quarter, he bore up before the
wind and stood towards us. We then cleared ship for action,
supposing him to be an American privateer. At six, we took
in all steering sails, and hauled to the northward to see what
he was before dark. On this he took in his steering sails also,
and came down with English colours flying. He hailed and
asked what brig it was ? Captain Kennan asked what
SECOND WAR WITH AMERICA. 439
schooner? He answered, H.M. schooner , and desired
us to send our boat on board, which the captain refused. He
then said, if our captain did not comply, he would take him to
the gangway and flog" him. The captain answered, and said
it was more than he dared to do. He hailed the fourth time,
and said if we did not send our boat on board, he would fire
into us. Captain answered, if he did we should return it.
He instantly fired a broadside of round and grape, with
musketry, which we returned. The action commenced at a
quarter-past six p.m., and lasted until five minutes past eight.
He fought under English colours during the whole of the
action. We had two men killed and six wounded. After the
first broadside, we ran the brig on board of him, between his
main-mast and fore-mast. He mounted 18 guns, and a very
large one amidships, which did us a great deal of damage in
our bows, several shot going through our bows, carrying away
timbers and breast-hook, and going through our upper-deck
beams and deck, our jib-booms both carried away ; masts,
sails, and rigging very much injured, cut-water shattered to
pieces, and our figure-head very much damaged. From the
situation of the privateer or pirate in fighting, he must have
received considerable damage from our vessel's bows falling
on him. When he got clear of us, he stood off immediately,
and as we could not get the brig to wear, for the purpose of
following him (by reason of our anchors being shot from the
bows, and hanging by the cables), and the night being dark,
we soon lost sight of him. During the action, he attempted
to set fire to us with a bag of combustibles, with a view to
board us at the same time, but he was received different to
what he expected. The crew are extremely thankful to the
passengers for their heroic exertions during the whole engage-
ment.
1 ' LIST OF KILLED AND WOUNDED.
"John Burns, seaman, and Alexander M'Keller, killed;
James Sanders and Samuel Turner, severely wounded; Daniel
Dunn, passenger, had a musket ball through his ankle; Daniel
Ross, passenger, Thomas Capper, and Captain Kennan,
slightly wounded."
440 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
The Underwriters of Liverpool presented Captain Kennan
with a silver cup in recognition of his gallantry.
The Underwriters of Liverpool also presented a silver
cup to Captain John Irlam, of the'ship Maxwell, " in testi-
mony of his gallant and seamanlike conduct in defending
his ship against the General Armstrong- American privateer
of 18 eighteen-pounders, and i forty-four-pounder, and 130
men, on the 2Qth of November, 1812, off Demerara, in which
action he was severely wounded." The Committee also
voted a free admission to Lloyd's Rooms, in Liverpool, to
the three gallant commanders, Captains Irlam, Howard,
and Kennan. The General Armstrong, which belonged
to New York, captured one of the most valuable prizes
made during the war — the ship Queen, 16 guns and 40
men, from Liverpool, with a cargo worth from ,£70,000 to
£100,000 sterling. She was bound to Surinam, and was
bravely defended, the captain, his first officer, and nine of his
crew being killed before she was surrendered. The prize
was wrecked off Nantucket. The General Armstrong took
the brig Lucy and Alida, with a full cargo of dry goods,
which was retaken by the Liverpool Letter of Marque ship
Brenton, and again recaptured by the Revenge, of Norfolk,
and sent into that port.
The brig Henry, 6 guns, 200 tons, from Liverpool for
Buenos Ayres, laden with 300 packages of dry goods and
other valuable articles, invoiced at £40,000 sterling, was
taken and sent into New York by the Governor Tompkins
of that port. The bounty (or reduction of duties) allowed
by the United States on this prize, amounted to about 35,000
dollars. The Governor Tompkins was a very formidable
vessel and made many prizes. On her first cruise, she was
commanded by Joseph Skinner, of New London, and
subsequently by Captain Shaler. She suffered severely
from the shot of a British frigate, but finally made her
escape.
SECOND WAR WITH AMERICA. 441
The brig Nancy, from Liverpool for Halifax, laden
with dry goods, was captured by the Portsmouth priva-
teer, of Portsmouth, N. H., divested of 318 bales and
packages of goods invoiced at .£27,000 sterling, and
ordered into port. The Portsmouth, commanded by John
Sinclair, was a conspicuous cruising vessel, and made a
great many valuable prizes. The Fox privateer, belonging
to the same port, captured and burnt the schooner Brother
and Sister, and the brig Dove, from Liverpool ; and sent to
Norway the sloop Fox and the brig Chance, both from
Liverpool. The Stork sloop-of-war, and the Fortune frigate,
cruised between Achill Head and Cape Clear, and off Tory
Island, in vain quest of the Fox. Some of the Fox's people
had the audacity to go ashore at Sligo and Newport, in
uniform, and, personating British officers, procured supplies
of fresh provisions, etc., at both places, and gave the
requisite drafts for the payment of the amount. The name
of the Captain of the Fox was said to be Stewart. He was
formerly master of one of the regular traders between
Londonderry and Liverpool. The Fox mounted 20
guns, and had a crew of 150 picked seamen. The Thomas
privateer, also of Portsmouth, N. H., captured the ship
Dromo, of 12 guns, from Liverpool for Halifax, with a cargo
invoiced at $70,000 sterling. The Macedonian, of Ports-
mouth, captured and burnt the brig Britannia, from St.
John's, N. B., for Liverpool, laden with 195 tons of ship's
timber and other articles.
The True Blooded Yankee privateer, of 18 guns and 160
men, cruising in St. George's Channel, captured the
Margaret, of Hull, the Fame, of Belfast, with linen for
London, the George, from Kinsale, a Liverpool Letter of
Marque (name unknown), of 14 guns, bound for Spain, and
three other vessels. The Margaret was recaptured and
carried into Plymouth. The True Blooded Yankee, wras
formerly the Challenger gun-brig, and her crew were said to
442 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
be chiefly British. The captures were made between Holy-
head and the Skerries. Captain Coggleshall, himself a
distinguished privateer commander, thus refers to the
vessel in his History: —
" The famous brig privateer True Blooded Yankee, carrying
18 guns and 160 men, was owned by an American gentleman,
residing in Paris, by the name of Preble. She had an American
commission, and sailed under the American flag, but always
fitted and sailed out of French ports, viz., Brest, 1'Orient, and
Morlaix. This vessel was very successful. She cruised the
greatest part of the war in the British and Irish Channels,
and made a large number of rich prizes. These she generally
sent into French ports ; sometimes, however, she sent a few to
the United States. During one cruise of thirty-seven days,
she captured twenty-seven vessels, and made two hundred and
seventy prisoners. While on this cruise she took an island on
the coast of Ireland, and held it six days ; she also took a town
in Scotland, and burned seven vessels in the harbour. She
was soon after fitted out to make another cruise, in company
with the Bunker Hill, of 14 eighteen- pounders and 140 men.
When the True Blooded Yankee arrived in France, she was
laden with the following spoils: — 18 bales of Turkey carpets,
43 bales of raw silk, weighing twelve thousand pounds ; 20
boxes of gums, 46 packs of the best skins, 24 packets of
beaver skins, 160 dozen of swan skins, 190 hides, copper, etc."
An account of a gallant action with the American privateer
Snap Dragon, is given in the following extract of a letter
from William Hill, master of the ship Liverpool, to Messrs.
Hughes & Tobins, the owners, dated Demerara, 25th of
March, 1814:—
" GENTLEMEN, — On the 3rd inst. the entrance of Juramac
[Saramac ?] River bearing S.S.W. six or seven miles, whilst
standing in shore, endeavouring to get to windward, saw
a schooner on our larboard bow, standing the same way
under her foresail, but immediately made all sail. At
SECOND WAR WITH AMERICA. 443
half-past six a.m. she bore up for us; a quarter before
seven she fired a shot, and hoisted American colours.
At half-past seven, finding- her shot going over us, opened
our fire on him. At eight, the enemy nearing us, and
making every attempt to get under our stern. At 9 she
opened her broadside, still keeping up a hot fire from his
long gun, whilst we annoyed him much from our quarter guns.
At ten the enemy hoisted a red flag at the fore, gave us a volley
of musketry, three cheers, and again bore up for us, which was
returned with a broadside and musketry. Finding- from her
superiority in sailing I could no longer keep her on either
quarter, I bore up before the wind, and set topgallant sails, and
got the two aftermost guns through the stern ports. At n,
he dropped astern, frequently cheering; at half-past he made
sail. At 12, came up with a drum and fife playing, and keeping
up a hot fire of grape and musketry, but firing high, which we
returned with grape and cannister. A quarter before one, the
enemy closing fast, I ordered the helm a starboard, to bring the
larboard guns on him, when he run us on board, her jib-boom
coming through the bulwark abaft the cross-tree, and broke
short off. Having fresh way on the ship by putting the helm
a port, we carried away his bowsprit, when between the main
and mizen rigging, the enemy threw a number of men on board
of us, and fell astern. By the time he was clear, we had drove
the boarders from the deck, over the side and into the chains,
where a number of them were killed and wounded, falling and
jumping overboard, the enemy lying across our stern, still
keeping up a smart fire. At one, his mainsail came down, we
keeping up a hot and destructive fire from the stern guns right
into him. At half-past he hauled off on the larboard tack, her
fire slackening. On her coming to the wind, the foremast went
over the starboard bow, taking with it the main topmast, and
the head of the mainmast. I never saw so complete a wreck.
She then came to an anchor, many of her crew swimming
towards her. It was my first intention to have renewed the
action, but on hauling to the wind for that purpose, I found all
our sails and running rigging shot away, and a strong lee
444 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
current running", I determined to run for this port, which I
trust will meet your approbation.
" From one of the boarders, wounded on our quarter-deck
(who died next day on board us)-, I gained the following
account : — The schooner privateer Snap Dragon, Captain
Murphy, of 112 men, six four-pounders, and one long twelve-
pounder traverse gun, belonging to South Carolina, out four
weeks, had taken nothing, and had been chaced by a line of
battle ship and a frigate.
" My chief officer, Mr. Williams, and every one of my crew,
behaved in a most gallant and daring manner, so much so, it
is impossible to say to whom the preference is due. Mr.
Williams, just at the conclusion of the action, was wounded by
a pistol ball in the left jaw; he, together with three seamen also
wounded, are doing well.
"The boarders took so precipitate a leave of us, that they
left two pistols, one bayonet, and a cartouch box on our quarter
deck.
" Enclosed I transmit you duplicates of two letters* I have
received from Captain Muddle, of his Majesty's ship Columbine.
"Gentlemen, Your most obedient servant, WILLIAM HILL.
The following description of a desperate conflict between
the Liverpool Letter of Marque ship Fanny and the American
" His Majesty's sloop Columbine,
Demerara, i6th March, 1814.
•SiR, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of yesterday's date,
detailing the »allant defence of the ship Liverpool, under your command, on the
3rd inst. against the American privateer Snap Dragon, and send you herewith a
pendant which you will be pleased to carry on this coast, during the time I may
have the command, as a mark of distinction for your meritorious conduct ; as also
the enclosed protection for your gallant crew from impress by any of his Majesty's
vessels under my orders. I am, Sir, your most obedient servant,
[Signed,] " R. II. MUDDLE, Captain.
"To Mr. Wm. Hill, Master of the ship Liverpool, of Liverpool."
" By R. Henry Muddle, Esq., Commander of his Majesty's sloop Columbine.
"In consequence of the very gallant defence of the ship Liverpool, Mr. W. Hill,
master, against the American privateer Snap Dragon, on the 3rd of March, off
Surinam River, I have thought proper to permit her to wear a pendant, during the
time of my command on this coast, and to grant her a protection for her crew,
during the said time.
"The commanders of his Majesty's vessels under my command are hereby
required and directed to respect the same.
'• Given under my hand, on board his Majesty's sloop Columbine, in the River
Demerara, i6th March, 1814. " R. HENRY MUDDLE, Commander."
SECOND WAR WITH AMERICA. 445
privateer General Armstrong, of New York, was addressed
by Captain Laughton, of t\\Q Fanny, to his owners, Messrs.
Brotherston and Begg, on the 3Oth of April, 1814:—
" On Monday, the i8th inst, about meridian, we discovered
a schooner standing1 towards us, supposing" her to be an enemy,
we immediately prepared for action, but it being wet and
squally, he did not think it right to engage us on that day, but
kept sight of us the ensuing night, and about half-past seven
a.m. bore down to us with two American ensigns flying-, and
when he had got about the distance of a pistol shot he
commenced a most severe and destructive fire, which the
Fanny with alacrity returned, but the wind having fallen
almost to a calm, the Fanny would scarcely steer, and the
enemy having the superiority in sailing, kept upon our quarters,
notwithstanding we shot away his main-fore jib, and flying-jib
halyards, when he fell alongside with only his topsails set. At
this time was a desperate conflict, but his fire from a long
French forty-two-pounder proved so tremendous, and his numer-
ous musketry so galling, that the great part of the men on the
main deck could not be kept to their quarters, notwithstanding-
the exertions of Mr. Bridge, the chief mate. I thought it my
duty, though a painful one, to save the lives of the brave few
that remained true, to haul down the colours, after engaging-
one hour, never out of pistol shot, to the General Armstrong,
Champlin, from New York, and I trust you will not think the
Fanny given away. She had scarcely a shroud left standing,
nor one brace, the sails completely reduced, several gun
carriages disabled, not a breeching left whole, one shot between
wind and water, several others through different parts of her
hull, the maintopsail and topgallant yards shot through, not a
running rope but what was cut to pieces, a complete wreck on
the quarter deck, the second mate, my brother, killed by my
side, and six others wounded, five severely, one slightly.
Amongst the former I am truly sorry to say is your Mr.
BegTg. whilst gallantly doing- his duty with the musketry, but
I hope his wound is doing well.
446 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
" The General Armstrong- is a schooner of the largest
class, say from 250 to 300 tons, armed Avith i French forty-
two long-pounder, 6 long- nine-pounders (King's), with G. R.
upon them, and between 90 and ioo men. She has been
chased within the last month by three different men-of-war,
but always escaped by superior sailing, although at times
nearly within gunshot. I remain, Gentlemen, your most
obedient servant, JOHN LAUGHTON."
The Fanny (which was bound from Maranham to Liver-
pool when captured), was retaken by the Sceptre, M. W.
In August, 1813, the American sloop of war Argus, 360
tons, mounting 18 twenty-four-pounder carronades, two
long twelve-pounders, and 149 men, commanded by Captain
W. H. Allen, committed great ravages off the coast of
Ireland, capturing and burning many valuable vessels.
One morning, in sight of Lundy, in a very thick fog, she
found herself in the midst of the Leeward Island fleet,
eleven in number, several of which she captured. Captain
Allen, while on board one of the prizes, said he had
destroyed eleven vessels off the Shannon, and had orders to
destroy all vessels they fell in with, in retaliation for the
damage done by the British navy on the coasts of America.
He had taken a great many other vessels. The Argus had
actually a Pill pilot on board. She was captured by
boarding, on the I2th of August, 1813, after an action of 43
minutes, by H.M.'s sloop Pelican. The commander of the
Argus was dreadfully wounded in his leg and thigh, by one
of the raking fires of the Pelican, which at the same time,
carried away the leg of a midshipman, wounded the first
lieutenant in the head, and killed several of the crew.
Captain Allen suffered amputation after the Argus arrived
at Plymouth, and received the most "humane and polite
attentions," but he appeared to be aware of his approaching
dissolution, spoke little, and seemed perfectly resigned.
He was taken out of the Argus and carried to the hospital
SECOND WAR WITH AMERICA. 447
at Mill Prison. On leaving his ship, of which he must
have been proud, the dying hero looked up for a moment
and exclaimed, "God bless you all, my lads — we shall
never meet again." His auditors were so deeply affected
that not a man of them could articulate, " Farewell." Soon
after he reached the hospital he expired. His remains were
interred at the Old Church, Plymouth, with the most
distinguished honours. "The funeral procession, as it
moved from the Mill Prison, afforded a scene singularly
impressive to the prisoners, who beheld with admiration the
respect paid by a gallant, conquering enemy to the fallen
hero. Five hundred British Marines first marched, in slow
time, with arms reversed ; the band of the Plymouth
Division of Marines followed, performing the most solemn
tunes. An officer of Marines, in military mourning, came
after these. Two interesting black boys, the servants of
the deceased, then preceded the hearse. One of these bore
his master's sword, the other carried his hat. Eight
American officers followed the hearse, and the procession
was closed by a number of British naval officers. On the
arrival of the body at the Old Church, it was met by the
officiating minister, and three volleys over the grave — the
tribute to departed heroism — closed the scene. Captain
Allen was First Lieutenant of the United States, in her
action with the Macedonian, and was made captain for his
bravery in the action. Captain Decatur was much attached
to the deceased, and made him a present of two brass guns
from the Macedonian, which are now on board the Argus.
He was highly esteemed in his profession, and was an
officer of the most determined courage."* Such was the
*The Waterford Mirror brought a charge of " barbarity" against Captain
Allen, on the testimony of a cattle dealer, passenger in the Diana and Betsy, one
of the captured vessels who stated that there were 30 head of cattle on board, of
which the enemy killed three for the use of his crew, and burned the rest with the
vessel. Other papers bear testimony to the excellent conduct of Capt. Allen, and
his courtesy and humanity towards the passengers and crews who fell into his
hands.
448 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
tribute paid by the valour of old England to the gallantry of
young America.
The celebrated American privateer brig Yankee, owned
by Mr. James De Wolf, of Bristol, Rhode Island, was a
most fortunate cruiser, and made a great many captures.
She took the Royal Bounty, a British Letter of Marque
ship, after a severe engagement, and ran all the war
without being captured. In several of her first cruises, she
was commanded by Captain Wilson, and subsequently by
Captain Smith. The Yankee arrived at Newport, R.I.
after a cruise of about 150 days, during which she had
scoured the whole western coast of Africa, taken eight prizes,
62 guns, 196 men, 496 muskets, and property worth 296,000
dollars. She had on board 32 bales of fine goods, 6 tons of
ivory, and 40,000 dollars' worth of gold dust. She looked
in at every port, river, town, factory, harbour, etc., on the
coast. Among her prizes were the following: —
Brig- Thames, Captain Toole, of Liverpool, 8 guns and 14
men; with ivory, dry goods and camwood ; worth 40,000 dollars.
Brig Shannon, Captain Kendall, from Maranham for
Liverpool, 10 guns, and 15 men ; worth 50,000 dollars.
Portuguese ship St Jose, from Liverpool for Rio Janeiro,
with dry goods, hardware, etc., valued at about 600,000 dollars,
said to be British property, and sent into Portland, U.S.
The Eliza Ann, from Liverpool to Baltimore, sent into
Boston.
The schooner Aider, Captain Crowley, of Liverpool, 6 guns
(nine-pounders) and 21 men ; laden with 400 casks muskets,
flints, bar lead, iron, dry goods, etc. ; vessel and cargo worth
24,000 dollars. In the engagement an explosion occurred,
which blew up her quarter deck, and killed her captain and
five of her men.
The Yankee also captured the Despatch, from Liverpool for
Quebec, with a cargo invoiced at ^80,000 sterling, and six
other vessels, including the Ann, of Liverpool, which was
afterwards retaken. The Yankee would have taken several
SECOND WAR WITH AMERICA. 449
other prizes but for the injury she received in capturing the
barque Paris, of Liverpool, Captain Harrison, who with only
6 guns and n men fought the Yankee, which carried 18
twelve and nine-pounders, one bow gun, and 75 men, for 45
minutes, receiving great injury herself, and inflicting damage
on the Yankee, which compelled her to put into port to refit.
The Alexander, Captain Newby, from St. Thomas's to
Liverpool, was captured on the 2nd of August, 1814, in lat.
47. 13 N., long. 32. W., by the Mammoth American
schooner privateer, of Baltimore, Captain Franklin, of 14
guns and 140 men. The Mammoth had been out seven
weeks, and had made 16 captures ! Captain Newby was
seventeen days on board the privateer, cruising between the
latitude of his capture and Cape Clear, and during the whole
of that period did not see a single British ship of war. A
meeting of the Committee of the Underwriters' Association
of Liverpool was held on the 22nd of August, for the
purpose of making some communication to the Admiralty
respecting the numerous captures made by the Americans,
when it was resolved, "as the most delicate and proper
mode of proceeding," that a list of the captures made by the
Mammoth be transmitted to J. W. Croker, Esq., for the
information of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty.
In a four months' cruise, the Mammoth took 21 prizes, 18 of
which she destroyed, or gave up as cartels. Her cruising
ground was principally on the coasts of Great Britain, and
in the Bay of Biscay.
On the 29th of August, 1814, a meeting of merchants,
shipowners, underwriters, etc., was held in the Liverpool
Town Hall, to take into consideration a memorial to the
Government on the subject of the numerous captures made
by American cruisers. Mr. John Gladstone proposed an
address to the Lords of the Admiralty, but this was opposed
on the ground that representations had been made to that
department without redress. Mr. Clare proposed an address
2F
450 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS,
to the Prince Regent, which, after warm opposition on the
part of Mr. Gladstone, was carried, and the petition des-
patched on the 3Oth. The address conveyed a censure upon
the Admiralty. At another meeting, held on the 3Oth, a
counter address to the Admiralty was voted, very numer-
ously signed, and sent off on September ist. In this
memorial, complaining of a want of sufficient naval
protection against American captures, the memorialists
spoke of privateers destroying vessels as a novel and extra-
ordinary practice, which they were informed was promoted
by pecuniary rewards from the American Government, and
they wished measures adopted to prevent as much as possible
the ruinous effects of this new system of warfare. Mr.
Croker replied on behalf of the Admiralty, that an ample
force had been under the orders of the Admirals commanding
the western stations ; and that during the time when the
enemy's depredations were stated to have taken place, not
fewer than three frigates and fourteen sloops were actually
at sea for the immediate protection of St. George's Channel
and the western and northern parts of the United Kingdom.
In that case the vessels must have been totally unfit for
the service required of them, for we cannot believe that the
officers and men of the British navy shirked their duty.
Perhaps nothing will better illustrate the state of public
feeling on this question, than the following resolutions of
the merchants, manufacturers, shipowners, and underwriters
of Glasgow, passed in public meeting, the Lord Provost
in the chair, on the yth of September, 1814 : —
" That the number of American privateers with which our
Channels have been infested, the audacity with which they
have approached our coasts, and the success with which their
enterprise has been attended, have proved injurious to our
commerce, humbling" to our pride, and discreditable to the
directors of the naval power of the British nation, whose flag,
till of late, waved over every sea, and triumphed over every
SECOND WAR WITH AMERICA. 451
rival. That there is reason to believe, that in the short space
of less than twenty-four months, above eight hundred vessels
have been captured by that power, whose maritime strength we
have hitherto impolitically held in contempt. That at a time
when we were at peace with all the rest of the world, when
the maintenance of our marine costs so large a sum to the
country, when the mercantile and shipping interests pay a tax
for protection, under the form of convoy duty, and when, in
the plenitude of our power we have declared the whole Ameri-
can coast under blockade, it is equally distressing and morti-
fying that our ships cannot, with safety, traverse our own
Channels ; that insurance cannot be effected but at an exces-
sive premium ; and that a horde of American cruisers should
be allowed, unheeded, unresisted, and unmolested, to take,
burn, or sink, our own vessels, in our own inlets, and almost
in sight of our own harbours.
"That the ports of the Clyde have sustained severe loss from
the depredations already committed, and there is reason to
apprehend still more serious suffering, not only from the
extent of the coasting trade and the number of vessels yet to
arrive from abroad, but as the time is fast approaching when
the outward bound ships must proceed to Cork for convoys,
and when, during the winter season, the opportunities of the
enemy will be increased both to capture with ease and escape
with impunity.
" That the system of burning and destroying every article
which there is fear of losing — a system pursued by all the
cruisers, and encouraged by their own government — diminishes
the chances of recapture, and renders the necessity of
prevention more urgent.
" That from the coldness and neglect with which previous
remonstrances from other quarters have been received by the
Admiralty, this meeting reluctantly feels it an imperious duty
at once to address the Throne, and that therefore a petition be
forwarded to his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent, acting
in the name and on behalf of his Majesty, representing the
above grievances, and humbly praying that his Royal
452 777£ LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
Highness will be graciously pleased to direct such measures
to be adopted, as shall promptly and effectually protect the
trade, on the coast of this Kingdom, from the numerous
insulting and destructive depredations of the enemy."
One of the lieutenants of H.M.S. Leander, writing from
Fayal, on the I4th of January, 1815, gives the following
curious account of an adventure which befell an American
prize-master, in charge of a captured Liverpool brig : —
" In search of the American squadron, we saw a large brig
the other day, which the captain ordered us to draw to, but
under a moderate sail, so as not to show any particular anxiety,
suspecting from circumstances she was a British vessel cap-
tured, and being desirous, if she should prove so, of getting
hold of the American prize-master, and by imposing this ship
upon him as an American frigate, obtaining information which
otherwise we might not get. Nothing could have happened
better. This brig proved to be the John, of Liverpool, lately
captured by the Perry privateer; and the American prize-master,
a high-blooded Yankee, hoisted out his boat, and without any
hesitation came on board the Leander. The moment he got upon
deck, he congratulated the officers on the squadron being at
sea, and in a situation where they would, as he expressed it,
do a tarnation share of mischief to the damned English sarpents,
and play the devil's game with their rag of a flag. He then
observed that he knew this ship the moment he saw her, by her
black-painted masts and sides, and the cut of her sails, to be
the President, as he was in New York just before she sailed.
After these observations, in which the Yankee professed to be
very well informed, he walked up to Sir George Collier;* and
to the extreme amusement of us all, making his bow, addressed
him as the American Com. Decatur, reminding him at the same
time of having once seen him at New York. Sir George
agreed to all this ; when the Yankee presented the John's
papers, to shew what she was, and complained of his
* Those who are familiar with the portraits of Sir George ColHer, will readily
believe that the scene must have been a fine comedy, highly enjoyed by the British
commander.
SECOND WAR WITH AMERICA. 453
crew, which he said were a set of such vile, mutinous
sarpents, that his life was in his hand every night, and
requested, therefore, some of them might be changed for
so many of the supposed President's crew, and that one, in
particular, might have a second flogging. All this Sir George
promised, with great gravity, should be done, and ordered the
First Lieutenant to have as many men ready in exchange for
those complained of. The captain then asked Jonathan into
his cabin, and retiring for a moment for a chart, returned with
one in which the Leander's track was marked, over which
was written "President, from New York, on a cruise," and
placing his finger upon these words, as if by accident, they
immediately caught the eye of the Yankee, who exclaimed,
that he knew the President the moment he saw her, and Nick
himself could not deceive him. He was then asked by Sir
George, pointing to the Acasta, if he knew her. His reply was,
that she was the Macedonian; and when asked what the New-
castle was, he said he did not know her ; on which Sir George
told him she was the Constitution. He replied, he recollected
she was, though not painted as she used to be. He then asked
the Perry's cruizing ground, and he said he had spoken the
Whig privateer, who told him he would probably soon fall in
with Commodore Decatur's squadron, which rejoiced his heart,
as he knew he should then get rid of some of his mutinous
crew. After he had no more to tell, Sir George recommended
his returning to the John, and in great form returned him the
ship's papers, wishing him a good voyage, and desiring he
would not forget to let it be known he left Commodore Decatur
and his squadron well. Jonathan took his leave with great
apparent satisfaction, but when about to quit the Leander, our
First Lieutenant M'Dougall stopped him, and apprized him of
his real situation. For a long time he considered this a joke,
but casting an eye upon the English Captain's uniform, in
which Sir George Collier then appeared, he became almost
frantic with disappointment."
Early in the spring of 1814, the peace, for which the people
were wearying, at length arrived, and was thus announced
454 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
in Liverpool: "Downfall of the tyrant! Peace! heavenly
peace! the desire of all nations dawns on the world!!
The Almighty's name be praised!" In May, the long-
suspended commerce with France was renewed, by the im-
portation of two cargoes of grain into Liverpool from Havre.
Negotiations for the arrangement of the differences with the
United States were opened at Ghent, in the following June,
and, after a long delay, which cost many thousands of lives,
were brought to a close on December 24th. The arrival of
the first American ship in Liverpool after the peace, was
thus announced in the paper of the 3rd of April, 1815 : —
" Several hundred vessels left this port on Friday and the
day before, which had been detained many weeks by adverse
winds. The river afforded a most brilliant and interesting-
spectacle. A still more pleasing1 and interesting sight was
witnessed on Thursday, about one o'clock, in the arrival of the
ship Milo, the first belonging- to the United States which has
arrived since the restoration of peace. The day was remark-
ably bright, and she came up the river in very fine style, with
the British flag flying at the mainmast head, the American
colours at the mizenmast, which were lowered on passing
H.M.S. Argo, lying in the river, and a beautiful signal-flag at
her foremast. This first effect of the restoration of amity
between two countries, designed by nature, habits, and mutual
interests, to maintain uninterruptedly the relations of peace,
was hailed with delight by a great number of spectators, who
covered the piers and the shore. The Milo left Boston on the
1 2th ult., in company with the Liverpool packet, daily ex-
pected. The Milo arrived in ballast."
The arrival of the first British vessel at New York, on
the 5th of May, 1815, was thus announced in one of the
papers of that city: — " The regular British packet, after an
absence of nearly three years, at length re-appears in our
harbour, in token of returning amity. We hail with
sensations of gladness the joyful omen, and may no
455
inauspicious event ever occur again to banish her from our
waters ! "
This was the last war in which Letters of Marque and
Reprisals were granted by the British Government.
Without discussing the wisdom or otherwise of the
Declaration of Paris, or attempting to prophecy its effect on
British commerce in the event of a great naval war, we
shall close this section, with a plain statement of the present
attitude of the British and American governments, towards
privateering.
On the 30th of March, 1856, on the conclusion of the war
with Russia, there was signed the so-called Treaty of Paris.
Subsequently the plenipotentiaries, who signed that treaty
sat in conference, and on the preamble that "maritime law
in time of war, had long been the subject of deplorable
disputes," they adopted a solemn Declaration, which has
since been known as the " Declaration of Paris," and which
was appended to the treaty, on April i6th.
The Declaration ran as follows:—
" i. Privateering is, and remains abolished.
" 2. The neutral flag covers enemy's goods, with the
exception of contraband of war.
" 3. Neutral goods, except contraband of war, are not
liable to capture under the enemy's flag.
"4. Blockades, in order to be binding, must be effective,
that is to say, maintained by a force sufficient in reality to
prevent access to the coasts of the enemy.
''The Declaration not to be binding except between the
Powers acceding to it."
By this Declaration, Great Britain and the other states
who signed it were, of course, bound ; and all civilised
nations have since acceded to it, except the United States,
Mexico, and Spain. Accordingly the United States, in the
deplorable event of a war with Great Britain, would be
justified in using privateers, and Great Britain, though a
456 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
signatory of the above Declaration, would also be justified
in using them in a war against a state, which is not bound
by it.
At first sight it seems extraordinary that so enlightened
a country as the United States should be found associated
with Spain and Mexico in upholding privateering. This
has not always been the attitude of American opinion and
practice on this question, for, we find that more than a
century ago, in 1785, it was stipulated by a treaty, negotiated
by Franklin, between the United States and Prussia, that in
case of war, neither Power should commission privateers to
depredate upon the commerce of the other. And here it is
worth while quoting Franklin's opinion of privateering, as
expressed in his printed works : — *
"It is for the interest of humanity in general," says the
venerable statesman and philosopher, "that the occasions of
war and the inducements to it should be diminished. The
practice of robbing merchants on the high seas, a remnant of
the ancient piracy, though it may be accidentally beneficial to
particular persons, is far from being profitable to all engaged
in it, or to the nation that authorizes it. Ptraterte, as the
French call it, or privateering, is the universal bent of the
English nation, at home and abroad, wherever settled. No
less than seven hundred were, it is said, commissioned in the
last (the American) war. These were fitted out by merchants,
to prey upon other merchants who had never done them any
injury. Methinks it well behoves merchants to consider well
of the justice of a war, before they voluntarily engage a gang
of ruffians to attack their fellow merchants of a neighbouring
nation, to plunder them of their property, and perhaps ruin
them and their families if they yield to it; or to wound, maim,
and murder them, if they endeavour to defend it. Yet these
things are done by Christian merchants, whether a war be
just or unjust; and it can hardly be just on both sides. They are
done by English and American merchants who, nevertheless,
* Franklin's Works, I2mo, 1798. II., 152-178.
SECOND WAR WITH AMERICA. 457
complain of private theft, and hang by dozens the thieves
they have taught by their own example. It is high time, for
the sake of humanity, to put a stop to this enormity. The
United States of America, though better situated than any
European nation to make profit by privateering (most of the
trade of Europe with the West Indies passing before their
doors) are, as far as in them lies, endeavouring to abolish the
practice, by offering in all their treaties with other powers, an
article, engaging solemnly, that in case of future war, no
privateer shall be commissioned on either side ; and that
unarmed merchant ships, on both sides, shall pursue their
voyages unmolested. This will be a happy improvement of
the law of nations. The humane and just cannot but wish
general success to the proposition."
The United States may possibly say that the reason why
they have not repeated and endorsed that stipulation in
subsequent treaties, is all the fault of Great Britain. Great
Britain has always maintained her right to destroy an
enemy's private property at sea (not now by privateers, but
by public war vessels). Constant representations have been
made to us by other Powers, including the United States,
asking us to abandon this right. But, as the greatest
maritime Power, we have stood out for the right of
destroying hostile private property at sea, as a method of
warfare most effective and substantial, without inflicting a
disproportionate amount of suffering upon individuals.
Whether we are really the gainers in the end, by clinging to
this principle, is another question. No doubt it gives a
great advantage to the Power with the strongest fleet ; but
when that Power has also far the largest amount of private
property at sea, it is clear that the compensating dis-
advantage is considerable. The protection of our own
merchandise and the complete destruction of the enemy's
will prove an exceedingly heavy task for our navy. But
this is beside the point, for Great Britain rightly upholds
the principle and must fight accordingly. What then was
458 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
the actual position of the United States as to the Declaration
of Paris? They said : "If England will not abandon the
right to capture private property at sea, then we will not
abandon the right to use privateers. We do not choose to
be at the cost to maintain a large fleet, and must rely on
privateers in case of war. We realise the abuses of
privateering, but we are bound to perpetuate them because
Great Britain will not give way on the first point." But it
is obvious that there is no necessary connection between
privateering and the right of capture by national vessels.
It would appear that in the matter of privateering, the
United States to-day are guided, not by the example and
opinions of Benjamin Franklin, but by the vigorous senti-
ments of Jefferson, promulgated on the 4th of July, 1812 :—
"What is war? It is simply a contest between nations, of
trying" which can do the other the most harm. Who carries
on the war ? Armies are formed and navies are manned by
individuals. How is a battle gained ? By the death of
individuals. What produces peace ? The distress of individ-
uals. What difference to the sufferer is it that his property is
taken by a national or private armed vessel ? Did our
merchants who have lost nine hundred and seventeen vessels
by British captures, feel any gratification that the most of them
were taken by his Majesty's men-of-war ? Were the spoils
less rigidly exacted by a seventy-four gun ship, than by a
privateer of four guns ; and were not all equally condemned ?
War, whether on land or sea, is constituted of acts of violence
on the persons and property of individuals ; and excess of
violence is the grand cause that brings about a peace. One
man fights for wages paid him by the government, or a
patriotic zeal for the defence of his country ; another, duly
authorised, and giving the proper pledges for his good
conduct, undertakes to pay himself at the expense of the foe,
and serve his country as effectually as the former, and
government drawing all its supplies from the people, is, in
reality, as much affected by the losses of one as the other, the
SECOND WAR WITH AMERICA. 459
efficacy of its measures depending- upon the energies and
resources of the whole. In the United States, every possible
encouragement should be given to privateering- in time of war
with a commercial nation. We have tens of thousands of
seamen that without it would be destitute of the means of
support, and useless to their country. Our national ships are
too few in number to give employment to a twentieth part of
them, or retaliate the acts of the enemy. But by licensing
private armed vessels, the whole naval force of the nation is
truly brought to bear on the foe, and while the contest lasts,
that it may have the speedier termination, let every individual
contribute his mite, in the best way he can, to distress and
harass the enemy, and compel him to peace."
In the American Civil War, Congress authorised the
President to issue Letters of Marque, but he did not avail
himself of this power. The Confederates went so far as to
offer their Letters of Marque to foreigners, but the
acceptance of them would, of course, have been a gross
infringement of the restriction of neutrality, and the
Northern States threatened to treat foreign privateers as
pirates.
It must be admitted that the contention of the United
States Government that in the event of their engaging in
hostilities with a country having a powerful navy, their
adhesion to the Declaration of Paris would place them at a
great disadvantage, is as true to-day as it was in 1856. In
comparison with the royal navy of England — the most
tremendous maritime force in the world — the American
public navy is practically non-existent. It is difficult to
see how the United States, in the improbable event of a
conflict with this country, could keep the sea for any length
of time, even if they converted every vessel in their
mercantile marine into a privateer. Neither mercantile
nor public navies can be created in a few weeks or months,
and the present preponderance of Great Britain in both
460 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
classes of vessels, could not be seriously reduced on the
outbreak of hostilities, by even the clever and energetic
American people. This statement is borne out by a
comparison of British and American shipping, made in a
Times article of December, 1896, from which we learn that
the total tonnage of the United States mercantile marine is
rather under 4^ millions, more than 70 per cent, of which
is of timber.
" It needs no elaborate parade of argument," says the
Times, "to prove that, with a merchant marine in which
timber still constitutes 70 per cent of the total tonnage, the
United States could not possibly hope to compete with a
marine like our own where timber is almost entirely discarded,
and where sailing vessels have ceased to be, as they once were, a
dominating factor, more especially when we add that almost
one-half of the American marine is still sail propelled. Little
more need be said in explanation of the fact that during the
first ten months of the current year — to take the latest figures
available — of the tonnage that entered and cleared at British
ports only some 625,000 were of American nationality, whereas
35^ million tons were of British origin. This preponderance
of British tonnage is all the more striking when we remember
that during the same ten months the total value of our direct
trade with the United States was not less than 88 millions
sterling, or about 20 per cent, of the value of our trade with all
countries in that period. As against the American marine of
nearly 4^ million gross tons already alluded to, we have in the
United Kingdom a mercantile marine of about twelve million
tons, almost entirely built in iron or steel, and so largely
modernised from year to year that it is necessarily at the highest
point of efficiency. This is more than can be said of even the
steel-built tonnage in the American marine, although much of
that tonnage is superior to what could be shown a few years
ago."
While it would be a rash thing to assert that the
American merchant navy will never seriously compete with
SECOND WAR WITH AMERICA. 461
the British marine, it is safe enough to assume that the
Union Jack is not likely to have anything to fear from the
Stars and Stripes for a long time to come. The true patriots
on both sides of the Atlantic will ever pray that nothing more
bitter than friendly rivalry in the arts of peace may stimu-
late these two great nations, whose mission is, hand in hand,
to scale the heights of civilization, and shower blessings
upon mankind.
For more than eighty years, the merchant navy of the
British Empire has sailed in every sea unmolested and
unmolesting, until our merchants have become almost
oblivious of those contingencies which require to be
specially provided against during a naval conflict. Yet do
the signs of the times indicate, that in the future, as in the
past, the merchant vessels of Liverpool may play a dis-
tinguished part in the terrible game of war. On the 26th
of June, 1897, there assembled in the historic waters of the
Solent, in honour of Queen Victoria's record reign, and of
days more truly "spacious" than those of " great Elizabeth,"
a magnificent naval pageant comprising nearly 200 war
vessels, or twenty-five miles of fighting force. Never in
the world's history has so stupendous an exhibition of naval
supremacy been seen. So large an array, such strength,
such powers of destruction, such speed were never before
assembled together, to fill the mind with awe and admiration,
and to teach the nations of the earth to cultivate peaceable
habits. Conspicuous even among this unparelleled demon-
stration of sea power, were the magnificent representatives
of Liverpool's armed merchant cruisers, and especially the
Campania, "before which, with its towering bulwarks, its
graceful lines, and its huge red funnels, even the largest
of the war-ships seemed to dwarf." Perhaps it is not too
much to say that if a single Campania, or Teutonic, were
opposed to all the privateers that ever sailed out of Liver-
pool, she could destroy them all, and still be none the worse
462 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS,
for the encounter, provided that her ammunition did not
prematurely give out, or her guns wear out. Such is our
appalling progress in deadliness, and such, too, is the
capacity of Liverpool for keeping abreast of the times, and,
in peace or war, holding its own on the "silver sea."
THE LIVERPOOL SLAVE TRADE.
1
,
THE LIVERPOOL SLAVE TRADE.
CHAPTER I.
How IT ORIGINATED AND THRIVED.
" Man finds his fellow guilty of a skin
Not coloured like his own, and having power
To enforce the wrong, for such a worthy cause
Dooms and devotes him as his lawful prey."
THE British first began to trade with Africa in 1553. In
August of that year, two vessels under the command of
Thomas Windham, sailed from Portsmouth on a voyage to
Guinea and Benin. The second voyage was made in 1554,
by John Lok, who reported that he carried "five blaca-
moors " to England. To Sir John Hawkins, one of the
great sea captains of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, belongs
the infamous distinction of being the first Englishman who
engaged in the importation of slaves from Africa. Eliza-
beth, at first, seems to have revolted at the very thought of
the new British traffic, and to have foreseen the evils to
which its continuance might lead. We find her sending for
Captain Hawkins on his return from his first voyage to
Africa and Hispaniola, whither he had carried slaves, and
expressing her anxiety lest any of the negroes should be
carried off without their free consent, declaring that "it
would be detestable, and call down the vengeance of Heaven
upon the undertakers." Captain Hawkins promised to
respect the scruples of his royal mistress, but when he
reached the coast of Africa, on his second voyage, the sight
2G
466 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
of so much "black ivory" proved too strong a temptation
for him. He seized many of the inhabitants, carried them
off as slaves, and sold them to the. Spaniards to work in the
mines and plantations. " Here," says Hill, the historian,
"began the horrid practice of forcing the Africans into
slavery, an injustice and barbarity, which, so sure as there
is vengeance in heaven for the worst of crimes, will some-
time be the destruction of all who allow or encourage it."
In the year of the Armada (1588), Queen Elizabeth by
letters patent, limited the trade with Africa to a company,
which was also encouraged by James I. and Charles I. In
1618, an African company was established, but a traffic in
slaves formed no part of its objects. It was not until after
the colonizing of Barbadoes and Antigua, in the years
1623-25, that the slave trade, though very profitable, com-
menced to be carried on in English ships. From that time
the English merchants and shipowners plunged into the
trade as eagerly as the Portuguese and Spaniards had done
before, and as the French and Dutch did about the same
time. In consequence of the great depredations committed
upon the English traders by the Dutch, Charles II., in
1662, granted an incorporation to "The Company of Royal
Adventurers of England to Africa," who, being unsuccessful,
resigned their Charter in favour of "The Royal African
Assiento Company." In 1689, this company entered into a
contract to supply the Spanish West Indies with slaves. A
large house, called the South Sea House, was built at
Kingston, Jamaica, for the accommodation of factors, who
were stationed there to conduct the business, and for the
reception of the human cargoes which survived the horrors
of the " middle passage." Although the company's Charter
was abrogated by the Bill of Rights — the third great
Charter of British freedom — the company carried things
with a high hand, and seized the ships of private traders.
Bristol, however, carried on the traffic under great difficulties
HOW IT ORIGINATED AND THRIVED. 467
from the time the monopoly was rendered illegal by the
Bill of Rights, until the trade was thrown open in 1698 by
the breaking up of the Assiento Company.
The great wealth of the merchants of London and Bristol,
enabled them to enjoy a practical monopoly of the African
slave trade for a long period prior to Liverpool having any
share in it. Liverpool adventurers with a small capital
were unable to equip vessels and purchase goods specially
adapted to the African market and of no use outside of that
market, nor could they afford to await the uncertain results
of round voyages, sometimes prolonged to more than a
year, and subject to terrible dangers unknown to any other
description of trading adventures. Early in the eighteenth
century, however, a successful rivalship with Bristol, in
exporting provisions, and coarse checks and silk hand-
kerchiefs of Manchester make, to the West Indies and the
continent of America, eventually enabled the merchants of
Liverpool to participate in the more lucrative slave traffic.
While Liverpool obtained from this competition a sudden
accession to her commerce, which stimulated the industrious
and enriched the enterprising, multiplied the ships in her
docks, and filled her warehouses with sugar, rum, and other
West India produce, the trade of Bristol to the West Indies
declined. The checks of Manchester, carried in Liverpool
ships, ousted from that market the German, French, and
Scotch osnaburgs exported from Bristol. Finding them-
selves out-distanced in the competition, the merchants of
Bristol embarked with energy in the slave trade, and that
so successfully, that the number of ships despatched by
them to the slave coast from the year 1701 to 1709 was no
less than 57 per annum. The effect of this upon the London
slave traffic was enormous. The 104 vessels employed by
that port in the Guinea trade in 1701, fell to 72 in 1702, and
50 in 1704, while in 1707 there were only 30 ships so
employed. As yet, the hands of Liverpool were clean from
468 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
negro blood. There was one easy gradient to descend
before she entered upon the horrid traffic, and this was the
contraband trade with the Spanish main. Spain shipped
to her colonists in America, French and German checks,
stripes and osnaburgs, under a duty of 300 per cent. To
evade this exorbitant impost, the Spanish West India
traders ran down in schooners and large canoes from the
Havannah, Portobello, and Carthagena to Jamaica, to
purchase Manchester goods, which they found not only
cheaper, but superior in quality to those made in France
and Germany. A growing demand resulted in ample
returns in specie to Liverpool and Manchester, and in spite
of the vigilance of the Spanish Guarda Costa, which were
continually cruising between the south-end of Jamaica and
the Spanish main, this trade flourished for about twenty
years, and gave the Guarda Costa some excuse for the
cruelties they practised in boarding and plundering British
vessels, under the pretence of searching for contraband
goods. The traffic received a check in 1740, in consequence
of a remonstrance from the King of Spain, and finally
received its death blow from the Grenville treaty of 1747-
The cutting off of a branch of commerce, which, while it
lasted, helped to establish the manufactures of Manchester,
and lay the foundation of the fortunes of several mercantile
houses* both in that town and Liverpool, threw a strong
temptation in the way of the Liverpool merchants to employ
their ships in the Guinea trade.
When the slave trade was thrown open in 1698, Parlia-
ment enacted that private traders should pay to the Assiento
Company 10 per cent, for the repairs of the forts and the
expenses of the factory. Disputes and dissensions arising
* In Edwards's History of the West Indies, it is stated that the value of the
goods annually disposed of amounted to .£1,500,000 sterling, while 4,000 tons of
shipping were employed in this one single branch of commerce. When the con-
traband trade was at its height, the annual return to the town of Manchester tor
the first cost of the goods was estimated at ^560,000, and the amount of the profits
to the merchants of Liverpool at ^"273,467.
HOW IT ORIGINATED AND THRIVED. 469
from this arrangement, the legislature, it^rjWy) gran ted a
certain sum for such purposes, and enacted that persons
trading to Africa should pay to the Chamberlain of London,
the Clerk of the Merchants' Hall, Bristol, or to the Town
Clerk of Liverpool, 405. for the freedom of the new company,
which should consist of all his Majesty's subjects trading
between Cape Blanco and the Cape of Good Hope. London,
Bristol, and Liverpool were each to send three committee
men to manage the business, and to take charge of the forts
and factories. Thus encouraged, the merchants of Liverpool, "
trebly qualified by the capital, spirit of adventure, and
knowledge of the requirements of the West India Islands
gained in the contraband trade, entered heartily into the
new speculation. The merchants of London having almost
relinquished the slave trade in 1720, the memorable year of
the South Sea disaster, the only rival Liverpool had to fear
in its fresh sphere of enterprise was Bristol. The pre-
dominance gained by that port over London in the Guinea
trade, and the success obtained over Bristol by Liverpool in
the West India market were not more remarkable than the
success of Liverpool adventurers in a traffic which, however
repugnant to the feelings of humanity, was productive of
vast profits. For a period of 77 years, they carried on the
trade with a characteristic vigour and ability that out-
distanced every competitor, and won for Liverpool the
unenviable distinction of being the chief slaving town of the
Old World.
It must not be supposed from the fact that, between the
year 1709 and 1730, only a single barque of 30 tons burthen
sailed from the Mersey for Africa, and laid the foundation of
a great but terrible commerce by conveying 15 slaves
across the Atlantic, that Liverpool felt any repugnance to
embark in a lucrative trade in which every seaport of
Europe was engaged, which London and other English
ports had carried on for nearly a hundred years, and which
470 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
was winked at, if not sanctioned by, the British legislature.*
No more scruple was then felt as to the "licitness" of the trade
in slaves than as to the lawfulness of the trade in black cattle.
" So totally different was the feeling which then prevailed on
this subject, " says Baines, ' ' that whilst the article of the treaty
of Vienna, denouncing the African slave trade, was regarded
as the noblest article of the great pacification of 1815, the
article of the treaty of Utrecht, giving England the privi-
lege of importing negroes into the Spanish possessions in
America as well as into her own, was regarded as one of
the greatest triumphs of the pacification of 1713."
Immediately on the adoption of the new regulations in
1730, 15 vessels, of the average burthen of 75 tons each, were
despatched from Liverpool to the coast of Africa. The
number of slaves annually imported in the infancy of the
trade cannot now be ascertained, but the encouragement
must have been very great to increase the vessels more
than double in seven years, 33 Guineamen having cleared
for the coast in the year 1737.
The Liverpool merchants at length found it advantageous
to have their own factors settled at Jamaica, as had long been
the practice of London and Bristol. Liverpool hitherto had
been compelled to dispose of her adventures by super-
cargoes, who were often obliged to sell their goods at a low
advance on the invoice, to enable them to make their returns
in the vessel, which was frequently an impediment to the
sale of their goods. The planters soon discovered that they
could purchase slaves from the Liverpool stores at four or
five pounds per head less than from the London and Bristol
factors, and yet get the same length of credit as had been
given by the latter. The causes which enabled Liverpool
merchants thus to dispose of Guinea cargoes of " prime
negroes" at about 12 per cent, less than the rest of the
* The property in slaves was specifically acknowledged by statute of 5th,
Geo. II., Cap. 7, and again by I3th, Geo. III., Cap. 14.
HO W IT ORIGIN A TED AND THRIVED. 4 7 1
kingdom, and at the same time return an equal profit,
are thus set forth by a well-informed local author of the
eighteenth century : — *
"The reason the port of Liverpool could undersell the
merchants of London and Bristol, was the restriction in their
outfits and method of factorage. The London and Bristol
merchants not only allowed ample monthly pay to their
captains, but cabin privileges, primage and daily port charges;
they also allowed their factors five per cent, on the sales, and
five per cent, on the returns, and their vessels were always
full manned by seamen at a monthly rate. The Liverpool
merchants proceeded on a more economical but less liberal
plan, the generality of their captains were at annual salaries,
or if at monthly pay, four pounds were thought great wages at
that time, no cabin privileges were permitted, primage was
unknown amongst them, and as to port allowances, not a
single shilling was given, while five shillings a day was the
usual pay from Bristol, and seven and six from London.
The captains from these ports could, therefore, occasionally
eat on shore, and drink their bottle of Madeira ; whereas, the
poor Liverpool skipper was obliged to repair on board to his
piece of salt beef and biscuit, and bowl of new rum punch,
sweetened with brown sugar. The factors, instead of a rate
per centum, had an annual salary, and were allowed the rent
of their store, negro hire, and other incidental charges ; there-
fore, if the consignments were great or small, the advantages
to the factor suffered no variation. Their portage was still
more economical, their method was to take poor boys
apprentice for long terms, who were annually increased,
became good seamen, were then second mates, and then
first mates, then captains, and afterwards factors on the
islands. This was the usual gradation at the time, whereby
few men at monthly pay were required to navigate a Liver-
pool vessel."
* A general and descriptive history of Liverpool, published anonymously in I795»
472 THE LIVERPOOL SLAVE TRADE,
In 1746, the Fortune, Captain Green, of Liverpool, on her
voyage from Africa to Jamaica, was captured and carried
to Porto Cavalla, with 354 slaves on board.
In 1747, the slave-ship Ogden, Captain Tristram, of Liver-
pool, bound from Africa to Jamaica, was taken by a Spanish
privateer. The gallant resistance made by the crew so
irritated the Spaniards, that, on boarding the Ogden, they
killed all, both whites and blacks, during which the ship
sunk, and all on board, except one man, five boys, and nine
negroes, perished.
In 1751, the African trade, under legislative enactments,
had swelled to a great volume, and in that year no fewer
than 53 vessels, with an aggregate burthen of 5,334 tons, sailed
from the Mersey for the slave-coast. Owing to the length
of the round voyage, which sometimes occupied over a year,
the returns of Guineamen that cleared annually for the coast
from Liverpool do not represent all the vessels belonging
to the port then actively engaged in the trade. We find, for
instance, in the returns,* that 58 vessels cleared for Africa
in the year 1752, f but from " Williamson's Liverpool
Memorandum Book," published in 1753, we know that in
1752, Liverpool possessed no less than 88 vessels employed
in the African trade, \ all of which, with one exception,
carried slaves. That exception was the Eaton, owned by
Messrs. John Okill & Co., which traded in wood and
teeth. The 87 slavers had a capacity for conveying about
25,000 negroes across that terrible belt of ocean in which
*See appendix.
t In the History of the County Palatine and Duchy of Lancaster, \ y Edward
Baines, edited by Jas. Croston, F.S.A., it is stated that only 51 or 52 Liverpool
vessels out of upwards of 300 were engaged in the slave-trade in the year 1752, an
assertion contradicted, both by the clearance list and the list of vessels actually
employed.
J They traded with the following places: — 5 with Benin, II with Angola,
3 with New Calabar, II with Old Calabar, 38 with the Windward and Gold Coast,
&c., 12 with Bonny, and 8 with Gambia. All these vessels were also engaged in
the trade with America: for the living cargoes which they took in on the coast of
Africa they conveyed either to the West Indies or the North American plantations,
from Maryland and Virginia southwards, after which they returned to Liverpool,
with cargoes of sugar, rum, and other tropical or colonial produce.
HOW IT ORIGINATED AND THRIVED. 473
so many heart-broken captives found rest. The number
shipped, if not actually delivered "in good order and
condition," was probably much higher, as it was then
customary to overload, with the most frightful results.
From the same "Memorandum Book" we learn that
there were in Liverpool, in the year 1752, 101 merchants
who were members of the Company trading to Africa*
established by Act of Parliament in 1750 (the 23rd of
George II.), entitled "An Act for extending and improving
the trade to Africa belonging to Liverpool." In the same
year there were in London, 135 African merchants, and in
Bristol 157, though the African trade of the latter was less
extensive than that of Liverpool.
^ —
From this time the man traffic set in with such a steady
current, that it soon became one of the most lucrative branches
of the commerce of the port. Fast sailing vessels, specially
adapted for the trade, were built in the shipbuilding yards
on the banks of the Mersey, where many a noble frigate for
the king's navy was turned out in those days, and soon
the odour of the human shambles began to mix with that
of tar and rum in the docks of Liverpool. Here, as else-
where, it was impossible to keep the pollution at a distance
— the smoke of the evil genie followed the homeward bound
Guineamen across the seas, and tainted the town, in spite
of every effort to bottle it. The insignia of the men-stealers
were boldly exhibited for sale in the shops and warehouses, j.
and advertised in the papers.f Busts of blackamoors and
* In the appendix will be found a list of the Liverpool African merchants, and
also of their 88 Guineamen, their commanders' names, and the slave-carrying
capacity of each vessel.
t In 1756, the following articles suitable for a Guinea voyage were advertised to
be sold by auction at the Merchants' Coffee-house : — One iron furnace and copper,
27 cafes (?) with bottles, 83 pairs of shackles, n neck collars, 22 handcuffs for thr
travelling chain, 4 long chains for the slaves, 54 rings, 2 travelling chains, I corn
mill, 7 four-pound basons, 6 two-pound basons, 3 brass pans, 28 kegs of gunpowder,
12 cartouches boxes, I iron ladle, I small basket of flints. In the paper of May
27th, 1757> another lot was advertised: one large negro hearth with 2 iron
furnaces, I copper ditto for 450 slaves, I decoction copper kettle, ditto pan, a
parcel of shackles, chains, neck collars, and handcufls, i iron furnace, 245 gallons,
with a lead top, sufficient to boil lo barrels of liquor.
474 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
elephants, emblematical of the African trade, adorned the
Exchange or Town Hall.* One street in the town was nick-
named Negro Row, and negro slaves were occasionally sold
by auction in the shops, warehouses, and coffee-houses, and
also on the steps of the Custom House. f The young bloods
of the town, when not engaged in more disgraceful pursuits,
deemed it fine amusement to circulate handbills in which
young ladies were offered for sale.
In an auctioneer's bill of the period, we find, " twelve
pipes of raisin wine, two boxes of bottled cyder, six sacks
of flour, three negro men, two negro women, two negro
boys, and one negro girl."
Amongst the many curious advertisements which appeared
in the Liverpool papers, while the slave trade was in full
swing, were two side by side in Williamson's Advertiser,
of August 2Oth, 1756. The first announced the hull of the
snow Molly, to be sold by the candle at i o'clock noon at
'R. Williamson's shop, adding : " N.B. — Three young men
slaves to be sold at the same time." Facing it in the next
column we read, "Wanted immediately a negro boy. He
must be of a deep black complexion, and a lively, humane
disposition, with good features, and not above 15, nor
under 12 years of age. Apply to the printer." The irony
of contrast presented by these two advertisements was, of
course, lost upon the most "lively and humane" reader of
* "Between the capitals runs an entablature or fillet, on which are placed in
base relief the busts of blackamoors and elephants, with the teeth of the latter,
with such-like emblematical figures representing the African trade and commerce. "
— " History of Liverpool."
t The Custom House, on the east side of the Old Dock, now Canning Place,
was built about 1700, by Mr. Silvester Moorecroft, who was mayor in 1706. It
was a meagre red brick building with two slightly projecting wings ; the angles
and windows being ornamented with stone. It had the royal arms carved in stone
in front, and was entered by a wide flight of steps in the centre, through arches,
into an arcade or piazza, out of which several doors opened, and a staircase led to
the long room, which was above the piazza, and to several other offices. Ships
loaded and discharged at the quay in front of the building, and at the back were
the Custom House yard and warehouse (the latter fronting Paradise St.), access to
which was obtained by a passage on the south side of the Custom House. The
slave-auctions were held on the flight of steps leading to the main entrance.
HOW IT ORIGINATED AND THRIVED. 475
that day. In the same paper, for June 24th, 1757, we read
the following : —
"For Sale immediately, ONE stout NEGRO young- fellow,
about 20 years of age, that has been employed for 12 months
on board a ship, and is a very serviceable hand. And a NEGRO
BOY, about 12 years old, that has been used since Sept. last to
wait at a table, and is of a very good disposition, both
warranted sound. Apply to Robert Williamson, Broker. N.B.
A vessel from 150 to 250 tons burthen is wanted to be
purchased."
Among the wants advertised in December, 1757, by Robert
Williamson aforesaid, who kept the Universal Register
Office, near the Exchange, and, amongst other matters,
registered " Persons of Ingenuity and Learning," were the
following: "A French Horn for a Letter of Marque. A
Black Boy that can beat a drum, for an officer in the
Army. A person that can play on the Bagpipes, for a
Guinea ship." We are not told whether the piper was
required to discourse sweet strains to the crew, or to tame
the mutinous negroes.
In the short-lived Liverpool Chronicle, James Parker,
auctioneer, advertised for sale by the candle, at the Merchants'
Coffee-house, a fine negro boy, 1 1 years of age, imported
from Bonny, by Mr. Thomas Yates, a Guinea merchant,
who lived in Cleveland Square.
The following is from Williamson's Advertiser of Feb.
1 7th, 1758:-
" For Sale a Healthful Negro Boy, about 5 feet high, well
proportioned, of a mild, sober, honest disposition ; has been
with his present master 3 years, and used to wait on a table,
and to assist in a stable."
On the 8th of September, 1758, the following appeared in
the same paper : —
"Run away from Dent, in Yorkshire, on Monday, the
28th August last, Thomas Anson, a negro man, about
476 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
5 ft. 6 ins. high, aged 20 years and upwards, and broad
set. Whoever will bring the said man back to Dent, or
give any information that he may be had again, shall receive
a handsome reward from Mr. Edmund Sill, of Dent ; or
Mr. David Kenyon, merchant, in Liverpool."
In 1765, we have another specimen from the same
source: —
"To be sold by Auction at George's Coffee-house, betwixt
the hours of six and eight o'clock, a very fine negro girl about
eight years of age, very healthy, and hath been some time
from the coast. Any person willing to purchase the same
may apply to Capt. Robert Syers, at Mr. Bartley Hodgett's,
Mercer and Draper near the Exchange, where she may be
seen till the time of Sale."
In the paper of September i2th, 1766, was announced "to
be sold at the Exchange Coffee-house in Water Street, this
day the i2th inst. September, at one o'clock precisely, eleven
negroes, imported per the Angola, * * * * Broker."
On December ist, 1767, one negro man and two boys
were advertised for sale at Mr. Robinson's office.
Thus the hateful traffic was not kept altogether at a
distance, nor confined to those referred to by the poet —
" But ah ! what wish can prosper or what prayer,
For merchants rich in cargoes of despair ;
Who drive a loathsome traffic, gauge and span,
And buy the bones and muscles of the man."
It is, indeed, too often forgotten that while British ships
were employed in transporting millions of " African
labourers " to their doom in the mines, and on the sugar
and cotton plantations of the New World, the traffic in
human flesh and blood was polluting freedom-loving
England itself: and in justice to Liverpool, a few facts
must be stated under this head, lest the reader should
imagine that her people were worse than their neighbours.
HOW IT ORIGINATED AND THRIVED. 477
When Henry Esmond Warrington, Esq., of Virginia,
landed at Bristol, in 1756, with his black slave Gumbo, he
was only the type of thousands of others who landed upon
our shores, and Gumbo, boasting in the servants' hall at
Castlewood, and singing in church as loud as the organ,
was but the idealised representative of thousands of black
slaves held in bondage in England at that period. In 1764,
the "Gentleman's Magazine" estimated that there were
upwards of 20,000 black slaves then domiciled in London
alone, and these slaves were openly bought and sold on
'Change. These unfortunate creatures were burnt with some
distinguishing mark, and collars and padlocks were deemed a
necessary part of their livery. That a collar was considered
as essential for a black slave as for a dog, is clear from the
London Advertiser for 1756, in which Matthew Dyer,
working goldsmith, at the Crown, in Duck Lane, Orchard
Street, Westminster, intimates to the public that he makes
"silver padlocks for Blacks or Dogs; collars, &c." In the
London Gazette of March, 1685, a reward was advertised for
bringing back John White, a black boy of about 15 years of
age, who had run away from Colonel Kirke's. He had a
silver collar about his neck, upon which was the Colonel's
coat-of-arms and cipher; he had also upon his throat a great
scar, &c. King William III., "of glorious memory," had
a favourite slave, a bust of whom may be seen at Hampton
Court; the head is of black marble, and the drapery round
the shoulders and chest of veined yellow marble, while the
throat is encircled by a carved white marble collar, with a
padlock, "in every respect like a dog's metal collar. In the
Daily Journal, of September 28th, 1728, is an advertisement
for a runaway black boy, who had the legend, "My Lady
Bromfield's black, in Lincoln's Inn Fields," engraved on a
collar round his neck. A specimen of these slave collars is
preserved in the Museum of the Antiquarian Society, in
Edinburgh. The collar, which in this instance was worn by
478 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
a white man, bears the following inscription : "Alexander
Stewart, found guilty of death for theft, at Perth, December
5, 1701. — Gifted by the Justiciaries, as a perpetual servant,
to Sir John Erskine, of Alva." The following advertise-
ments show how common was the custom of buying and
selling black slaves in England in the eighteenth century: —
In the Tatler, for 1709, a black boy, twelve years of age,
"fit to wait on a gentleman," is offered for sale at Dennis's
Coffee-house, in Finch Lane, near the Royal Exchange.
The Daily Post, of August 4th, 1720, contains the following:
"Went away the 22nd July last, from the house of William
Webb, in Limehouse Hole, a negro man, about 20 years old,
called Dick, yellow complexion, wool hair, about five foot six
inches high, having on his right breast the word 'Hare' burnt.
Whoever brings him to the said Mr. Webb's, shall have half-a-
guinea reward and reasonable charges."
In the Daily Journal, of September 28th, 1728, a negro boy,
eleven years of age, was advertised for sale at the Virginia
Coffee-house, in Threadneedle Street, behind the Royal Ex-
change.
The following appeared in the London Advertiser, of 1756:
"To be sold, a Negro Boy, about fourteen years old, warranted
free from any distemper, and has had those fatal to that colour;
has been used two years to all kinds of household work, and to
wait at table ; his price is ^25, and would not be sold but the
person he belongs to is leaving off business. Apply at the bar
of the George Coffee-house, in Chancery Lane, over against the
Gate."
In the Public Ledger, of December 3ist, 1761, "a healthy
Negro Girl, age about fifteen years," is offered for sale; "speaks
good English, works at her needle, washes well, does household
work, and has had the small-pox."
In 1763, one John Rice, was hanged for forgery at Tyburn,
and among his effects, sold by auction after his execution, was
a negro boy, who fetched ^32. The "Gentleman's Magazine,"
HOW IT ORIGINATED AND THRIVED. 479
commenting- on the sale of the boy, says that this was "perhaps
the first custom of the kind in a free country."
At Lichfield, in 1771, there was offered for sale, by public
auction, "A Negro Boy, from Africa, supposed to be ten or
eleven years of age. He is remarkably stout, well proportioned,
speaks tolerably good English, of a mild disposition, friendly,
officious, sound, healthy, fond of labour, and for colour, an
excellent fine black."
The Stamford Merciiry, for 1771, states that "at a sale of a
gentleman's effects at Richmond, a Negro Boy was put up and
sold for ^32 ; " adding, "a shocking instance in a free country !"
In March, 1752, the Clayton snow,* Captain Patrick, of
Liverpool, 200 tons burthen, armed with 4 two-pounders
and 10 swivel guns, was taken off Fernando Po, on the
coast of Africa, by pirates, also from Liverpool. These
proved to be nine men and a boy belonging to the Three
Sisters, Captain Jenkins, who had run away with the ship's
longboat. The pirate took the opportunity of luffing up
under the lee quarter of the Clayton when all her hands
were forward, except the captain and gunner, and then
boarded with sword and pistol in hand, wounded the
captain in several places, captured the ship, kept the crew
in irons one night, and the next morning put them on board
their own longboat and turned them adrift. The pirates
had brought with them in their boat a bale of scarlet cloth
and another of handkerchiefs, and told the Clayton's crew
that if they " would go a-roving they should be clothed
with scarlet." Four, unable to resist this dazzling proposal,
voluntarily entered as rovers, and the chief mate and two
boys were impressed into the pirate service. The rest of
the crew were 12 days in getting into the river Bonny,
where the king seized their longboat, and the men had to
* A common type of slaver at this time was a snow, of about 140 tons, square
sterned, 57 feet keel, 21 feet beam, 5 feet between decks, 9 feet in. the hold — a
miniature Malbolge when crammed with slaves like sardines in a box.
480 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
enter on board different slavers trading- there. The pirates
carried the Clayton to Pernambuco, where a Portuguese
man-of-war retook her and carried her to Lisbon, The
Three Sisters was wrecked on the coast of Wexford, and
Captain Jenkins, with most of the crew, perished.
In the summer of 1756, while a sloop commanded by
Alexander Hope was making the middle passage with a
cargo of slaves, being then 100 leagues from the coast, six
or seven slaves, who were upon deck, watched an oppor-
tunity when the first mate (Mr. Ashfield) and some more of
the crew were in the hold, rushed into the cabin, knocked
Captain Hope's brains out, wounded the second mate
(Mr. Charles Duncan) in several places, secured all the
arms, and kept possession of the cabin for four hours.
Duncan, with difficulty got out of the cabin, and, with the
assistance of the first mate and the cooper, got the door shut
upon the negroes. The blacks then fired all the muskets
and blunderbusses at the crew through the door, but hurt
none of them. The first mate and the cooper then rushed
into the cabin, disarmed the slaves, and recovered the vessel.
The ringleader of the slaves jumped overboard and was
drowned. The first mate and the cooper received several
wounds.
Captain Jenkinson, of the Fanny, writing to his owners
in Liverpool, from Jamaica, on November 27th, 1756, says :
"On the igth we arrived here, with no slaves, 22 ct. of
ivory, and ounces of gold, after a tedious passage of
13 weeks and 4 days. My slaves are sold from ^50 to ^£48
per head."
In January, 1757, the Nancy, Captain Gill, with 72 fine
slaves on board, was captured at Junk, while trading, by two
French frigates. "Our usage, whilst on board them," says
Captain Gill, "was cruel, no better lodgings than the decks,
only short and bad allowance, and to be marooned without
provisions was treatment beneath an European enemy, let
HOW IT ORIGINATED AND THRIVED. 481
alone the polite nation of France." In his letter Captain
Gill mentions that the Priscilla, of Liverpool, had arrived
at Barbadoes on the 3Oth of March, from the coast of
Africa, having buried 94 slaves on the middle passage !
Her complement was 350 slaves, which, allowing for over-
loading, shows a shocking rate of mortality.
Captain Bailie, commander of the slave-ship Carter,
writing to his owners in Liverpool from the River Bonny,
Africa, on January 3ist, 1757, reveals the method sometimes
resorted to by slave-captains to compel the native chiefs to
trade with them. He says: —
"We arrived here the 6th of December, and found the
Hector, with about 100 slaves on board, also the Marquis of
Lothian, of Bristol, Capt. Jones (by whom I now write), who
was half slaved, and then paying" 50 Barrs, notwithstanding" he
had been there 3 months before our arrival. I have only yet
purchased 15 slaves at 30 and 35 Barrs; but as soon as the
bearer sails, I propose giving- more; for at present there is a
dozen of our people sick, besides the two mates, some of whom
are very bad, and I have been for these last 8 days in a strong-
fever, and frequently insensible. Yesterday morning- I buried
Thomas Hodge, and on the i3th James Barton. Capt. Nobler
of the Phoenix arrived here the 3d, and on the igth our trade
was stopt (as it had often been before) ; upon which we all
marched on shore to know the reason and applied to the King-
thrice, though he constantly ordered himself to be denied, and
wou'd not admit us. However, we heard his voice in doors,
and as he used us so ill, we went on board, and determined
(after having- held a Council), to fire upon the town next
morning, which we accordingly did, in order to bring them to
reason, but found that our shot had little effect from the river,
upon which we agreed that the Phoenix and the Hector shou'd
go into the Creek, it being nigher the town, whilst Captain
Jones and I fired from the river. The Phoenix being the head-
most vessel went in, and the Hector followed about a cable's
length astern. The Phcenix had scarce entred the Creek
2H
482 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE,
before they received a volley of small arms from the bushes,
which were about 20 yards distant from the ship, and at the
same time several shot from the town went through him, upon
which they came to anchor, and plied their carriage guns for
some time ; but finding there was no possibility of standing the
decks, or saving the ship, he struck his colours, but that did
not avail, for they kept a continued fire upon him, both of
great and small arms. His people were thrown into the utmost
confusion, some went down below, whilst others jumpt into the
yaul which lay under the ship's quarter, who (on seeing a
number of canoes coming down to board them) desired Capt.
Nobler to come down to them, which he at last did, as he
found the vessel in such a shattered condition, and that it was
impossible for him to get her out of the Creek before the next
ebb tide, in case he cou'd keep the canoes from boarding him.
With much difficulty they got on board the Hector, but not
without receiving a number of shot into the boat. The natives
soon after boarded the Phoenix, cut her cables, and let her
drive opposite the town, when they began to cut her up, and
get out her loading, which they accomplished in a very short
time. But at night in drawing off some brandy, they set her
on fire, by which accident a great many of them perished in the
flames. The Phoenix's hands are distributed amongst the other
three ships, and all things are made up, and trade open, but
very slow, and provisions scarce and dear." The Marquis of
Lothian was afterwards taken and carried into Martinico.
The dangers to which slave-captains were exposed in
war time is set forth in the following letter from Captain
Jackson, of the ship King George, dated Surinam, June
6th, 1757:-
"On the 28th of March last, being at an anchor in Melimba
Road, on the coast of Africa, in company with the Ogden,
Captain Lawson, Penelope, Captain Wyatt, and the Black
Prince, of Chester, Captain Creevey, two French men-of-war
(the St. Michael of 64 guns, and the Leviathan of 36 guns),
stood directly in for us. As soon as we found it impossible to
HOW IT ORIGINATED AND THRIVED. 483
escape, we slipt, and run our ships on shore, choosing rather
to lose all, than fall into the enemies' hands. I had then on
board 390 slaves, who ran away and were for the most part
taken by the natives. We have lost everything, except a few
things I had in the factory on shore, and about 20 slaves, with
whom I got on board the ship Wolpenburg, of Flushing, and
took passage for this place. As she does not sell here, but
sails for St. Eustatia in the morning, I propose going with
her. Captain Creevey got his passage by way of Rotterdam :
Captain Lawson was carried away by the French men-of-war,
and sailed for Martinico ten days after they forced us on
shore, and Captain Wyatt we left at Melimba, with some
slaves that he had saved. My surgeon and Will Dawson are
with me ; part of my people propose staying on the coast of
Africa, whilst others design going in the long boat to Island
Princess, or St. Thomas's. I left my second and third mate
at Melimba, who are well, but poor Tom Cross is dangerously
ill, and I had the misfortune to bury Mr. Moncaster on the
29th of April."
Further details of the unfortunate affair were supplied by
Captain William Creevey, on his arrival in Liverpool.
They were to the following effect:—
"The St. Michael had 600 men on board, and the Leviathan
300. They first appeared in sight about 7 o'clock in the morn-
ing, under English colours, upon which all the boats then on
shore, distrusting them, immediately repaired on board their
respective ships, and made what preparations they could for an
engagement. The frigate, being the headmost ship, stretched
first in with them, upon which a smart engagement ensued
between her and the Englishmen, whose metal were only 3 and
4 pounders, and hers 18 pounders. The engagement lasted
till the 64-gun ship came within reach of them with her 24
pounders, which obliged them to slip their cables, intending to
run their ships on shore. The Frenchmen dispatched two
launches full of men after them, intending to cut them off the
shore, and Captain Creevey's vessel being the sternmost, they
484 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
attempted to board him, but received such a warm reception
from his stern chase guns, loaded with musket balls, that they
sheered off, and afterwards steered for and boarded the Ogden,
Captain Lawson, whom with most -of his people they carried
on board the Commandant and used extremely ill. Next
morning' they burnt the Black Prince and Ogden, and after
waiting two days, destroying all before them, they landed all
Captain Lawson's people but himself and the Doctor, went to
Cape Binda to wood and water, and sailed for Martinico. By
their behaviour on the coast they seemed as if their only object
was to destroy the trade ; for they allowed 70 of the natives to
plunder the Ogden, but fixed a fuzee to the powder magazine,
which blew up the ship and all the black men on board. This
wanton cruelty so exasperated the natives that they threatened
to take reveng-e on the first French ship that fell into their
hands. The blacks behaved extremely kind to all the English-
men, and assisted them with what they wanted."
On the 6th of January, 1758, we read that the Knight,
Captain William Boates, from Annamaboo, with 398
slaves, had touched at St. Kitts, all well, and had gone
down for Jamaica. On the lyth of February, we read of
his arrival at Jamaica with 360 Coromantee, Ashantee,
Akin, and Whydah negroes, from which we gather that
the sharks had banqueted on 38 prime negroes. Off the
Leeward Islands, Captain Boates had a smart engagement^1
with a French privateer sloop of 12 carriage guns, and
full of men, which attempted to board him several times.
Captain Boates armed several of his negroes, who behaved
very gallantly with the small arms, and eventually the
privateer sheered off, much disabled, and it was afterwards
reported that she had sunk. The story of Captain Boafes
(or Boats) is a strange one. His real name will never be
known, as he was a waif, found in a boat, hence the
peculiar surname. He was brought up by the person who
found him, placed in the Blue Coat School, which has
turned out so many capable and worthy men in every walk
HOW IT ORIGINATED AND THRIVED. 485
of life, and afterwards apprenticed to the sea. He rose to
be commander of a slave-ship, and prospered amazingly,
becoming one of the leading merchants and shipowners of
Liverpool. In the paper of June 6th, 1760, the marriage is
announced of " Capt. Wm. Boates, formerly of the African
trade, merchant, to Miss Brideson, daughter of Mr. Paul
Brideson, of Douglas, Isleman." It is related that one of
his vessels captured a Spanish ship with a large quantity of
gold and silver bullion and specie on board. When the
news was communicated to Mr. Boates, he ran along the
Pierhead exclaiming " Billy Boates — born a beggar, die a
lord ! " Part of the structure known as Drury Buildihgs,
Drury Lane, was formerly his residence. It was built in a
superior style for that age, a large portion of the woodwork
being mahogany. The Liverpool newspaper of November
3rd, 1794, records the death, at the age of 78, of " William
Boates, Esq., whose extensive transactions in the commer-
cial world rendered him a most useful member of society,
and whose memory will be long revered by all who had
connections with him." He was interred in the Old
Churchyard. His daughter, the wife of Richard Puleston,
Esq., died at Brighton, in September of the same year.
His son, Henry Ellis Boates, of Rosehill, Denbighshire,
died in January, 1805. " It is a remarkable fact," says
Brooke, "that of the large number of Liverpool persons
who made fortunes in the African slave trade, and some of
them acquired by that odious traffic considerable wealth, it
only remained in very few instances in their families
until the third generation, and in many cases it was dis-
persed or disappeared in the first generation after the death
of the persons acquiring it."
Captain Boates had retired from the sea, and settled down
as a merchant, when he appended his signature to a very
interesting document,* of which the following is a copy : —
* In the possession of Mr. C. K. Lace.
486 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
" LIVERPOOLE, 14 April, 1762.
" CAPN- AMBROSE LACE,
" SIR, — You being- Master of the ship Margin's of Gran by,
and now cleard out of the Custom house, and ready to sail for
Africa, America, and back to Liverpoole, the Cargoe we have
shipd on Board is agreeable to the Annexed Invoice, which we
consign you for sale, For which you are to have the usual
Commission of 4 in 104 on the Gross Sales, and your Doctor,
Mr. Lawson, i2d. ^ Head on all the slaves sold, and we give
you these our orders to be observed in the course of your
intended voyage. With the First Favourable wind you must
sail and proceed in company with the Douglas, Cap" Finch,
who has some Business at the Isle of Man, when you must
accompany him not waiting longer for him than six days.
When finished at the Isle of Man, you are to make the Best of
your way in Company thro the So. Channell and as you are
Both Ships of Force, and we hope Tolerably well mann'd you
will be better able to Defend yourselves against the Enemy,
we therefore Recommend your keeping a good Look out that
you may be Prepaird against an attack, and shoud you be
Fortunate enough to take any vessell or vessells From the
Enemy, we recommend your sending them Home or to Cork
whichever will be most convenient so as not to Distress your
own ship, and on your arrival at Old Callebar if one or more
ships be there you will observe to make an agreement with the
Master or Masters so as not to advance the Price on each
other and we doubt not you will use your utmost endeavours
to keep down the Comeys which in Generall are to extravagant
there and For which you have no Return at least not worth
any thing to the Ownery and as your Cargoe is larger than we
expected we hope will be able to Purchase 550 slaves, and may
have to spare ^400 to lay out in Ivory which we Recommend
your Purchasing From the Beginning of your Trade and pray
mind to be very Choice in your Slaves. Buy no Distemperd
or old Ones, But such as will answer at the Place of Sale and
stand the Passage and as Callebar is Remarkable for great
Mortality in Slaves we Desire you may take every Prudent
HOW IT ORIGINATED AND THRIVED. 487
Method to Prevent it, viz. — not to keep your Ship to Close
in the Day time and at Night to keep the Ports shut as the
night Air is very Pernicious. The Privilege we allow you
is as Follows : yourself ten Slaves, your first mate Two, and
your Doctor Two, which is all we allow except two or three
Hundred wt. of screveloes amongst your Officers, but no
Teeth, which you will take care to Observe, as we will not
allow any thing more. When Finished at Callebar you are to
make the Best of your way For Barbadoes, where you will
Find Letters Lodged For you at the House of Messrs. Wood
& Nicholas, how you are to Proceed which will be to Guada-
loupe or Martinico or any other of the Leeward Islands,
whichever is the best Markett which you may advise with
the House of Messrs. Wood & Nicholas unto which place to
Proceed, or any other Person you Can Confide in. We expect
your Cargoe of Slaves will be taken up at £ *stg *$ Head,
and what more they sell For to be For the Benefitt of the
Owners and to have the Ship Loaden in the Following Manner
viz : about One Hundred Casks good Mus0' Sugar for the
Ground Tier, the Remainder with First and Second white
Sugars, and Betwixt Decks with good Cotton and Coffee,
and the Remainder of the neat Proceeds in Good Bills of Ex-
change at as short Dates as you can. If the aforementioned
Prices cannot be obtaind For your Slaves at either Guadaloupe
or Martinico, or the Leeward Islands as aforesaid we then
desire as little time may be Lost as Possible, but proceed for
Jamaica and on your arrivall there apply to Messrs. Cuthbert
& Beans, Messrs. Hibberts, Messrs. Gwyn and Case, or any
other House you think will do best for the Concern, unto
whom Deliver your Cargoe of Slaves which you think will
make the Most of them, if Possible, by a Country Sale and
to have your agreement in writing and the Ship Loaden in the
Following Manner ; as much Broad Sound Mahogany as will
serve for Dunnage, the Hold filld with the very Best Mus°
Sugar and Ginger and Betwixt Decks with good Cotton and
Pimento and about Ten Puncheons Rum, the Remainder of the
* Obliterated.
488 THE LIVERPOOL SLAVE TRADE.
neat Proceeds of your Cargoe in Bills of Exchange at as short
Dates as you can get them. The House you are to sit down
with must Fournish you with what money you may want for
Payment of wages and other necessary Disbursements of your
ship which we recommend the utmost Frugality. In annexd
you have invoice of Slops for the use of the seamen and
apprentices. What the seamen have you must lay an
advance on to pay Interest of Money, &c. The Apprentices
only Prime cost. We recommend your keeping Good Rules
and good Harmony amongst your Crew and a good watch,
Particularly whilst you have any Slaves on Board, and Guard
against accidents of Fire, Particularly in Time of Action.
Suffer no Cartridges to be Handed out of the Magazine
without Boxes, which will Prevent any Powder being sprinkled
on the Deck and in Case of your Mortality (which God Forbid)
your First Mate, Mr. Chapman must succeed you in command.
Pray mind to embrace every opportunity that Offers advising
us of your Proceedings, For our Government as to Insurance
&c. We wish you a Prosperous Voyage and Safe Return and
are your assured friends.
CROSBIES & TRAFFORD CHAS. GOORE
WM ROWE WILLM BOATS
ROBERT GREEN CHAS LOWNDES
THOS. KELLY
P.S. You and your officers' slaves
are to be equal Qy Male and Female."
The following letter, dated Barbadoes, February 28th,
1758, was written by Captain Joseph Harrison, commander
of the slave-ship Rainbow, to his owners, Messrs. Thomas
Rumbold & Co., of Liverpool : —
" We arrived here on the 25th inst. in company with Capt.
Perkins from Bonny, and Capt. Forde from Angola, whom we
fell in with at St. Thomas's. The packet arrived here from
England the day after us. I expect to sail from hence for
South Carolina in five days, having on board 225 slaves, all in
good health except eight. On the 23rd of June last, I had the
HOW IT ORIGINATED AND THRIVED. 489
misfortune to fall in with a French brig- privateer, of fourteen
6-pounders, to leeward of Popo. We engaged him four hours,
and were so near for above four glasses, that I expected every
moment we should run on board him, as he had shot away all
my running rigging and the fluke of my small bow anchor.
My standing rigging and sails were mostly cut to pieces, and
the privateer was in a little better condition. Fifteen of his
shot went through and through my sides, we being scarce the
length of the ship from one another. I lost in the engagement,
my boatswain — William Jackson — Robert Williams — and
Henry Williams. My first and second mates, three landsmen,
and one servant were wounded. The privateer being well
satisfied sheered off. We were three days in repairing our
rigging, &c., and on the 28th got over the Bar of Benin and
found only one vessel there, viz. a Portuguese sloop at Warree.
I purchased eight slaves on the windward coast, and 261 at
Benin, besides 5400 weight of ivory. Leaving the river,
Nov. gth, we arrived at St. Thomas's Dec. xyth, from whence
our three vessels sailed, Jan. 4th. I have buried all my
officers, except my first and third mates and gunner. Having
lost since left Liverpool, 25 white people and 44 negroes.
The negroes rose on us after we left St. Thomas's ; they killed
my linguister whom I got at Benin, and we then secured them
without farther loss. We have an account of five privateers
being to windward of Barbadoes, by a retaken vessel brought
in here this day, so that we shall run a great risk when we
leave Barbadoes."
Writing on board the French 64-gun ship Fortune, at
Isle Grand, on the coast of Brazil, on the 2yth of June, 1758,
Captain William Creevey gives the owners of the slave
ship Betty a pathetic account of the capture of that vessel
on her voyage to Gambia, and of his own misfortunes.
Captain Creevey was the father of T. Creevey, Esq., M.P.,
and resided in School Lane : —
"Pursuant to your several orders, I sailed from Ports-
mouth under convoy of his Majesty's ships Warwick, Nassari,
490 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
Ray, and Swan, bound to Africa ; about five leagues S.S.E.
from Plymouth, the wind flew out at N. and began to blow,
which made the King's Ships to out carry the merchantmen,
and they got in shore, whilst I with several others were left
about five leagues to the southward, after beating to windward
there all day, my people greatly fatigued, night coming on,
and no possibility of getting into any harbour on the coast of
England, and knowing I was more exposed to the enemy's
cruizers that might happen to be beating in the channel, than
I should be in running to the Southward ; therefore, with the
approbation of my officers, I took the opportunity of the night
and made what sail I could, leaving Ushant about twelve
leagues to the eastward. The gale continued, and I got clear
of the Bay of Biscay without being spoke to by any ship except
the Antelope privateer of London, and one of our comrades
that had parted with the fleet. After we had got as far as
Lat. 39 and Long. 17 and thought that we were entirely out of
danger, to my inexpressible mortification we fell in with a
fleet of French Indiamen outward bound, escorted by the
Fortune of 64 guns, and 630 men. We were taken by one of
their best sailing frigates, who sunk your Snow Betty, with the
greatest part of her cargo. The prisoners were distributed
into different ships. It fell to my lot to go on board the Com-
modore, where I have been treated with great humanity and
politeness, but must leave you to judge of the shocking
prospect that's before me, in being carried to the Indies,
where I have neither money nor credit, and where there has
been such acts of cruelty committed to prisoners. All this I
must submit to, it being the unhappy event of war, in which
I have been very unfortunate, to be twice taken in less than
twelve months. When, how, or whether I shall return to thank
you for the confidence and trust you reposed in me, is only known
to that all wise and merciful God, who hears the distressed
cries of the unfortunate prisoners, in the remotest parts of the
earth; and I hope in his good time, will return me to the British
shore, there to partake of those inestimable blessings of liberty
and religion, which I am at present entirely deprived of."
HOW IT ORIGINATED AND THRIVED. 491
The Molly, Captain Timothy Wheelwright, from the
Windward and Gold Coast of Africa, was taken by the
French in the middle passage. The Frenchman took the
slaves out of the Molly and carried them to St. Domingo.
The vessel was afterwards retaken and carried into Jamaica.
The Hazard, Captain W. Parkinson, with 411 slaves
from Africa, had an engagement on the 28th of November,
1758, with a privateer sloop of 12 four-pounders, and full of
men, who soon sheered off. The next day he was attacked
furiously by another privateer, of 8 six-pounders and 4
four-pounders, for above five hours, who made several
attempts to board him, but having only his topsails set and
being prepared, he gave her such a reception as made them
alter her course. He had onlv one man wounded, and
himself a little scratched. His people behaved well, and
the next day they arrived at St. Kitts.
The Achilles, Captain Chr. Carus, with 325 slaves on
board, was taken and carried into Guadaloupe, by a sloop
and a schooner privateer. Captain Carus bravely defended
himself for some time, but during the engagement one of
his four-pounders (which had been bored into a six-pounder
before he left Liverpool) burst, killed his third mate, and
wounded seven or eight of his crew. The Frenchmen
wrecked the Achilles on some rocks going into the harbour,
but landed the slaves and prisoners safe. Captain Carus
died on board the Hazard on his passage home.
Early in 1759, the Hector, Captain Lievsey, of 14 six-
pounders, and 37 men, arrived at St. Kitts with 365 slaves.
When off Deseada she fell in with a French privateer brig,
of 4 nine-pounders and 12 six-pounders, with 270 men on
board, with whom she had a very close and smart engage-
ment for four hours and-a-half. Captain Lievsey's men
quitted their quarters three different times, but he and his
officers bravely rallied them, and obliged the privateer to
sheer off. During the engagement he had four men
492 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
wounded, and three negroes killed ; the French suffered
much, and the action was deemed one of the bravest fought
in the West Indies during the war.
Captain Linnecar brought to Liverpool the melancholy
news of the loss of the Perfect, Captain Potter, at Mana.
He had purchased over 100 slaves, who rose upon him,
killed all the crew on board, and run the ship on shore.
Luckily, the mate and three or four of the seamen were on
shore with the boat, and saved themselves. Further details
came to hand in a letter from Mr. Henry Harrison, to his
relations in Liverpool, dated Plantains, on the coast of
Africa, April 23rd, 1759: —
" On the 1 2th of January, we had the misfortune to be cut
off by the negroes ; they killed Captain Potter, our surgeon,
carpenter, cooper, and James Steward, a boy. Luckily, the
captain had sent me on shore that'morning to go to the King's
town, about ten miles up the river, to fetch slaves down ; but
before I reached the town, met two of his servants bringing a
slave down ; returned with them ; made a smoke on the shore
as a signal for our boat, but before had well made it, saw her
put off from the vessel with six of our people in her, being1 all
left alive on board. I swam off to her and we rowed for the
Spencer, Captain Daniel Cooke, then lying at Cape Mount. At
one o'clock that night, Captain Cooke got under way, and
made sail in order to attempt to recover our vessel ; at day-
light, finding her at anchor, he fired his g-uns into her for about
an hour, but I could not persuade him to board her. That
evening" the slaves run the snow on shore. We had purchased
103 slaves, and had a pledge for two more on board. The
slaves and natives would not give us the least article of wearing
apparel. When this fatal accident happened, our chief mate
was- gone with the yawl to windward, and the boatswain with
the long boat to leeward to purchase slaves. Mr. Eaton and
the boatswain got on board Captain Nichols, and I heard
that they saved 15 or 16 slaves that were due to us on shore,
and left Mana, Mar. 30, designed for the West Indies. I am
HOW IT ORIGINATED AND THRIVED. 493
now got moved to the brig- Industry, Captain Banks, and we
intend to sail for Antigua to-morrow, having 122 slaves, all in
good health, on board. They have buried Richard Worthing-
ton and three more of their people."
On the nth of August, 1759, about 70 leagues to the
eastward of Antigua, the snow Mac, Captain Edward
Cropper, on her passage from Benin, with 232 slaves, 3 tons
of ivory, a parcel of screveloes, and some gold, was attacked
by the Mars privateer brig, of 14 carriage guns, 20 swivels,
and 90 men. After an engagement of an hour and-a-half,
Captain Cropper was obliged to strike, he having only six
white men able to stand the decks, the rest being all sick
or dead. The Mac was carried into Martinico, and the
prisoners sent in a cartel to Antigua. Captain Cropper
came home passenger in the Prussian Hero, Captain
Kevish.
On the 25th of July, 1759, the brig Betsey, Captain Jones,
sailed from Liverpool for Africa, and on the I4th of August,
was taken, after a chase of three days, by the Marquis de
farvis, French schooner privateer, Monsieur de Schoye,
commander, mounting 10 carriage guns, 16 swivels, and
100 men, and carried to Bayonne. On the ist of September,
in the night, William Peel, the cook, and six others of the
crew, broke out of prison, seized a large fishing boat, bound
the five occupants, laid them at the bottom of the boat,
and put to sea. On the 3rd, seeing a sail, they put up a
handkerchief at the masthead, as a signal of distress. The
vessel, which happened to be British, bore down, and took
them on board, the Frenchmen and their boat being liber-
ated. They were landed at Londonderry, and travelled to
Carrickfergus, where they met Captain Hutchinson, of the
cod smack — our old privateering friend — who gave them
their passage to Liverpool.
The doctor of the ship Glory, Captain Thomas Chalmers,
writing from Papau, on the coast of Africa, on August i8th,
494 THE LIVERPOOL SLAVE TRADE.
1759, says : — "I left the ship at Cape Coast, and came down
here to purchase 26 slaves, but am afraid we shall be at
Whydaw 5 or 6 months before we can purchase 540, owing
to the high prices, which our captain is determined to beat
down, otherwise we might get off the coast in 2 months."
The Knight, Captain Jenkinson, left the coast of Africa
for Jamaica, with 390 slaves, a ton of ivory, and 90 ounces
of gold dust on board.
The black prince, Accra, was a passenger on board the
Spy, Captain Creevey, on her voyage from Liverpool to the
coast of Africa to purchase slaves, and was safely landed.
On the 2ist of March, 1760, the slave-ship, Francis, of
1 8 guns, Captain Thomas Onslow, was wrecked on the
island Fuerteventura, one of the Canary Islands, on her
passage from Liverpool to Africa, 23, out of a crew of 58,
being drowned. The misfortune happened for want of a
look-out, the second mate being asleep on the deck during
his watch, when the helmsman called out, " land ahead."
On the 30th of July, 1763, the Charlotte, Captain Lowndes,
for Africa, was blown up at the Magazines, and only one
man saved.
The peace of 1763 gave a great impulse to the trade of
Liverpool, and two years later, we find the number of slave-
ships clearing for the coast had increased to 83, with a
tonnage of 9,382, carrying 24,200 slaves.
So great was the success of Liverpool in the hideous
traffic, that the ports of London and Bristol began to feel an
abatement of their accustomed exports in proportion as
those of Liverpool increased. Bristol, in particular, found
her demand of slaves for the plantations rapidly decrease,
insomuch that, in the year 1764, she cleared out only 32
vessels for Africa, while Liverpool cleared 74.* To such a
* In the year 1764, the number of ships cleared to Africa from Liverpool directly
was 74 ; from liristol 32 ; the number cleared to America from Liverpool was 141,
against 105 from Bristol. There entered the Port of Liverpool in the same year, 7
HOW IT ORIGINATED AND THRIVED. 495
height had the African trade of Liverpool advanced at this
period, that more than one-fourth of the entire shipping
belonging to the port consisted of Guineamen, and more
than one-half of the African trade of the whole kingdom was
in the hands of Liverpool merchants. Thus we behold the
remarkable commercial phenomenon of Bristol, a wealthy
city, which had apparently established a lucrative branch of
trade and enjoyed a long experience of foreign commerce,
being gradually ousted from its position by the energetic
policy and enterprise of a port that, at the beginning of
the eighteenth century, was not only situated on the
utmost verge of commercial activity, but without sufficient
capital to support a vessel of 30 tons in the same trade.
While the vending of human beings was thus in the full
tide of prosperity, to the great delectation and enrichment
of Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham, Sheffield, and
other centres of industry that supplied the requisite wares
for a Guinea voyage, no warning voice on earth, except the
feeble wail of a few obscure Quakers, had as yet been
raised against the great iniquity, though many accusing
spirits had doubtless flown up to heaven's chancery with
an ever-swelling indictment.
During the period which we have just passed over, there
was connected with the Liverpool slave trade one of the
most extraordinary characters of the eighteenth century.
We mean John Newton, afterwards the celebrated rector of
St. Mary Woolnoth, who, in 1752-54, commanded the
slave-ships Duke of A rgyle and the African, belonging to
Mr. Joseph Manesty. To the story of his strange and
adventurous career we devote the next chapter.
vessels from Africa and 188 from America, against 137 entering Bristol from
America, and none from Africa direct. Liveipool had inwards 766 ships ;
Bristol, 332. Liverpool had outwards 832 ships ; Bristol, 343.
496
CHAPTER II.
CAPTAIN JOHN NEWTON.
JOHN NEWTON was born in London on the 24th of July,
1725 (O.S.). His mother died when he was seven years old,
and with her died the pious teaching- which was intended to
prepare him for the ministry. After two years spent at a
boarding school in Essex, he made several voyages with
his father, a stern sea captain in the Mediterranean trade,
who, having been educated himself at a Jesuit college in
Spain, found a situation for his son at Alicant. The youth's
unsettled behaviour and impatience of restraint, necessitated
his removal after a few months trial. Before he was sixteen
years of age, he had taken up a religious profession three
or four times, his condition alternating between asceticism
and the most horrid profanity, as the mood took him.
After two years of strict Pharisaism, he met with Lord
Shaftesbury's "Characteristics," and the fine words of "The
Rhapsody" beguiled his heart and operated like slow poison.
In 1742, Mr. Manesty, a merchant in Liverpool and a friend
of his father's, offered to send young Newton to Jamaica,
and take care of his future welfare. John was well pleased,
and everything was prepared for his voyage. He was upon
the point of setting out the following week, when his father
sent him to visit his relations in Kent for a few days. Here
he met Mary Catlett, a young lady not quite fourteen, who
had been designed from her birth, by his mother and her
mother, as his future wife. Being profoundly ignorant of
CAPTAIN JOHN NEWTON, 497
this little matrimonial arrangement, Newton fell madly in
love with the girl. He preferred a treasure in Kent to a
fortune in Jamaica, stayed three weeks instead of three days,
missed his passage, and encountered his father's wrath.
Soon after this he made a voyage to Venice as a common
sailor, and fell a prey to evil companionship. A remarkable
dream startled his conscience about this time, but the
impression soon faded away. In December, 1743, he visited
his friends in Kent, and again, for love of Mary Catlett,
frustrated his father's plans on his behalf. His thoughtless
conduct at length led him into the meshes of the press-
gang, and he found himself on board the Harwich man-of-
war, at the Nore. War being daily expected, there was no
hope of release. After a month's hardship he was, by
his father's influence, taken upon the quarter-deck as a
midshipman. Here, with his foot on the lowest rung of
the naval ladder, he might have aspired to high command,
for he had in him the stuff which makes British admirals.
Providence, however, had not raised John Newton to be
either a martyred Byng, or an idolised Nelson. He fell
under the influence of a zealous atheist, who completed the
ruin of his principles — no difficult task, — for the youth, while
talking of virtue, delighted in all manner of wickedness.
In December, 1744, the Harwich was in the Downs,
bound to the East Indies. Newton got a day's leave, took
horse and rode off to see his Mary, with the usual result.
He overstayed his leave, and forfeited the favour of the
captain, who had overlooked such pranks more than once.
The vessel having put into Plymouth through stress of
weather, Newton heard that his father was at Torbay, and
determined to desert in order to get into the African employ
through his influence, a short Guinea voyage being pre-
ferable to five years in the East Indies, from a lover's point
of view. " I was sent one day in the boat," he says, "to
take care that none of the people deserted, but I betrayed
21
498 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
my trust, and went off myself." In a day or two he was
caught on the road to Dartmouth by a party of soldiers,
marched through the streets of .Plymouth guarded like a
felon, his heart full of rage, shame and fear. After two days'
confinement in the guard-house, he was sent on board the
Harwich, kept awhile in irons, then publicly stripped,
whipped and degraded. Thus was the proud, head-strong
and profane Mr. Midshipman Newton brought down to a
level with the lowest, and exposed to the insults of all.
Who, outside of the counsels of eternity, would have been
bold enough to prophecy that this disgraced deserter was
destined to be the famous rector of St. Mary Woolnoth, the
friend of the gentle and pious Cowper, the joint author of
the " Olney Hymns," the spiritual father and teacher of
Thomas Scott, the commentator, and one of the most
remarkable Englishmen that ever lived. The mere sug-
gestion of such a destiny would have been received with
derision by the whole ship's company, and most of all by
Newton himself. His condition was now pitiable. The ship
sailed, the captain was implacable, and the culprit, friendless,
tabooed, exposed every hour to some new insult and hard-
ship, his breast torn by conflicting passions, eager desire,
rage and despair, watched the receding coast of England
with imense wistfulness and regret. When the last dim line
had faded from his view, he was tempted to throw himself
into the sea. "But," he says, "the secret hand of God
restrained me." On the passage to Madeira, he was a prey
to the most gloomy thoughts, and, by brooding over his
imaginary wrongs, he came at last to form designs against
the captain's life. Fortunately, his love for Mary Catlett
acted as a strong cable to hold him from plunging into a
terrible abyss. She had not yet accepted him as her affianced
lover, but he could not bear that she should think meanly
of him when he was dead. When the Harwich arrived at
Madeira, Newton, through the intercession of the lieutenants,
CA PTAIN JOHN NE WTON. 499
was allowed to exchange into a Guineaman, bound to Sierra
Leone. The captain, who happened to be acquainted with
the elder Newton, received the son kindly, but the youth
soon gave free rein to his evil passions, lampooned his
benefactor, and made it his study to corrupt ethers. "Let
it be buried in eternal silence," he says, of this part of his
career. Six months later the captain died, and Newton,
fearing his successor would put him on board a man-of-war,
entered the service of a trader on board, who was returning
from a visit to England. Hoping to rise, as this man had
done, from poverty to riches, by purchasing slaves in the
rivers and selling them to the ships, Newton omitted to
make a proper agreement for wages, trusting to his master's
generosity. The consequence was, that when he landed
upon one of the Banana Islands, with little more than the
clothes upon his back, there began for him a period of
virtual slavery — of unspeakable degradation and misery. It
looked as if Providence, in its mercy, had almost banished
him from human society at a time when he seemed like one
infected with a pestilence, capable of spreading a taint
wherever he went. He soon fell too low to have any
influence even for evil. "I was rather shunned and despised
than imitated," he says, "there being few even of the
negroes themselves, during the first year of my residence
among them, but thought themselves too good to speak to
me. I was as yet an 'outcast lying in my blood,' and to all
appearances exposed to perish."
His new master, who had formerly resided near Cape
Mount, now settled at the Plantains, upon a low, sandy
island, about two miles in circumference, and almost covered
with palm trees. They built a house and entered on trade,
and as Newton was inclined to be diligent, he might have
done well with his employer. Unfortunately, the trader
was under the influence of a black woman, who lived with
him as his wife. She was a person of some consequence
500 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
in her own country, and he owed his first rise to her interest.
This woman took a dislike to Newton from the first. He
had a severe fit of illness, and his. master, before sailing in a
shallop to Rio Nuna, left him in her hands. As he did not
recover soon enough, she grew weary, neglected him, and
led him the life of a dog. He could scarcely procure a
draught of cold water when burning with fever, his bed
was a mat spread on a board, his pillow a log of wood.
When the fever subsided, he was left almost to starve,
though the black woman kept a good table, much in the
European style. Occasionally, when in high good humour,
she would send him victuals in her own plate after she had
dined, and these, so greatly was his pride humbled, he
greedily devoured. Once, when called to receive this bounty
from her own hands, he, from extreme feebleness, dropped
the plate and lost his dinner. The table was covered with
dishes, but the black woman cruelly laughed at his dis-
appointment, and would give him no more. So great was
his distress at times, that, at the risk of being punished as a
thief, he went by night into the plantation to pull up roots,
which he ate raw upon the spot, in fear and trembling, but
which seldom missed to act like tartar emetic. He was some-
times relieved by strangers, and even the slaves in the chain
secretly brought victuals from their own slender pittance,
to keep the future slave-captain from starvation ! But to
pressing want were added scorn and contempt, almost
harder to bear. When he was slowly recovering, the black
woman came with her attendants to mock, revile, and
torment him. She called him worthless and indolent,
compelled him to walk, set her servants to mimic his
motions, to clap their hands, laugh, and pelt him with
limes, or occasionally with stones. When she was out of
sight, however, he was "rather pitied than scorned by the
meanest of her slaves." When his master returned, he com-
plained of ill-usage, but was not believed. He accompanied
CA PTA IN JOHN NE WTON. 50 1
the factor in his next voyage, and did pretty well for
a while, till a brother trader persuaded his master that he
stole his goods in the night, or when he was on shore. \
This, as he tells us, was about the only vice of which he
was not guilty, but the charge was believed, and Newton
condemned without evidence. Hard usage followed. He
was locked upon deck, with a pint of rice for his day's
allowance. He kept himself from starvation, by catching
an occasional fish at slack water, his master allowing him
the entrails of fowls to bait his hook with. His joy at
seeing a fish on his hook was pathetic; such a fish hastily
broiled, or half burnt, without sauce, salt, or bread, afforded
him a delicious meal. If he caught none, he had to sleep
away his hunger till the next return of slack water, and then
try again. He suffered much from the inclemency of the
weather and the want of clothes. Clad only in a shirt, a pair
of trousers, a cotton handkerchief instead of a cap, and a
cotton cloth, about two yards long, to supply the want of upper
garments, he was exposed sometimes for thirty or forty hours
to incessant rains and strong gales of wind, without the least
shelter; and some of the effects of such exposure after a long
sickness remained with him for the rest of his life, "as a
needful memento of the service and the wages of sin."
In about two months they returned to the Plantains,
Newton's haughty heart brought down, but not to whole-
some repentance. His spirits were sunk, he lost all
resolution, and almost all reflection. But the tiger was
only sleeping. It is remarkable that during this period of
semi-starvation and extreme wretchedness, he often be-
guiled his sorrows by devoting his mind to mathematical
studies. He used to take Barrow's "Euclid" — the only
book he had brought on shore — to remote corners of the
island, by the seaside, drawing his diagrams with a long
stick upon the sand. In this manner he fairly mastered the
first six books of " Euclid."
502 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
His master and mistress one day stopped awhile to
watch him planting some lime trees, no higher than a
young gooseberry bush. " Who knows," said the trader,
mockingly, "but by the time these trees grow up and
bear, you may go home to England, obtain the command
of a ship, and return to reap the fruits of your labours.
We see strange things sometimes happen." What was
intended as a cutting sarcasm, turned out a true prediction.
The black woman lived to see it fulfilled.
He continued in this abject state for about a year, sending
an occasional letter to Mary Catlett, for in his deepest
misery he clung to the hope of seeing her again. When he
made shipwreck of faith, hope, and conscience, his intense
love for this girl was his only religion. He wrote to his
father, at whose request Mr. Manesty ordered one of his
captains to search out the prodigal and bring him home.
Meanwhile, the prodigal entered the employ of another
trader, who fed and clothed him decently, and made him
joint manager of a factory at Kittam. Business flourished ;
Newton thought himself happy, and was in some danger of
" growing black," not in colour but in disposition. While
the infatuation was growing upon him, and his engagements
with the natives becoming closer, he was saved from him-
self in a remarkable manner. One day in February, 1747,
his fellow-servant walking on the beach saw a vessel sailing
past and made a smoke in token of trade. She proved to
be the very ship which had orders to look for Newton, and
the first words uttered by her commander had reference to
that young man. When the captain went on shore to
deliver his message, he found Newton rather indifferent to
his proposals.
The invitation which would have been received as life
from the dead by the sick and starving wretch at the
Plantains a few months before, fell flat on the ear of the
comparatively prosperous trader, whose despair of ever
CA PTA IN JOHN NE WTON. 503
seeing England had caused him to form other plans. The
captain, unwilling to lose him, lied on a grand scale, telling
Newton that a relative, lately deceased, had left him ^400
per annum ; that he (the captain) had express orders to
redeem him, though it should cost one-half of his cargo.
Other embellishments were added by this resourceful
mariner, but the plausible story was only partially believed
by Newton. Something more powerful than the captain's
blarney turned the scale. The sweet face of Mary Catlett
passed before him, fresh as a breeze from the Kentish hills,
and in less than an hour, John Newton, freed from a
captivity of about fifteen months, embarked as a passenger
on board the Liverpool ship. During a tedious trading
voyage on the coast, lasting about a year, he amused him-
self with mathematics, and in the invention of new oaths
and imprecations. The captain, who was no saint, at last
believed that he had a Jonah on board — that a curse attended
his passenger wherever he went, and that all the disasters
they met with were owing to Newton being in the ship.
They sailed for England in January, 1748, and on the
9th of March, eight days after leaving the Banks of New-
foundland, a great sea struck the vessel, and in a few
minutes reduced her to a mere wreck. Newton awoke to
rind his cabin filled with water. In making for the deck he
was turned back by the captain, who wanted a knife, and
this trifle saved his life, for the man who went up in his
room was instantly washed overboard. With almost super-
human exertions the ship was kept afloat, Newton assisting
at the pumps and encouraging his companions. The 2ist
of March was an ever memorable day for him. "On that
day," he says, "the Lord sent from on high, and delivered
me out of the deep waters." Exhausted with pumping
from three in the morning till noon, he lay down, almost
indifferent whether he ever rose again. An hour later he
was called, took the helm and steered the ship till midnight.
504 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
While thus employed, the whole course of his past life rose
up before him in review. He reflected on his former religious
professions, the extraordinary turns in his life, the calls,
warnings, and deliverances, his" licentious conversation,
and his profane ridicule of the gospel history, of the truth
of which he was not yet convinced. If true, there was no
forgiveness for him, and he waited with fear and impatience
to receive his inevitable doom. When he heard, about six
in the evening, that the ship was freed from water, there
arose a gleam of hope. He saw the hand of God displayed
in their favour, and began to pray. " I could not utter the
prayer of faith," he says ; "I could not draw near to a
reconciled God, and call Him father. My prayer was like
the cry of the ravens, which yet the Lord does not disdain
to hear. I now began to think of that Jesus whom I had so
often derided." But he was not yet a believer. He wanted
evidence, and especially an assurance of the Divine
inspiration of the Scriptures. He soon found in the New
Testament certain sayings which made him resolve for the
present to take the gospel for granted, as embodying hope,
while on every other side he saw nothing but unfathomable
despair. Weeks of suffering passed, the ship was driven
from her course, the pumps were kept going incessantly,
provisions were running very short, starvation, or the
prospect of feeding upon one another, loomed before them.
The captain, whose temper was soured by distress, hourly
reproached Newton as the sole cause of the calamity, and
believed that if he were thrown overboard they should be
preserved from death. The captain did not mean to carry
his theory into practice, but Newton was very uneasy, as
his own conscience confirmed the master's words. "I
thought it very probable," he says, "that all that had
befallen us was on my account. I was, at last, found out
by the powerful hand of God, and condemned in my own
breast." Their last victuals were boiling in the pot when
CA PTA IN JOHN NE WTON. 505
they anchored in Lough Swilly, and a great storm
immediately arose, which, had they been at sea, would have
sent them to the bottom. "About this time," says Newton,
"I began to know that there is a God that hears and answers
prayer." He was no longer an infidel. He renounced
profanity, and became a changed man, though ignorant of
the spirituality of the hidden life of a Christian. While the
ship was refitting, he visited Londonderry, went twice a day
to church, received the Sacrament, and "with the greatest
solemnity engaged himself to be the Lord's for ever, and
only his."
He arrived in Liverpool in May, 1748, and after paying
a visit to Mary Catlett, returned to Liverpool, and sailed
again for Africa, in August, as mate of a new slave-ship
belonging to Mr. Manesty, who had in fact offered him
the command. Soon after his departure he relapsed into
religious indifference, and by the time they arrived in Guinea
he was almost as bad as before. His business on the coast
was to sail from place to place in the longboat, to purchase
slaves. The ship was at Sierra Leone, while he was at the
Plantains, the scene of his former captivity. He was now
in easy circumstances, courted by those who formerly des-
pised him. The lime trees he had planted were growing
tall, and promised fruit the following year, if he should
return with a ship of his own. Here he was seized with a
violent fever. Weak and delirious, he crept to a corner of
the island to pray. The burden was removed from his con-
science, peace and health came quickly, and in two days he
stepped on board his ship perfectly restored. This was his
last great declension. He employed his leisure hours in
learning Latin, and under great disadvantages acquired a
spice of classical enthusiasm. Writing to a friend, in
March, 1749, from the coast, he says : —
"Though we have been here six months I have not been
ten days in the ship, being" continually cruising about in the
506 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
boats to purchase souls, for which we are obliged to take as
much pains as the Jesuits are said to do in making proselytes,
sometimes venturing in a little canoe through seas like moun-
tains, sometimes travelling through the woods, often in danger
from the wild beasts, and much oftener from the more wild
inhabitants, scorched by the sun in the day, and chilled by the
dews in the night."
Notwithstanding the perils he passed through, he was
never so happy in his life as he was now. Referring to the
eight months passed on the coast, and to the treachery of
the natives, he observes:—
"Several boats in the same time were cut off; several
white men poisoned, and in my own boat I buried six or seven
people with fevers. When going on shore, or returning from
it, in their little canoes, I have been more than once or twice
overset by the violence of the surf, or break of the sea, and
brought to land half dead, for I could not swim."
How often must these wild scenes of African adventure
have rushed into the mind of the Rev. John Newton in
after years, while walking with his mild friend Mr. Cowper,
through the peaceful glades of Olney? With what grim
pleasure must the devil have presented to the eye of the
pious rector of St. Mary Woolnoth, some photographic
picture of his African experiences, while the congregation
sang one of his own beautiful hymns.
They sailed from Africa with their living cargo for
Antigua, and from thence proceeded to Charleston, where,
when time permitted, Newton prayed and sang hymns in
the woods by day, and at night joined "vain and worthless
company," venturing on the brink of temptation. He
arrived in Liverpool on the 6th of December, 1749. In
February, 1750, he was married to Mary Catlett, at St.
Margaret's Church, Chatham, and in the following August,
he sailed from Liverpool as commander of the slave-ship
Duke of Argyle, 150 tons burthen, and 30 men, belonging
to his constant friend, Mr. Manesty. He established public
CA PTA IN JOHN NE WTON. 507
worship on board ship twice every Lord's day, officiating
himself. Having now much more leisure, he prosecuted
his classical studies. His letters to his wife show a very
striking gradual development of his religious life, during
this and subsequent voyages.
Writing to Mrs. Newton, from the Bananas, in November,
1750, he says :—
" I have lately had a visit from my quondam black mistress,
with whom I lived at the Plantains. I treated her with the
greatest complaisance and kindness, and if she has any shame
in her, I believe I have made her sorry for her former ill-treat-
ment of me. I have had several such occasions of taking- the
noblest kind of revenge upon persons who once despised and
used me ill. Indeed, I have no reason to be angry with them.
They were what they little intended — instrumental to my good."
Further details of this circumstance, are given by the
Rev. John Campbell : —
" Upon being asked whether he ever met again with the
black woman who had treated him so harshly when he was in
Africa, Mr. Newton replied, ' Oh, yes; when I went there as a
captain of a ship, I sent my longboat ashore for her. This
soon brought her on board. I desired the men to fire guns
over her head in honour of her, because she had formerly done
me so much good, though she did not mean it. She seemed
to feel it like heaping coals of fire on her head. I made her
. some presents, and sent her ashore. She was evidently most
comfortable when she had her back to my ship. I just recollect
a circumstance that happened to me when I first stepped
ashore on the beach at that time. Two black females were
passing ; the first who noticed me observed to her companion,
that ' there was Newton, and, what do you think, he has got
shoes ! ' ' Ay,' said the other, ' and stockings too ! ' They had
never seen me before with either."
Writing from Shebar, he speaks of the raillery he en-
countered amongst the sea captains he met with:—
503 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
"They think I have not a right .notion of life; and I am
sure they have not. They say I am melancholy ; I tell them
they are mad. They say I am a slave to one woman ;* which
I deny, but can prove that some of them are mere slaves to a
hundred. They can form no idea of my happiness ; I answer,
I think the better of it on that account."
Having completed his purchases on the African coast,
Captain Newton crossed the sea with his human cargo to
Antigua, where he heard of his father's death. Writing to
his wife he gives her the following account of his position
and authority as captain: —
"My condition when abroad, and even in Guinea, might be
envied by multitudes who stay at home. I am as absolute in
my small dominions (life and death excepted) as any potentate
in Europe. If I say to one, come, he comes; if to another, go,
he flies. If I order one person to do something, perhaps three
or four will be ambitious of a share in the service. Not a man
in the ship will eat his dinner till I please to give him leave —
nay, nobody dares to say it is twelve or eight o'clock, in my
hearing, till I think proper to say so first. There is a mighty
bustle of attendance when I leave the ship, and a strict watch
kept while I am absent, lest I should return unawares and not
be received in due form. And should I stay out till midnight
(which for that reason I never do without necessity) nobody
must presume to shut their eyes till they have had the honour
of seeing me again. I would have you judge from my manner
of relating these ceremonies, that I do not value them highly
for their own sake; but they are old-fashioned customs, and
necessary to be kept up, for without a strict discipline the
common sailors would be unmanageable. But in the midst of
* Mr. Cecil tells us that he "heard Mr. Newton observe, that, as the com-
mander of a slave-ship, he had a number of women under his absolute command ;
and knowing the danger of his situation on that account, he resolved to abstain
from flesh in his food, and to drink nothing stronger than water, during the voyage ;
that, by abstemiousness, he might subdue every improper emotion ; and that, upon
his setting sail, the sight of a certain point of land was the signal for his beginning
a rule which he was enabled to keep."
CA PTA IN JOHN NE WTON. 509
my parade I do not forget — I hope I never shall — what my
situation was on board the Harwich, and at the Plantains."
After passing through various scenes of danger and
difficulty he reached home in November, 1751, after a
voyage of fourteen months. In July, 1752, he sailed again
from Liverpool, commander of the new slave-ship African.
He is no sooner at sea than down in his diary goes the
expression of his earnest desire to live wholly to the Lord.
He elaborates a scheme of rules for his own conduct, prays
for his wife, whom he almost worshipped, arranges for as
much Sabbath rest as was possible for his crew, and even
sets apart a day of fasting and prayer on their behalf.
These were the high and holy purposes of a good man,
made in simple and child-like faith in God, and we must
not let our present enlightened prejudice against the slave
trade lead us to imagine that John Newton was a hypocrite
or a fanatic. He was simply for thoroughness in all he
did, whether on the side of black or white angels.
Formerly energetic as an atheist, he was now energetic
for Christ. Let us return to his own narrative :—
" A sea-faring life is necessarily excluded from the benefit
of public ordinances and Christian communion ; but my loss
upon these heads was at this time but small. In other respects
I know not any calling that affords greater advantages to an
awakened mind, for promoting the life of God in the soul,
especially to a person who has the command of a ship, and
thereby has it in his power to restrain gross irregularities in
others, and to dispose of his own time; and still more so in
African voyages, as these ships carry a double proportion of
men and officers to most others, which made my department
very easy; and excepting the hurry of trade, &c. , upon the
coast, which is rather occasional than constant, afforded me
abundance of leisure. To be at sea in these circumstances,
withdrawn out of the reach of innumerable temptations, with
opportunity and a turn of mind disposed to observe the wonders
JilO THE LIVERPOOL SLAVE TRADE.
of God in the great deep, with the twp noblest objects of sight —
the expanded heavens and the expanded ocean — continually in
view, and where evident interpositions of Divine Providence, in
answer to prayer, occur almost every day ; these are helps to
quicken and confirm the life of faith, which, in a good measure,
supply a religious sailor the want of those advantages which
can only be enjoyed upon the shore. My knowledge of spiritual
things was at this time very small, yet I have sometimes looked
back with regret upon those scenes. I never knew sweeter or
more frequent hours of divine communion than in my two last
voyages to Guinea, when I was either almost secluded from
society on shipboard, or when on shore with none but natives.
I have wandered through the woods, reflecting on the singular
goodness of the Lord to me, in a place where perhaps there was
not a person who knew Him for some thousand miles round me.
Many a time, upon these occasions, I have restored the beau-
tiful lines of Propertius to the right owner ; lines full of
blasphemy and madness when addressed to a creature, but
full of comfort and propriety in the mouth of a believer —
" Sic ego desertis possim bene vivere sylvis
Quo nulla humane sit via trita pede ;
Tu mihi curarum requies, in nocte velatra
Lumen, et in solis tu mihi turba locis.
" PARAPHRASED.
" In desert woods with thee, my God,
Where human footsteps never trod,
How happy could I be !
Thou my repose from care ; my light
Amidst the darkness of the night ;
In solitude my company "
" In the course of this voyage I was wonderfully preserved
in the midst of many obvious and many unforeseen dangers.
At one time there was a conspiracy amongst my own people
to turn pirates, and take the ship from me. When the plot
was nearly ripe, and they only waited a convenient opportunity,
two of those concerned in it were taken ill in one day ; one of
CAPTAIN JOHN NE WTON. 5 1 1
them died, and he was the only person I buried while on
board. This suspended the affair, and opened a way to its
discovery, or the consequence might have been fatal. The
slaves on board were likewise frequently plotting insurrections
and were sometimes upon the very brink of mischief, but it
was always disclosed in due time. When I have thought my-
self most secure, I have been suddenly alarmed with danger ;
when I have almost despaired of life, as sudden a deliverance
has been vouchsafed to me. My stay upon the coast was long,
the trade very precarious, and in the pursuit of my business,
both on board and on shore, I was in deaths often."
On one occasion he was hindered from going on shore at
Mana by some strange dream and premonition of danger,
and found afterwards that it was no idle fear. A trader
named Thomas Bryan, who owed him ,£100, sent him the
money in a huff, charging him, at the same time, with an
intrigue with one of his women, and refusing henceforth
to have anything to do with him. The charge, which
affected his honour and interest in Africa and England,
and might have touched his life had he landed, was after-
wards acknowledged to have been a malicious calumny,
without the least shadow of a ground.*
In a letter to his wife, Captain Newton thus describes a
" Sea-Sunday " : —
"The Saturday evening is a time of devotion when I
especially beg a blessing on your Sunday, as I know, where you
are, you are unavoidably exposed to trifling company. I
usually rise at four o'clock in the morning, and after seeking a
blessing on the day, take a serious walk on deck. Then I read
two or three select chapters. At breakfast, I eat and drink
* Among Newton's papers were found the following notes addressed by Bryan
" For Capt. John Newton, these:"
"SiR, — I have sent you one boy-slave on board, and I am going up to my town.
I shall be down again in three days. I would not have you go from here till you
hear further from me, for I intend to do what I can for you. I have no further
commands at present, but remain your friend and well-wisher, Thomas Bryan."
" SIR, — Mr. Corker gives his service to you, and has sent you one girl-slave on
board, and says he will do what he can for you."
512 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
more than I talk, for I have no one here to join in such
conversation as I then choose. At the hour of your going- to
Church I attend you in my mind with another prayer ; and at
eleven o'clock the ship's bell rings my own little congregation
about me. To them I read the morning service according to
the Liturgy. Then I walk the deck and attend my observation
(i.e. take the latitude of the ship). After dinner a brief rest,
or I write in my diary. I think again upon you at the time of
afternoon service, and once more assemble the crew for worship.
I take tea at four, then follows a Scripture lesson, and a walk
and private devotion at six."
Captain Newton drew up a written instrument devoting
himself once more the servant of God, " absolutely and for
ever, without any reserve or competition," and the covenant
was signed, sealed, and dated as in the presence of God, at
"New Shebar, on the Windward coast of Africa, on Sunday,
the i5th of October, A.S.M., 1752."
He resumed his Latin studies when business permitted,
and was regular in his habits, allotting about eight hours to
sleep and meals, eight hours to exercise and devotion, and
eight hours to his books. He sailed from Africa for St.
Kitts, and on the voyage wept two or three times over some
passages in the life of Colonel Gardiner. One would have
thought that there was more cause for weeping to be seen in
the hold, but the good captain puts us right to our confusion.
"One circumstance," he says, "I cannot but set down here,
and which I hope I shall always take pleasure in ascribing to
the blessing of the God of peace, I mean the remarkable dis-
position of the men-slaves I have on board, who seem for
some time past to have entirely changed their tempers. I was
at first continually alarmed by their almost desperate attempts
to make insurrections. One of these affairs has been mentioned,
but we had more afterwards ; and when most quiet they were
always watching for opportunity. However, from the end of
February, they have behaved more like children in one family
CAPTAIN JOHN NEWTON. 513
than slaves in chains and irons, and are really upon all occasions
more observing, obliging- and considerate than our white people.
Yet, in this space, they would often in all likelihood have been
able to do much more mischief than in former parts of the
voyage."
Captain Newton arrived at St. Kitts on June 24th, 1753.
On the nth of July, he sailed for England, arriving in
Liverpool in August. He remained only six weeks in
England, sailing in the middle of October on his third and
last voyage. He sets Wednesday, November 2ist, apart
for the special purpose of seeking a blessing upon his
voyage, and for protection through its various difficulties
and dangers. He also resolves to devote a certain proportion
of his earnings to charity. A strange and a sad thing
happened in connection with this voyage. Before he sailed,
Newton met with a young man, formerly a midshipman,
and his own intimate companion on board the Harwich.
A sober youth at first, he had fallen a victim to Newton's
libertine principles. They resumed their intimacy at
Liverpool, Newton told his story, and earnestly set about
undoing the evil he had done, but was reminded by his
friend that he was the very first person who had preached
the scepticism against which he was now arguing. This
was a terrible stab to Newton's conscience. His friend's
owner having failed just as he was about to sail as master
of a Guinea ship, and left him without employment,
Newton, more in the hope of undoing his own evil work
than to serve the man in business, took him on board his
own ship as a companion, the owners promising to provide
him a ship on his return. He soon had reason to repent
the step. The man was exceedingly profane, and grew
worse and worse. " I saw in him," says Newton, "a most
lively picture of what I had once been, but it was very
inconvenient to have it always before my eyes." After
being a sharp thorn in the captain's side upon the voyage,
2K
514 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
requiring all his prudence and authority to keep him under
any degree of restraint, the man was sent away in a small
vessel to trade on the ship's account. He was greatly affected
at parting with the captain, who gave him good advice, but
no sooner was he free of the controlling eye, than he "gave
a hasty loose to every appetite, and his violent irregularities,
joined to the heat of the climate, soon threw him into a
malignant fever, which carried him off in a few days. He
died convinced, but not changed."
"The account I had from those who were with him," says
the Captain, " was dreadful. His rage and despair struck them
all with horror, and he pronounced his own fatal doom before
he expired, without any appearance that he either hoped or
asked for mercy. I thought this awful contrast might not be
improper to adduce, as a stronger view of the distinguishing
goodness of God to me, the chief of sinners."
On the passage from the Coast of Africa to St. Chris-
topher's, Captain Newton was attacked with fever, which,
for a while, gave him "a very near prospect of eternity."
In this illness, a somewhat strange fancy disturbed him : " I
seemed not so much afraid of wrath and punishment, as of
being lost and overlooked amidst the myriads that are con-
tinually entering the unseen world. What is my soul,
thought I, among such an innumerable multitude of beings !
And this troubled me greatly: ' Perhaps the Lord will take
no notice of me.' ' It does not seem to have occurred to him,
that some of his cargo might be ready to identify him in the
spirit world, with a view to a settlement of accounts.
However, he remembered that "the Lord knoweth them
that are his," and his perplexity vanished, as also did the
fever before his arrival in the West Indies. At St. Kitts,
Newton met Captain Clunie, commander of a London ship,
and a member of the church of the Rev. Samuel Brewer, of
Stepney. " He was a man," says Newton, "of experience
in the things of God, and of a lively, communicative turn.
CAPTAIN JOHN NEWTON. 515
For near a month, we spent every evening together on board
each other's ship alternately, and often prolonged our visits
till towards day-break. I was all ears; and what was better,
he not only informed my understanding, but his discourse
inflamed my heart." His intercourse with Captain Clunie
broadened his religious views, and proved of lasting value
to him. He arrived in Liverpool on the Qth of August,
1754, "having had," he says, "a favourable passage, and, in
general, a comfortable sense of the presence of God through
the whole, and towards the end, some remarkable deliver-
ances and answers to prayer." Then he makes a remarkable
statement : —
" I had the pleasure to return thanks in the churches (at
Liverpool), for an African voyage, performed without any
accident, or the loss of a single man; and it was much noticed
and acknowledged in the town. I question if it is not the only
instance of the kind. When I made my first appearance upon
'Change, a stranger would have thought me a person of great
importance, by the various congratulations I received from
almost every gentleman present."
" My stay at home was intended to be but short, and by
the beginning of November I was ready again for the sea; but
the Lord saw fit to overrule my design. During the time I
was engaged in the slave trade, I never had the least scruple
as to its lawfulness. I was, upon the whole, satisfied with it,
as the appointment Providence had marked out for me ; yet it
was in many respects far from eligible. It is, indeed, accounted
a genteel employment, and is usually very profitable, though to
me it did not prove so, the Lord seeing that a large increase of
wealth could not be good for me. However, I considered
myself as a sort of gaoler or turnkey; and I was sometimes
shocked with an employment that was perpetually conversant
with chains, bolts, and shackles. In this view, I had often
petitioned, in my prayers, that the Lord (in his own time) would
be pleased to fix me in a more humane calling, and (if it might
be) place me where I might have more frequent converse with
516 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
his people and ordinances, and be freed from those long-
separations from home, which very often were hard to bear."
His prayers were answered. Two days before sailing,
while sitting at tea with his wife, he was seized with a fit.
By the advice of his physicians he resigned the command
of the Bee, which Mr. Manesty had bought purposely on
his account, and thus escaped a calamitous voyage, and
terminated his connection with the slave trade. Through
the influence of Mr. Manesty, he was appointed tide sur-
veyor of Liverpool.*
In October, 1755, his wife, recovering from a great illness,
joined him in Liverpool, and they lived " in health, love,
peace and plenty." "I jog on very comfortably," he writes,
" in my new pro-consulship, and have struck some bold
strokes in my way, one of which will perhaps put from
j£ioo to ^"150 in my pocket." In January, 1756, he took a
house in Edmund Street, off Oldhall Street, and set apart a
little room for study and prayer. In April, he printed his
"Thoughts on Religious Associations," and sent copies to
every minister in Liverpool.
In October, 1757, we find him entertaining his first
definite thoughts of entering the ministry.
"This," he says, " was my dear mother's hope concerning
me, but her death and the scenes of life in which I afterwards
engaged seemed to cut off the probability. I thoug-ht I was
above most living1, a fit person to proclaim that faithful saying
' that Jesus Christ came into the world to save the chief of
* In a letter to his wife, written before she joined him in Liverpool, Newton
thus describes his new situation, which was by no means an uncomfortable one.
'' I entered upon business yesterday. I find my duty is to attend the tides one
week, and visit the ships that arrive, and such as are in the river ; and the other
week to inspect the vessels in the docks ; and thus alternately the year round.
The latter is little more than a sinecure, but the former requires pretty constant
attendance, both by day and night. I have a good office, with fire and candle,
fifty or sixty people under my direction, with a handsome six-oared boat and a
coxswain to row me about in form. Mr. W. went with me on my first cruise down
to the Rock. We saw a vessel, and wandered upon the hills till she came in. I
then went on board, and performed my office with all due gravity; and had it not
been my business, the whole might have passed for a party of pleasure."
CA PTAIN JOHN NE WTON. 5 1 7
sinners ; ' and as my life had been full of remarkable turns, and
I seemed selected to shew what the Lord could do, I was in
some hopes that perhaps sooner or later he might call me into
this service."
In the year 1758, he made his first effort to enter the
Church, but the Archbishop of York, through his secretary,
gave him " the softest refusal imaginable."
His first attempts at preaching, made in dissenting
meeting, houses, were ignominious failures, with MS. as
well as extempore, and his shame was so great that he
could not see two or three persons conversing in the street,
without imagining that he was the subject of ridicule.
In March, 1764, John Newton was offered the curacy of
Olney, which he accepted. He was then in his 39th year,
and on the 2Qth of April, he was admitted to deacon's orders
at Buckden. On his return to Liverpool, he was asked to
preach for two of the clergymen who had signed his testi-
monials. Then was seen the strange sight of an ex-slave-
captain ascending the pulpit of St. George's Church, and
preaching to "a crowded and various auditory" composed
of the cream of slave-trading Liverpool.*
On the 2ist of May, 1764, the Rev. John Newton and his
wife left Liverpool, where they had resided for eight years,
and took up their residence at Olney. On the i7th of June,
* Of this wondrous turn in his affairs he speaks thus: — " I hope I was enabled
to speak the truth. Some were pleased, but many disgusted. I was thought too
long, too loud, too much extempore. I conformed to their judgment, so far
as I lawfully might, on the Sunday when I preached at the other church in the
morning, and at the Infirmary in the afternoon. The next and last Sunday, I
preached at Childwell, and was followed by many from town, both of my own
friends and others."
In a letter to his old friend, Captain Clunie, he adds : — " The Lord was very
gracious to me at Liverpool. He enabled me to preach His truth before many
thousands, I hope with some measure of faithfulness, I trust with some success,
and in general with much greater acceptance than I could have expected. VV hen
we came away I think the bulk of the people, of all ranks and parties, were very
sorry to part with us. How much do I owe to the restraining and preserving
grace of God, that when I appeared in a public character and delivered offensive
truths in a place where I had lived so long, and there appeared a readiness and
disposition in some to disparage my character, nothing could be found or brought
to light on which they could frame an accusation ! "
518 THE LIVERPOOL SLAVE TRADE.
Mr. Newton was ordained a priest by the Bishop of Lincoln,
and so, after weary waiting, the desire of his heart and his
mother's wish were granted. In November, 1766, Mr.
Newton heard of the bankruptcy of his staunch friend, Mr.
Manesty, with whom he had deposited all his savings. He
bore the blow with his usual trust in God, thankfully
remembering all the good he had formerly received, at Mr.
Manesty 's hands.
At Olney, where he laboured as curate and vicar for close
upon sixteen years, he lived in closest intimacy with the
poet Cowper. To be the friend of Cowper was to be the
friend of what was best, purest and most spiritual in the
England of that time, and the wonder is not that John
Newton, the ex-slave-captain, obtained admittance into the
Church of England, as an ordained minister, but that he
found his way into the heart of the gentle poet, who sang
the wrongs of the negroes whom Newton had been buying
and selling, and conveying across the sea in floating prisons,
the horrors of which he probably locked in his own breast.
It is to the endeared friendship that existed between these
two extraordinary men — so dissimilar in all but sincere
devotion — that we owe the " Olney Hymns," the joint pro-
duction of the divine and the poet — of the emancipated slave
and the tuneful champion of the negro. These sacred
lays form a lasting monument to the kinship of soul sub-
sisting between the strong, clear-visioned pastor, and his
gentle, melancholy parishioner, and, in the light of Newton's
story, afford another instance that —
" God moves in a mysterious way
His wonders to perform."
From Olney, Mr. Newton was removed to the united
parishes of St. Mary Woolnoth and St. Mary Woolchurch
Haw, Lombard Street, London. He often spoke with
great feeling of his new position, seldom passing a single
CAPTAIN JOHN NEWTON. 519
day anywhere without referring to the strange event in one
way or other.*
In one of the letters of the Cardiphonia Series, dated
October 27th, 1778, is the following remarkable passage :—
" Last Sunday a young- man died here of extreme old age,
at twenty-five. He laboured hard to ruin a good constitution,
and unhappily succeeded, yet amused himself with the hopes
of recovery almost to the last. We have had a sad knot of
such poor creatures in this place, who labour to stifle each
other's convictions, and to ruin themselves*and associates, soul
and body. How industriously is Satan served ! I was
formerly one of his most active under-tempters. Not content
with running1 the broadway myself, I was indefatigable in
enticing others ; and, had my influence been equal to my
wishes, I would have carried all the human race with me.
And doubtless some have perished to whose destruction I was
greatly instrumental, by tempting them to sin, and by poisoning
and hardening them with principles of infidelity ; and yet I was
spared. * * Had my abilities been equal to my heart, I should
have been a Voltaire and a Tiberius in one character, a monster
of profaneness and licentiousness. *O to grace how great a
debtor ! ' A common drunkard or profligate is a petty sinner
to what I was. I had the ambition of a Caesar or an Alexander,
and wanted to rank in wickedness among the foremost of
the human race."
With regard to the peculiar traffic in which Newton was
so long engaged, and which, to modern views, seems so
strangely at variance with the first principles of Christianity,
he speaks for himself, in 1763, as follows : —
"The reader may perhaps wonder, as I now do myself,
that, knowing the state of this vile traffic to be as I have
*" That one," said he, "of the most ignorant, the most miserable, and the
most abandoned of slaves, should be plucked from his forlorn state of exile on the
coast of Africa, and at length be appointed minister of the parish of the first magis-
trate of the first city in the world — that he should there not only testify of such
grace, but stand up as a singular instance and monument of it — that he should be
enabled to record it in his history, preaching, and writings to the world at large —
is a fact I can contemplate with admiration, but never sufficiently estimate."
520 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
described " — the reference is to a Letter in which he has been
speaking of the condition of the slaves — " and abounding with
enormities which I have not mentioned, I did not at the time
start with horror at my own employment as an agent in pro-
moting it. Custom, example, and interest, had blinded my
eyes. I did it ignorantly, for I am sure had I thought of the
slave-trade then as I have thought of it since, no considerations
would have induced me to continue in it. Though my religious
views were not very clear, my conscience was very tender, and
I durst not have displeased God by acting against the light of
my mind. Indeed, a slave-ship, while on the coast, is exposed
to such innumerable and continual dangers, that I was often
then, and still am, astonished that anyone much more that so
many, should leave the coast in safety. I was then favoured
with an uncommon degree of dependence upon the Providence
of God, which supported me; but this confidence must have failed
in a moment, and I should have been overwhelmed with distress
and terror, if I had known, or even suspected, that I was acting
wrongly. I felt greatly the disagreeableness of the business.
The office of a gaoler, and the restraints under which I was
obliged to keep my prisoners, were not suitable to my feelings;
but I considered it as the line of life which God in His Provi-
dence had allotted me, and as a cross which I ought to bear
with patience and thankfulness till he should be pleased to
deliver me from it. Till then I only thought myself bound to
treat the slaves under my care with gentleness, and to consult
their ease and convenience so far as was consistent with the
safety of the whole family of whites and blacks on board my
ship."
In 1787, Mr. Newton's remarks on the African slave trade
were given to the world. Mrs. Hannah More writes
to tell him how much she is pleased with his sensible,
judicious, well-timed, and well-tempered pamphlet on the
slave trade, and that in a letter from Bristol, she had been
informed that Mr. John Wesley named it with great
commendation in a sermon he preached on the subject.
CAPTAIN JOHN NEWTON. 521
He also received a communication from Scotland, speaking
most highly of his writings, and stating that they had made
his name "savoury" in the most remote and distant parts
of the country, and concluding with a request, that he would
allow their reprint in that part of the kingdom — a sure
earnest of fame. From America, India, and other quarters
nearer home, came strong proofs that his works were now
read with comfort and delight by thousands of people who
revered the name of Newton. He refused to accept the
degree of Doctor of Divinity from the University of New
Jersey, and threatened that if any more letters came from
Scotland, addressed to Dr. Newton, he would return them
unopened. He supplied Mr. Clarkson with valuable infor-
mation connected with the slave-traffic, and \vas one of the
most important witnesses called before the Parliamentary
Committee appointed to enquire into that subject.
In 1792, when Wilberforce had renewed his motion in
the House of Commons for the abolition of the slave trade,
Newton preached upon the subject, as he had done on a like
occasion in rygi.
" I regarded it," he says, in a letter to the Rev. W. Bull,
" not in a political, but in a moral view. I consider myself
bound in conscience to bear my testimony at least, and to
wash my hands from the guilt which, if persisted in now that
thing's have been so thoroughly investigated and brought
to light, will, I think, constitute a national sin of a scarlet and
crimson dye."
About the same time, he published his "Thoughts upon
the African Slave Trade," in which he pointed out its fear-
ful political and moral evils — its injury alike to the slaves
and those who trafficked in them : —
"If my testimony," he says, "should not be necessary or
serviceable, yet, perhaps, I am bound in conscience to take
shame to myself by a public confession, which, however sincere,
comes too late to prevent or repair the misery and mischief to
522 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
which I have formerly been accessory. I hope it will always be
a subject of humiliating- reflection to me that I was once an
active instrument in a business at which my heart now shudders.
Perhaps what I have said of myself may be applicable to the
nation at large. The slave trade was always unjustifiable; but
inattention and interest prevented for a time the evil from being
perceived. It is otherwise at present. The mischiefs and evils
connected with it have been of late years represented with such
undeniable evidence, and are now so generally known, that
hardly an objection can be made to the almost universal wish
for the suppression of this trade, save on the ground of political
expedience."
Three thousand copies of this pamphlet were printed and
distributed by the Abolition Society.
In the course of a sermon, preached on Friday, Feb. 28th,
1794, the day appointed for a general fast, Mr. Newton
referred to the slave trade in these words : —
" I should be inexcusable, considering the share I have
formerly had in that unhappy business, if upon this occasion,
I should omit to mention the African Slave Trade. I do not
rank this amongst our national sins, because I hope and
believe a very great majority of the nation earnestly long for
its suppression. But, hitherto, petty and partial interests
prevail against the voice of justice, humanity, and truth. This
enormity, however, is not sufficiently laid to heart. If you
are justly shocked by what you hear of the cruelties practised
in France, you would perhaps be shocked much more if you
could fully conceive of the evils and miseries inseparable from
this traffic, which I apprehend, not from hearsay, but from my
own observation, are equal in atrocity, and perhaps superior in
number, in the course of a single year, to any or all the worst
actions which have been known in France since the commence-
ment of their revolution. There is a cry of blood against us ; a
cry accumulated by the accession of fresh victims, of thousands,
of scores of thousands, I had almost said of hundreds of
thousands, from year to year."
CAPTAIN JOHN NEWTON, 523
Preaching in the parish church of St. Mary Woolnoth,
on December iQth, 1797, the day of general thanksgiving for
the late naval victories, he said : —
" Oppression is a national sin if the grievance be publicly
known, and no constitutional measures adopted for prevention
or relief. Charges of this nature have been brought against
the exercise of our power, both in the east and in the west. I
pretend not to say how far they were founded in truth, or
exaggerated. I confine myself to a single instance, of which
my own knowledge warrants me to speak. I have more than
once confessed with shame in this pulpit the concern I had too
long in the African slave trade. This trade, marked as it is
with the epithet INFAMOUS by a vote of the House of Commons,
is still carried on, and under the sanction of the legislature.
Though the repeated attempts to procure the abolition of this
trade have not succeeded, they have doubtless contributed to
meliorate the condition of the blacks who are in a state of
slavery in our West India Islands. The mode of their trans-
portation thither from the African coast seems to be less
tormenting and fatal than formerly. How far this trade may
have been affected by the present war I know not. When I
was engaged in it, we generally supposed, for an accurate
calculation was not practicable, that there were not less than
a hundred thousand persons, men, women, and children
brought off the coast by the European vessels of all nations ;
and that an equal number lost their lives annually by the wars
and other calamities occasioned by the traffic, either on shore,
without reaching the ship, or on shipboard before they reached
the places of sale. It was also supposed that more than one-
half, perhaps three-fifths of the trade was in the hands of the
English. If the trade is at present carried on to the same
extent, and nearly in the same manner, while we are delaying
from year to year to put a stop to our part of it, the blood of
many thousands of our helpless, much injured fellow-creatures
is crying against us. The pitiable state of the survivors who
are torn from their nearest relatives, connections, and their
524 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
native land, must be taken into the account. Enough of this
horrid scene. I fear the African trade is a national sin, for
the enormities which accompany it are now generally known ;
and though, perhaps, the greater part of the nation would be
pleased if it were suppressed, yet, as it does not immediately
affect their own interest, they are passive. The shop-tax, a
few years since, touched them in a more sensible and tender
part, and therefore petitions and remonstrances were presented
and repeated, till the tax was repealed. Can we wonder that
the calamities of the present war begin to be felt at home,
when we ourselves wilfully and deliberately inflict much
greater calamities upon the native Africans, who never
offended us ? That is an awful word — ' Woe unto thee that
spoilest, and thou wast not spoiled ; when thou shalt cease
to spoil, thou shalt be spoiled.'"
Not a word did the ex-slave-captain say of the negroes who
behaved "like children of one family" forty-five years before!
A friend who called on him when he was seventy-nine,
relates how "when the servant was employed putting on
his shoes, he looked up, saying, ' I had not this trouble in
Africa, for I had no shoes. Sir ' — looking at his friend—
'when I rose in the morning, and shook myself like a dog,
I was dressed. For forty years past I have thought every
waking hour on my former misery.' '
In January, 1806, his friend, Mr. Cecil said to him : " In
the article of public preaching, might it not be best to
consider your work as done, and stop before you evidently
discover you can speak no longer?" "I cannot stop,"
said he, raising his voice. "What! shall the old African
blasphemer stop while he can speak?"
An interesting reference to his African life occurs in a
letter to a Mr. Campbell a few years before his death.
Twenty African boys and girls had been brought over for
instruction, and after five years were sent back to the coast
of Guinea.
7
CAPTAIN JOHN NEWTON. 525
" Last week," he says, " I was at Clapham, and saw the
twenty African blackbirds. The girls were at Battersea, out
of my reach. When I went into the school, I said Letnmi,
which is, being interpreted, How do you do? Two or three
answered Bah, that is, I thank you ; by which I knew that
they had some knowledge of the language of Sherboro', the
scene of my bondage. I am told the boys come forward
apace, behave well, and seem very happy, and especially when
they see Mr. Macaulay."
What strange thoughts must have passed through the
old man's mind as he stood there in the presence of types of
Africa's future civilization ! And the children — the African
blackbirds — had they any inkling that they were in the
presence of a once typical enemy of their race, soon to be
doomed to extinction ?
As a minister of the gospel, there was such a zeal for
the truth, such gentleness, candour, and forbearance in
Mr. Newton, that conciliated enemies and made him beloved
by his friends. On this head the testimony of Cowper is
very clear. In a letter to Newton, the poet says, "A people
will love a minister, if a minister seems to love his people.
The old maxim, simile agit in simile, is in no case more
exactly verified ; therefore you were beloved at Olney ; and
if you preached to the Chickesaws and Chactaws, would be
equally beloved by them."
For some months before his death, Mr. Newton was
confined to his room. "I am," said he, "like a person
going on a journey in a stage coach, who expects its arrival
every hour, and is frequently looking out at the window for
it;" and another time: "I am packed and sealed, and
waiting for the post." Mr. Jay visited him near the closing
scene. He was hardly able to speak, but said: "My
memory is nearly gone ; but I remember two things : that
I am a great sinner, and that Christ is a great Saviour."
526 THE LIVERPOOL SLAVE TRADE.
About a month before his death, he said to a lady who was
sitting by him : —
" It is a great thing- to die, and when flesh and heart fail, to
have God for the strength of our heart, and our portion for
ever. I know whom I have believed, and He is able to keep
that which I have committed to him against that great day.
Henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness,
which the Lord, the righteous Judge, shall give me at that day."
At another time he said :—
"More ligiit, more love, more liberty. Hereafter, I hope
when I shut my eyes on the thing's of time, I shall open them
in a better world. What a thing it is to live under the shadow
of the wings of the Almighty ! I am going1 the way of all
flesh."
And so he " gradually sank as the setting sun, shedding to
the last those declining rays which gilded and gladdened
the dark valley." On the evening of Monday, December
2ist, 1807 — the year of the abolition of the Liverpool Slave
Trade — he passed away in his eighty-third year. He was
buried in his church of St. Mary Woolnoth. He composed
the following epitaph for himself, which was inscribed on a
plain marble tablet in the church: —
"John Newton, clerk, Once an Infidel and Libertine, A
Servant of Slaves in Africa, was By the rich mercy of our Lord
and Saviour — Jesus Christ, Preserved, Restored, Pardoned,
And appointed to preach the Faith He had long laboured to
destroy. He ministered Near XVI. Years as curate and Vicar
of Olney in Bucks, And XXVIII. as Rector of these United
Parishes. On Febry. the First MDCCL. he married Mary,
Daughter of the late George Catlett, of Chatham, Kent, Whom
he Resigned To the Lord Who Gave Her, On Deer, the XVth.
MDCCXC."
Mr. Newton's conversational powers were remarkable.
CAPTAIN JOHN NEWTON. 527
He had wit, humour, ready thought, and expression, all
tempered by cheerfulness, kindliness, and real piety. Some-
times he would have droll fancies, as when by a strong
sneeze he shook off a fly which had perched on his gnomon,
and immediately said: "Now, if this fly keeps a diary, he'll
write, 'To-day, a terrible earthquake.' ' Asked how he slept,
he instantly replied: "I'm like a beef-steak — once turned,
and I'm done." Once a little sailor boy, with his father,
called on him. He took the boy between his knees and
told him that he had been much at sea himself, and then
sung him part of a naval song. His heart was as large as
it was loving. There must have been something marvel-
lously winning and uncommon about a man who had life-
long friendships with such people as Lord Dartmouth, and
Wilberforce, the Thorntons, Charles Grant, Ambrose Serle,
and Mrs. Hannah More, with the flower of the clergy of all
denominations. He was no great preacher. He was not a
Whitfield or a Wesley in the pulpit, trumpet-tongued to
arouse the masses, but though he had neither music in his
voice nor grace in his manner, great congregations hung
upon his lips. The secret of his power was sincerity and
earnestness. His whole soul was in sympathy with the
truth, and with his hearers. He was a strong-minded man,
a practical Christian, with a gift for turning his talents to the
best account. His character was beautiful in its entireness.
He never forgot what he had been, and if pride ever arose
in his mind, he would say on such occasions he had only
to mix a little Plantain sauce with his more savoury diet
and the evil was at once suppressed. Prayer was his vital
breath. As a pastor and house-preacher he was probably
unequalled. For nearly half a century he was one of the
best known and most valued ministers of the English church,
and his character, which was peculiarly English, refined by
grace, rendered him a man revered and loved better and
more widely than most of his fellows. The story of his life
528 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
and Christian experiences, his Letters, and some of his
Hymns, will probably be remembered when the seaport from
which he sailed as a slave-captain, is but a name like Tyre
and Sidon, and when Africa, the scene of his degradation,
is basking in the light of the great day of Restitution and
Refreshment.
529
CHAPTER III.
THE MASSACRE AT OLD CALABAR.
IN 1766, the Vine, Captain Simmons, returned from a
voyage to Bonny, on the coast of Africa, and Dominica, in
the West Indies, with 400 slaves, having accomplished the
round voyage in seven months and ten days, and apparently
broken the record. The market value of the cargo could not
have been less than ,£13,000, as will be seen from the
following table, showing the average price of negroes sold
at Charleston, Jamaica, Grenada, Tortola, and Dominica,
during seven years (1759, 1767-1772), and from the account
sales of negroes imported in the ship African.
AVERAGE PRICE OF NEGROES.
£
s.
d.
1759
Whydah Negroes
averaged at
Charleston
35
1 1
o
1767
Calabar
do.
do.
do.
Grenada
27
o
o
1767
Bonny
do.
do.
do.
do.
30
10
o
1768
Calabar
do.
do.
do.
Tortola
23
IO
o
1769
Do.
do.
do.
do.
Jamaica
34
14
0
1770
Windward
Coast
do.
do.
do.
Dominica
33
8
o
1770
Old Calabar
do.
do.
do.
Dominica
27
12
o
i77i
Eboe
do.
do.
do.
Charleston
40
O
o
i77i
Calabar
do.
do.
do.
Dominica
30
13
o
1772
Eboe
do.
do.
do.
Charleston
39
15
o
1772
Averages at
Charleston from
;£5°
to ;£54
Number of Negroes arrived at Charleston that year 4,500
2L
530
THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
COPY OF ACCOUNT SALES OF NEGROES.
" Sales of 268 Negro slaves imported in the ship African,
Captain Thomas Trader, from Malemba, on the acct. and
risque of Messrs. John Cole & Co., owners of the said ship,
merchants in Liverpool.
To whom Sold.
Men. Women. Keys.
Girls.
Total
Price.
£
K.
A.
3y |ames Fisher
I
I
•• 35
o
O
John Miller
. ... ... I
I
•• 35
o
o
Augustus Valtette
. ... ... I
I
.. 40
o
o
George Richards
. ... ... I
I
- 35
o
0
Ditto.
I
I
• 35
o
o
Papley & Wade
103 26 67
34
230
..7820
0
o
Chambers & Mead ..
5 ••• 2
I
8
.. 296
0
o
Sloop Two Brothers,.
6
6
.. 204
0
o
Monsr. Fontanelle ..
2
2
@ £36....
.. 72
o
o
John Darey
2
2
@/3°—
.. 60
o
o
Ditto
432
3
12
®£3S~~
.. 420
o
o
Alexan. Forceston ..
I
I
2
Sickly ....
.. 30
o
o
Sold at Vendue
I
I
C'pt to a/c for
112 3° $5 41 268 ^9°82 o o
CHARGKS, viz. : — £ s. d.
To Cash paid Import Duty on 268 Slaves at io/ and Bond 5/ 134 5 o
To ditto paid the Dr. his head money on ditto at I2/ ... 13 8 o
To ditto paid Captain Trader, his Coast Commission, at
/4 per 104 on ^9082 gross sales ... ... ... 349 6 2
To my Commission, at 5 per cent, on the gross sales ... 454 2 o
To Messrs. John Cole & Co., owners of the African, in account cur-
951
rent for
^8130 18 io
Errors excepted.
KINGSTON, JAMAICA, ityh September, 1764.
Per WM. BOYD.
Messrs. JOHN COLE &° CO., Owners of the Ship "African," in Acct. Current
Dr. with WM. BOYD & CO. Cr.
£ s. d.
To Amount of Sundries ship-
ped in the African, per
Invoice 6384 16 5^
To Balance of the African's
a/c of disbursements, per
Capt. receipt ... .. 269 7 3^
To my draft on Snell & Co.,
of London, for £1054
l6s. 6d. sterling, Exc. at
40 per cent., payable at
60 days' sight 1476 15 ij
£ s. d
By Nt. Proceeds of the
African's sales ... ...8130 1 8 io
.£8130 18 io
Errors excepted.
KINGSTON IN JAMAICA, 2O//z September, 1764.
,£8130 18 io
PerWM. BOYD."
THE MASSACRE AT OLD CALABAR. 531
As few persons in this country ever saw a bill of lading
for human beings, shipped on board a British vessel
engaged in this odious traffic, we append a copy of an
original bill of lading for slaves, shipped for Georgia*:—
" o»l)ijxpcb by the grace of God, in good
order and well condition'd by James [surname
illegible], in and upon the good Ship call'd the
MARY BOROUGH, whereof is Master, under
God, for this present voyage, Captain David
Morton, and now riding at Anchor at the Barr
of Senegal, and by God's grace bound for
Georgey, in South Carolina, to say, twenty-
four prime Slaves, six prime women Slaves,
being mark'd and number'd as in the margin,
and are to be deliver'd, in the like good order
Marked on the and well condition'd, at the aforesaid Port of
Right Buttock Georgia, South Carolina (the danger of the Seas
O and Mortality only excepted), unto Messrs.
O Broughton and Smith, or to their Assigns ; he
or they paying Freight for the said Slaves at
the rate of Five pounds sterling per head at
delivery, with Primage and Avrage accustom'd.
In WITNESS whereof, the Master or Purser of
the said Ship hath affirm'd to three Bills of
Lading, all of this tenor and date ; the one of
which three bills being accomplish'd, the other
two to stand void ; and so God send the good
ship to her desir'd port in safety, Amen.
"Dated in Senegal, ist February, 1766,
" DAVID MORTON."
It will be observed from the bill of lading, that those slaves
were marked or branded with particular marks. The oper-
ation of marking slaves was performed on them by means of
* The original bill of lading was in the possession of the late Richard Brooke,
Esq., F.S.A., who printed it in his " Liverpool as it was during the last quarter of
the Eighteenth Century."
532 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
a heated iron, with as much indifference as if they had
been merely cattle. Branding irons, with letters or marks
for branding slaves, were exhibited for sale in the shops of
Liverpool, and no doubt they were sold in the same manner
in other seaport towns of the kingdom. Mr. Clarkson gives
the following description of certain instruments which he
bought during his sojourn in Liverpool: —
"There were specimens of articles in Liverpool, which I
entirely overlooked at Bristol, and which, I believe, I should
have overlooked here also, had it not been for seeing them at
a window in a shop. I mean those of different iron instruments
used in this cruel traffic. I bought a pair of the iron handcuffs
with which the men slaves are confined. The right-hand wrist
of one, and the left of another, are almost brought into contact
by these, and fastened together by a little bolt with a small
padlock at the end of it. I bought also a pair of shackles for
the legs. The right, ancle of one man is fastened to the left of
another, by similar means. I bought these, not because it
was difficult to conceive how the unhappy victims of this
execrable trade were confined, but to show the fact that they
were so. For what was the inference from it, but that they
did not leave their own country willingly ; that when they
were in the holds of the slave vessels, they were not in the
Elysium which had been represented ; and that there was
a fear, either that they would make their escape, or punish
their oppressors. I bought also a thumb-screw at this shop.
The thumbs are put into this instrument through the two
circular holes at the top of it. By turning a key, a bar rises
up by means of a screw, and the pressure upon them becomes
painful. 'By turning it further, you may make the blood start
from the ends of them. By taking the key away, you leave
the tortured person in agony, without any means of extricating
himself, or of being extricated by others. This screw, as I
was then informed, was applied by way of punishment in case
of obstinacy in the slaves, or for any other reputed offence, at
the discretion of the captain. At the same place I bought
THE MASSACRE AT OLD CALABAR. 533
another instrument which I saw. It was called a speculum
oris. This instrument is known among" surgeons, having been
invented to assist them in wrenching open the mouth, as in
the case of a locked jaw. But it had got into use in this trade.
On asking the seller of the instruments on what occasion it
was used there, he replied, that the slaves were frequently so
sulky, as to shut their mouths against all sustenance, and this
with a determination to die ; and that it was necessary their
mouths should be forced open to throw in nutriment, that they
who had purchased them might incur no loss by their death."
The slave-captains sometimes got into awkward scrapes
with the natives. Captain James Berry, of Liverpool,
gives the following remarkable account of his being taken
prisoner : —
" On board Brig Dalrimple Old Callabar April 3, 1763
This is to acquaint all gentlemen that it may fall into the
hands of that on the 30 of Jany I arrived hear in a small
vessell came too at 7 Fathom Point wrote up to Abashey
finding no vessell their I imagined the might Lett me stay
paying a small acknowledgement to the King the Duke and
some of the Heads*Abashey came down and prevaild on me to
go up the River I accordingly went up that night next morning
according to custom went ashore to shake the Kings and the
Rest of the getlemen Hands made my proposalls which was
af first Refuse'd but after standing out about fifteen Day
aggreed to pay 1000 Coppers among's them all the King and
Duke each 65 Crs the rest of the Gentlemen in proportion I
gott pledges out of the Kings Town Dukes and Tom Hen-
shaws Likewise there cairn as tokens of their Honour^Robin
John Town Refused me a son for pledge but thought I had
sufficient security on the Second of March was much out of
order and Had been for four Days before that was unfortunate
The leading people of Old Town, Calabar, were the King, the Duke, Ephraim
534 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
enough to go down the River to gett a little air thinking
their was no Danger of being molested by any Body haveing
the Kings Sons Duks and Tom Henshaw's Egbyoung Antera
in the Boat with me but no sooner gott the Lenght of Old
Town but that Rouge Ephm. Robin John Joined by Rn. John Tom
R". Capt". John Ambo and the Rest of that Town sent ten
canoos full of people and took me out of my Boat by force
hauld me over nine into the Tenth the first vilain that I was
recd by was Tom Rn. who told me it was very well I was
come it had saved them the Trouble of fetching me out of my
ship Ephm. came on board my vesell the night before that
with that design only I was at that time very bad but had
intended to have come again in a day or two they haveing
counted all my people and pitched upon their Boys for the
seaing my people seeing so few and three or four of them at
that time sick while the took me bo force and putt me in the
canooe he kept me on shore 29 Day and obliged me to pay
him and the Rest of the Scounclrells just what he pleas'd the
amount of his imposition is 4251 Copper besid's him takeing in
spight of all I cood do one of my great guns which I have
given the Duke an order for if he can possably get it he
Likewise has gott three of my musquetts two Blunderbusses 2
pistolls 2 cutlasses and two of my Jacketts the Black Boys had
on that was in the Boat with me he oblig'd me to give severall
Books and one to clear him of all palaver with me which for
sake of getting on board my vesell wood have given him any
Books he wanted but the air all of no signification I immagine
any Gentleman wodd do the same was it their case. On the
22nd of Mar the King the Duke Solomon Henshaw and the
Rest of the Gentlemen of the other party come on board with
98 slaves the seeing how I was Imposed on by those Rascalls
made my mate count all the good in my ship Abashey made
Trade and Bought me 47 slave all of which was good only one
woman and I believe did me justice in every thing the Duke
carried ashore with him 605 Copper to buy yammes which he
sent me as fast as he cood gett them I doant Blame any of
them for what the did seeing- the vilanious intentions of the
THE MASSACRE AT OLD CALABAR. 535
Old Town Scoundrells but never will for give the injury Ephm
and the rest of them did me till I have satisfaction.
I am the Gentleman
Hum'6 Serv'
JAMES BERRY."
In 1767, there was a strong competition between the ports
of Bristol and Liverpool in the trade to the coast of Africa.
The inconveniences and dangers attendant on that branch of
traffic are described in the following extract of a letter from
Old Calabar, dated August I2th, 1767: —
" We had a tolerable good passage of three weeks and five
days. There are now seven large vessels in the river, each of
which expects to purchase 500 slaves, and I imagine there._was
seldom ever known a greater scarcity of slaves than at present,
and these few chiefly from the low country. The natives are at
variance with each other, and, in my~5pTnion, it will never be
ended before the destruction of all the people at Old Town, who
have taken the lives of many a fine fellow. Captain Hutton's
chief mate had the misfortune to suffer under their vile hands;
but I now flatter myself, I shall be an assistant in revenging
the just cause of every poor Englishman that have innocently
suffered by them.
"The river of late has been very fatal both to whites and
blacks. There have three captains belonging to Bristol died
within these few months, besides a number of officers and sailors.
I assure you, I never saw a worse prospect in my life for
making a voyage than at present. The major part of the
vessels here have very dangerous disorders amongst the slaves,
which makes me rejoice that I have very few on board. I do
not expect that our stay here will exceed eight months. The
adjoining coasts of trade seem all to be very much thronged
with shipping, except the Gold Coast, the bad effects of which,
I am afraid, the Liverpool gentlemen must feel this season."*
In the year 1767, a terrible affair, which seems to be
hinted at in the preceding letter, known as the massacre
* " Troughton's History of Liverpool," p. 143.
538 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
at Calabar, took place. The details are drawn from copies
of the original depositions, in the case of the King against
Lippincott and others, supplied to Mr. Clarkson by Mr.
Henry Sulgar, a Moravian minister at Bristol. The
originals were sworn before Jacob Kirby and Thomas
Symons, commissioners at Bristol for taking affidavits, by
Captain Floyd, of the city of Bristol, who had been a witness
to the tragedy, and of Ephraim Robin John and Ancona
Robin Robin John, two African chiefs, who had been
sufferers by it. It appears from these documents, that in the
year 1767, the ships, Indian Queen, Duke of York, Nancy,
and Concord, of Bristol, the Edgar, of Liverpool, and the
Canterbury, of London, lay in Old Calabar river. A
quarrel, originating in a jealousy respecting slaves, existed
at this time between the principal inhabitants of Old
Town, and those of New Town, Old Calabar. The
captains of the vessels before mentioned joined in sending
several letters to the inhabitants of Old Town, but parti-
cularly to Ephraim Robin John, who was at that time
a grandee, or principal man of the place. The tenor of
these letters was, that they were sorry that any jealousy
or quarrel should subsist between the two parties ; that
if the inhabitants of Old Town would come on board,
they would afford them security and protection ; adding, at the
same time, that their intention in inviting them was that
they might become mediators and thus heal their disputes.
The inhabitants of Old Town joyfully accepted the
invitation. The three brothers of the chief, Ephraim Robin
John, the eldest of whom was Amboe Robin John, first
entered their canoe, attended by twenty-seven persons, and
being followed by nine canoes, directed their course to the
Indian Queen. They were dispatched from thence the next
morning to the Edgar, and afterwards to the Duke of York,
on board of which they went, leaving their canoe and
attendants alongside of the same vessel. In the meantime,
THE MASSACRE AT OLD CALABAR. 537
the people on board the other canoes were either distributed
on board, or lying close to the other ships.
This being the situation of the three brothers, and of the
leading people of the place, the treachery now began to
appear. The crew of the Duke of York, aided by the captain
and mates, and armed with pistols and cutlasses, rushed
into the cabin with an intent to seize the persons of their
three unsuspicious guests. The unhappy men, alarmed at
this violation of the rights of hospitality, and struck with
astonishment at the behaviour of their supposed friends
and peacemakers, attempted to escape through the cabin
windows, but being wounded, were obliged to desist and to
submit to be put in irons. While this atrocious act was in
progress, an order was given to fire upon the canoe, which
was then lying alongside of the Duke of York. The canoe
soon filled and sank, and the wretched attendants were
either seized, killed, or drowned. Most of the other ships
followed the example. Great numbers were thus added
to the killed and drowned on the occasion, while others
attempted to escape by swimming to the shore. But at this
juncture, the inhabitants of New Town, who had concealed
themselves in the bushes by the waterside, and between
whom and the commanders of the vessels the plan had
been previously arranged, came out of their hiding places,
and, embarking in their canoes, made for such as were
swimming from the fire of the ships. The ships' boats also
were manned, and joined in the pursuit. They butchered
the greatest part of those whom they caught. Many dead
bodies were soon seen upon the sands, and others floating
upon the water. Including those who were seized and
carried off, and those who were drowned and killed, either
by the firing of the ships, or by the people of New Town,
the number lost to the inhabitants of Old Town on that day
was three hundred souls. The carnage was scarcely over
when a canoe, full of the principal people of New Town
538 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
who had promoted the massacre, dropped alongside of the
Duke of York. They demanded the person of Amboe
Robin John, the brother of the chief of Old Town, and the
eldest of the three on board. The unfortunate man put the
palms of his hands together, and beseeched the commander
of the vessel that he would not violate the rights of
hospitality by giving up an unoffending stranger to his
enemies. But no entreaties could prevail. The commander
received from the New Town people a slave, of the name of
Econg, in his stead, and then forced Amboe Robin John
into the canoe, where his head was immediately struck off
in the sight of the crew, and of his afflicted brothers. As
for them, they escaped his fate, but they were carried off,
with their attendants, to the West Indies, and sold into
slavery.
The action of the captains has never been defended ; but
we must not forget that they were dealing with a shifty,
greedy, and treacherous lot of rascals, who made a practice
of selling their own countrymen into slavery. The delays
and subterfuges resorted to by the native chiefs to enhance
the price of slaves, and to extract more "coomey," must
have been extremely exasperating to the slave commanders,
whose lives and cargoes were imperilled by a prolonged
bargaining, owing to the climate, and the possible outbreak
of disease among the slaves cooped up in the hold, before
they left the coast and entered upon the horrors of the sea
passage. The following copies of papers belonging to
the commander of the Edgar, show that the chiefs were in
his debt, and that they exonerated him from the charge of
kidnapping a boy named Assogua. Moreover, certain
letters from the chiefs of Old Town, Calabar, addressed to
the captain, prove that they held him and his family in the
highest esteem, notwithstanding the fact that the Edgar
was present in the unfortunate tragedy of 1767. Whether
this is to be attributed to the innocence of the captain,
THE MASSACRE AT OLD CALABAR.
539
who was at all events a worthy citizen of Liverpool, or to
the abnormal development of Christian charity and for-
giveness in the African chiefs and man-stealers of Old
Calabar, let the reader determine for himself:—
"An Ace', of Goods and Slaves Owing to the ship Edgar
from the Traders of Old Town as under :
" Archibong Robin John five slaves Goods
Co*
20 Iron 5 Nicconees 5 Brawels 155
4 Romaics 3 Cushtaes 2 Photes 106
8 B. Pipes 5 Flagons 50 Rods 102
3 Basons 4 Guinea stuffs 25
3 Blunderbus's 8 Kegs 112
500 J
Dr
Rec* Nothing
24th July 1767 Goods for 5 slaves.
Received a further trust 10 rods i Nicconee 20
Co
8
"Orrock Robin John Dr
23rd July 1767 To i Keg of Powder
By a boy left on board name
Asuqu not stoped by me as
Orrok says nor was Orrock's
son
" Ambo Robin John
August 7. 1767 To Goods for two men slaves
Co
2 Blunderbs5 3 Kegs 8 Iron i Nicconee 98
2 Brawels i Cushtae 2 Romaics 44
i Photac 2 Flagons 2 basons 3 Pipe bds 44
Dr
10 Rods 8 Chints
18
204
>Recd Nothing
* " Co." means cowries, small shells brought from the East Indies, and used by
the natives as substitutes for coin. Meneles, maniloes, or manillas were orna-
ments for the wrists and ancles. Romalls (or romales), niccannees, cushtaes,
photes, photacs, or photaes, chellos, and Guinea stuffs, were Manchester and
540 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
"Ephraim Robin John
Co
July 23rd 1767 To 20 Rods i Romaic
4 Basons 4 L. Meneles 48
i Neganepaut i Blunderbus 20 Rods i Baft
12 Knives 74
24th To Goods for 2 men slaves as under
Co
4 Kegs 8 Iron 2 Nicconees 2 Brawels
i Cushtae 104
1 Romaic i Photac 16 Chello 4 bg Pipe bds 60
2 bg Red 2 G. Stuffs i Flagon 14 rods 36
Dr
Nothing
Recd Nothins
" John Robin John
July 7th 1767 To 10 rods i Nicconee
6 Romaic
Augt 2 To 8 Chello i hatt i
Jug brandy
Co
i
26
16
Dr
>Recd Nothing
Co
"Augt i, 1767 Otto Rob. John Dr
To 5 Rords 5 Recd Nothing
do Tom Andrew Honesty, do 5 do do
July 3oth Robin John 6 L Meneles i
Rom 1 8 do do
Augt ist Rob. Rob. Jno. i Keg 2 Caps
i Shenda i Br 20 do do
All Coppers makes. 240 and 9 slaves makes 1 1 slaves and
20 Copers Tom Robin had makes near 12 slaves "
Indian fabrics. Brass and copper kettles and pans, pewter basons, iron pots, bars
of lead, bars and rods of iron, shallow brass pans, called "Neptunes," for prepar-
ing salt out of sea water ; plates, dishes, mugs, basons, wine glasses, tumblers,
decanters, knives, spoons, razors, soap, gunpowder, muskets, brandy, rum, beads,
trinkets, worsted caps, laced hats, looking-glasses, cottons, calicoes, chintz, silks,
slops, salt, fish-hooks, axes, hatchets, cutlasses, carpets, handkerchiefs, felt hats,
scarlet jackets ; all these formed part of a Guinea cargo, to be bartered for " prime
negroes."
THE MASSACRE AT OLD CALABAR. 541
" OLD CALABAR, August 22, 1776
"This is to certify whom it doth or may concern that the
within is a True List of Debts owing- by the Natives of Old
Town to Captain Lace of Liverpoole, and that the Boy named
Assogua was not stoped by Captain Lace has as been
Reported, but was put on board by Orrock Robin John unto
whom he belonged, and that Captain Lace carried him of
for the within debts, because we made no application for him
nor did we even offer to Redeem him whilst the ship staid in
the River, as Witness our hands
Witness his
John Richards King X George
James Hargraves mark
his
Jno. X Robin John
mark
Otto Ephraim
his
Orrock Robin X Jonn
mark "
Another signature is also appended which is undecipher-
able.
The following letter written by the former captain of the
Edgar to Mr. Thomas Jones, a Bristol owner of slave-ships,
seems to have some reference to the two brothers carried off
after the massacre in 1767 : —
"LIVERPOOL, \\th November, 1773
" MR. THOS. JONES,
" SIR, — Yours of 7th I received wherein you disire I will
send an Affidavit concerning the two black men you mention,
Little Epm- and Ancoy, in what manner the ware taken off the
coast, and that I know them to be Brothers to Grandy Epm-
Robin John; as to little Epm- I remember him very well, as to
Ancoy Rob. Rob. John I cant recolect I ever saw him. I
knew old Robin John the Father of Grandy Epm- and I think
all the Family, but never found that little Epm- was one of Old
542 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
Robins sons, and as to Rob. Rob. John he was not Old Rob.
Johns son. Old Robin took Rob. Rob. J"°- mother for a wife
when Robin Rob. J"°4 was a boy of 6 or eight years old, and as
to Rob. Rob. J"°- hen ever had a son that I heard of. You
know very well the custom of that place whatever Man or
Woman gos to live in any family the take the Name of the
first man in the family and call him Father, how little Epm-
came into the family I cant tell, and as to what ship they came
off the coast in I know no more than you, therefore, cant make
Affidavit Eather to their being- Brothers to Grandy Epm- or the
manner he was brought off the Coast, as to Grandy Epm- you
know very well has been Guilty of so many bad Actons, no
man can say anything in his favour, a History of his life would
exceed any of our Pirates, the whole sett at Old Town you
know as well as me. I brought young Ep1"- home, and had
him at School near two years, then sent him out, he cost me
above sixty pounds and when his Fathers gone I hope the
son will be a good man. As to Mr. Floyd he says more then
I ever knew or heard of hes in many Errors, even in the Name
of the vessell I was in hes wrong, there was no such a ship as
the Hector while I was at Callebarr, a man should be
carefull when on Oath, how he knows the two men to be
brothers to Ep"1. I cant tell, I have several times had the
pedigree of all the familys from Abashey the foregoing acct.
of Rob. Rob. was from him, but to prove the two men to
be Epms- brothers I dont know how you will do it, I assure you
I dont think they are, if you think to send a vessell to Old
Town it might ansr for you to purchas the two men I once
bog' (bought) one at Jamaica a man of no consiquance in family
but it ansrd the Expence.
I am Sir your hbl Serv1'
" P.S. — I left the duke of York and Indian Queen at Callebarr."
Copy of a letter from "Grandy King George," King of
the Old Town Tribe, addressed to "Mr. Ambrose Lace
and Companey, Marchents in Liverpool " : —
THE MASSACRE AT OLD CALABAR. 543
" OULD TOWN, OULD CALLABAR, January 13, 1773
" MARCHANT LACE, SR, — I take this opertunety of Wright-
ing to you and to aquant you of the behaveor of Sum ships
Lately in my water there was Capt Bishop of Bristol and Capt.
Jackson of Liverpool laying1 in the river when Capt Sharp
arived and wanted to purchese his cargo as I supose he ought
to do but this Bishop and Jackson cunsoulted not to let him
slave with out he payed the same Coomey* that thy did thy sent
him out of the River so he went to the Camoroons and was
away two munths then he arived in my water again and thy
still isisted upon his paying1 the Coomey acordingly he did a
Nuff to Blind them so I gave him slaves to his content and so
did all my peeple, till he was full and is now ready to sail only
weats for to have a fue afairs sattled and this sail be don before
he sails to his sattisfection, and now he may very well Laffe at
them that was so much his Enemeys before, for that same day
thy sent him out of the River this Jackson and Bishop and a
brig that was [tender?] to Jackson at night began to fire at my
town without the least provecation and continued it for twenty-
four hours for which I gave them two cows but it seemed as
after words Jackson confirmed that Bishop and him was to cary
away all our pawns as it was lickely true for Jackson did cary
of his but more than that before he sailed he tould me that if I
went on bord of Bishop I shuld be stoped by him and my hed
cut of and sent to the Duke at Nuetown, but I put that
out of his power for to cut of my hed or cary of the pawns
by stoping his boats and sum of his peeple and so I would
Jackson had I known his entent when he informed me of Bishop,
but he took care not to divulge his own secrets which he was
much to bleam if he^did so my friend marchant Lace if you Send
ship to my water again Send good man all same your Self or
same marchant black, f No Send ould man or man want to be
* Coomey was the duty paid to the King for the privilege of trading.
t Patrick Black, one of the oldest sea captains of the port of Liverpool.
Troughton,in his History, dedicated to him a view of Woodside Ferry. " An Old
Staler" gives the following amusing account of " Marchant Black," when he lived
in Duke Street : " Picture to yourselves a kind and venerable man, in a cloak
enveloping his whole body from head to foot, a gold-headed cane in his hand, and
544 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
grandy man, if he want to be grandy- man let he stand home for
marchant one time, no let him com heare or all Same Capt
Sharp he very good man, but I no tell before that time Capt.
Sharp go to Camoroons he left his mate till he came back again,
so they say I do bad for them but I will leave you to Jude that
for if any ship fire at my town I will fire for ship again Marchant
Lace Sr there is Mr Canes Capt. Sharp and second mate a
young man and a very good man he is very much Liked by me
and all my peeple of Callabar, so if you plase to sand him he
will make as quick a dispatch as any man you can send and I
believe as much to your advantage for I want a good many ship
to cum, for the more ships the more treade wee have for them
for the New town peeple and has blowed abuncko for no ship
to go from my water to them nor any to cum from them to me
tho Bishop is now lying in Cross River but thy only lat him
stay till this pelaver is satteled for I have ofered him 10 slaves
to Readeem the Pawns and let him have his white people, but
he will not for I dount want to do any bad thing to him or any
ship that cums to my water but there is 4 of my sons gone
allredy with Jackson and I dont want any more of them caried
of by any other vausell the coomy in all for my water now is 24
thousand coprs besidges hats case and ship gun, Marchant Lace
1 did as you bob me for Lettrs when this tend' com I no chop
a wig. Oh ! such a wig, a regular wig of wigs, as white as the whitest of hair-
powder could make it, of a transcendental cauliflower appearance, and in size far
beyond the proportions of the largest Sunday wig assigned to Dr. Johnson in the
pictures which have come clown to us. We recollect once, when about some six
years old, getting into an awful scrape about this said venerable gentleman and his
megatherium wig. We were walking with a small friend of our own age and
inches, when suddenly the apparition of Mr. Patrick Black, arrayed as we have
described him, came in sight. Our admiration, as usual, burst forth in the far
from respectful and almost profane exclamation, 'There goes old Black with
his white wig.' Hardly were the words out of our mouth, when a gentle tap
came upon our shoulders, and a soft whisper fell upon our ear. ' Master Aspinall,
if it would be any particular pleasure to you, I will ask my father to wear a black
wig in future.' We looked round, and O ! horror of horrors ! were we not thrown
into real agonies and almost hysterics, when, in the person uttering this mild
remonstrance, we recognised the daughter of the old gentleman, whose wig we had
been blaspheming? We stammered and hammered at an excuse, and then ran for
our life. And for many a long day we disappeared round the nearest corner as
quickly as possible, if any of the Black family came in sight of us in our walks.
The joke, however, got wind and it was long before our martyrdom and perse-
cution ceased, even in our own circle, where ' Old Black with his white wig was
thrown into our teeth whenever we were inclined to be obstreperous and naughty.'"
THE MASSACRE AT OLD CALABAR. 545
for all man for you bob me No Chop to times for bionbi I back
to much Copr for Coomy so I do all same you bob me who make
my father grandy no more white man so now marchant Lace
send good ship and make me grandy again for war take two
much copr from me who man trade like me that time it be peace
or break book like me so Marchent Lace if you Send ship now
and good cargo I will be bound shee no stand long before shee
full for go away."
The following is another lucid passage from "Grandy
King George's" correspondence : —
"And now war be don Wee have all the Trade true the
Cuntry so that wee want nothing but ships to Incorige us and
back us to cary it on so I hope you and marchant Black wount
Lat ous want for that In Curigement Or the other marchants of
that Pleasce thut has a mind for to send their ships thy shall be
used with Nothing but Sivellety and fare trade other Captns may
say what they Please about my doing them any bad thing for
what I did was thier own faults for you may think Sr that it was
vary vaxing to have my sons caried of by Capt" Jackson and
Robbin sons and the King of Qua son thier names is Otto Im-
bass Egshiom Enick Ogen Acandom Ebetham Ephiyoung Aset
and to vex ous more the time that wee ware fireing at each other
thy hisseted [hoisted ?] on of our sons to the yard arm of Bishop
and another to Jacksons yard arm and then would cary all of
them away and cut of my hed if it had not been Prevented in
time and yet thy say I do them bad only stoping Sum of thier
peeple till I get my Pawns from them Marchant Lace when you
Send a ship send drinking horns for Coomey and sum fine white
mugs and sum glass tanckards with Leds to them Send Pleanty
of ship guns the same as Sharp had I dount care if there was 2
or 3 on a Slave Send one Chints for me of a hundrerd yard ° i
Neckonees of one hundrd yards i photar of a hundrd y's i Ream-
all i hund. yards one Cushita of a hundred yds one well baft of
the same Send sum Leaced hats for trade and Vicor bottles and
cases to much [to match ?] for all be gon for war Send sum
Lucking glasses at 2 Coprs and 4 Coprs for trade and Coomey to
2M
546 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
and send Planty of hack and Bally for Trade and Comey and
Small Bells Let them be good ones and send sum Lango Sum
Large and sum small and sum Curl beads Send me one Lucking
glass six foot long and six foot wide Let it have a strong woden
freme Send two small Scrustones that their Leds may Lift up
send Plenty of Cutlashs for Coomey of 2 Cop" price Let your
Indgey goods be Right good and your ship no stand long send
me one table and six Chears for my house and one two arm
Schere for my Salf to sat in and 12 Puter plates and 4 dishes 12
Nifes and 12 forcks and 2 Large table spoons and a trowen and
one Pear of ballonses 2 brass Juggs with thier Cisers (?) to lift
the same as a tanckard and two Copr ones the same two brass
falagons of two gallons each Pleanty for trade of puter ones
Send Plenty of Puter Jugs for trade send me two Large brass
beasons and puter ones for trade Send me one close stool and
Send me one Large Red [illegible] Send me one gun for my own
shuting 5 foot barill and two pueter p*** pots Send one good
Case of Rezars for my Saveing Send me sum Vavey brade Iron
bars of 1 6 foot long Send 100 of them Send Large caps of 2
Coprs for Coomey &c Please to show this to Marchant black and
shend sum Large Locks for trade Sum chanes for my Salf two
brass tea kittles and two scacepang a fue brass Kittles 12 or
fifteen Coprs each Send Pleanty of canes for Coomey and one
long cane for my self gould mounted and small Neals for Coo-
mey you may pay your Coomy Very Reasonable Saws or aney
tools No Send Small Iron moulds for to cast mustcats and sum
small 3 pounders Send me sum banue* canvess to make sails
for my canows and sum large Leg monelonesf with hendges
[hinges?] to thim to lock with a Screw and two large iron wans
for two sarve in the Room of irons and Send me one whip shaw
and one cross cut shaw Send red green and white hats for trade
Send me one red and one blue coat with gould Lace for to fit a
Large man Send butt' and Suger for to trade Send sum green
sum red sum blue Velvet caps with small Leace and Send Sum
files for trade, So no more at Preasent from your best friend
"GRANDY KING GEORGE
* Possibly, "brand new." t Maniloes or Manillas perhaps.
THE MASSACRE AT OLD CALABAR. 547
" give my Complements to the gentlemen owners of the brigg
Swift Mr Devenport Marchant Black and Capt" Black and as
allso Mr Erll.*
"Please to have my name put on Everything that you send
for me."
Robin John Otto Ephraim writes to Captain Ambrose
Lace, merchant, in Liverpool, as follows: —
"PARROT ISLAND July igf/i 1773
" SIR, — I take this opportunity to write to you I send
Joshua i Little Boy By Captain Cooper I been send you one
Boy By Captain faireweather I ask Captain Cooper wether
Captain faireweather give you that Boy or not he told me
Captain fairewether sold the Boy in the West India and give
you the money I desire you will Let me know wether faire-
weather give you money or not my mother Send your wife one
Teeth By Captain Sharp I done very well for Captain Cooper
and my father too I am going to give a Town of my own I dar
say you knows that place I am going to Live Bashey Dukey
there once send Gun Enough for Trad. I want 2 Gun for
every Slave I sell Send me 2 or 3 fine chint for my self and
handkerchief any thing you want from Callabar Send me Letter
I think I come to see next voyage Send me some writing paper
and Books my Coomey his 1600 Copper Send me 2 sheep a
Life Sir I am your BEST friend Otto Ephraimf
"S.P. I will Sell Captain Doyle slave because he told me
you have part for his ship I expect Captain Sharp here in 4
months time Remember me to your Wife and Mr. Chiffies."|
" OLD TOWN CALLABAR December z^th 1775
"Captain Lace I take this opportunity to write to you by
Captain Jolly that letter you Send me by Sharp you did not
put your name as for Captain Sharp I will do anything hys in
my power to obliged you when Captain Cooper comes Let him
* Mr. Earle. t This letter was marked " The King's own handwriting."
£ Captain Chaffers, probably.
548 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
Guns enough I want 2 Gun for every Slave I Sell and father we
Dont want Iron only 2 for one slave so no more at present
from your friend
"EPHRAIM ROBIN JOHN
"S.P. Remember me to your wife.
"To Captain Ambrose Lace merchant in Liverpool."
CHIEF'S LETTER.
From "Otto Ephraim, King of Old Town, Old Calle-
bar," to Mr. Ambrose Lace, merchant, in Liverpool.
" OLD TOWN OLD CALLABAR August 2$the 1776
"MR. LACE,
" SIR, — I take this opportunity to write to you I received by
Captain Cooper one painted cloth one book in the box one gown
one ink cake and some wafers I was in the country when
Orrock send that letter to you now I put my hand and my that
is enough what Orrock can do he can do anything without my
father and I please I pay Egbo men yesterday I have done now
for Egbo I received by Captain Sharp one lace hat I make
monkey Captain Loan pay me for that cap I got one hundred
Copper for it I put him in the iron 5 days in Quabacke sea he
told me that Captain Barley give the Willy Honesty but I
make him pay for all that I was on board Barley myself he
never mention it to me that you Send me a cap by him I have
sent you by Cooper one teeth 50 weight
"Your most obedent Humble Servant
" OTTO EPHRAIM"
" OLD TOWN OLD CALLABARR March 2oth 1783
" MR LACE,
"SIR,
"I take this oportunity By Captain Faireweather we
have no News here only Tom King John come Down to live
with my father is here now with us Orrock Robin John is
Dead May 24th 1783 (?) we give all his coppers to his both
son George Orrock and Ephraim Orrock Send me some Writing
papers and i Bureaus to Buy
"Your Humble Servant
"OTTO EPHRAIM
THE MASSACRE AT OLD CALABAR. 549
"P.S. Remember me to your Wife and your son Joshua*
Ambrose William and Polly
" Mr Ambrose Lace
" Merchant in Liverpool
" Sent by ship Jenny. "
The Liverpool newspaper of June i6th, 1769, contained
the following laconic announcement: — uThe/0/z«, Captain
Erskine, from Bonny, at Barbadoes, with 200 and odd
slaves, buried 247, and gone to Dominica." There was no
fuss made about this mortality of at least 50 per cent, on
the number originally shipped, but so tender is the public
conscience in 1897, that the death of 247 bullocks in crossing
the Atlantic would immediately be the subject of questions in
Parliament.
On the nth of January, 1769, about eight o'clock in the
morning, as the Nancy, Captain Williams, of Liverpool,
was lying at anchor at New Calabar, with 132 slaves on
board, the negroes rose upon the crew and wounded several,
which obliged them to fire amongst the slaves, killing six
and wounding others. " It was with great difficulty," says
the paper, "though they attacked them sword in hand, to
make them submit. As soon as the natives on shore heard
the report of the guns, great numbers of them came off in
canoes, and surrounded the vessel, and finding her weakly
manned (having only five people but what were sick),
immediately boarded her, took away all the slaves, with
some ivory, and a large quantity of different kinds of goods;
plundered the vessel of everything on board, stripped the
captain and crew of books, instruments, and clothes, after-
wards split the decks, cut the cables, and set the vessel
adrift. Captain Labbar, who was lying in the river, sent
his boat, and brought Captain Williams and his people
from the vessel, which was then driving with the ebb, a
perfect wreck."
* Joshua Lace was the founder and first President of the Liverpool Law Society.
550 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
The following is a fragment of -instructions handed to a
slave-captain who sailed from Liverpool on the 3rd of
August, 1770: —
"to whom deliver your Cargoe of Slaves provided they will
engage to turn them out @ ^30 *$ head sterling round clear of
the Island Duty and the advantage of the sale to us in bills not
exceeding 6 9 and 12 months (or less if possible) in equal Sums
— Could a freight to Porto Rica be procured on Advantageous
terms we should be glad and perhaps it would be a good oppor-
tunity to dispose of the Brig which we limit you at ^150 Ster-
ling either there or at Dominica you taking out the Butts and
Guinea Materials. We have liberty in our policys of Insurance
to go to Porto Rica. You'll find Letters lodged for you at
Lovell Morson & Co.'s for your Government to which we at
present refer. We allow of no private adventures being carried
out that all trade be on the owners Ace' recomending humane
treatment to your Crew, care of accidents by Fire and that a
Diligent Watch be kept so that the unhappy Misfortunes of
Insurrections may be prevented. We are wishing you health
and a prosperous voyage.
" Y° friends &ct
" JOHN & WM CROSBIE
" EDWD CHAFFERS
" AMBROSE LACE."
The following curious particulars regarding the customs
paid at Whydah when trading for slaves, appear to have
been drawn up by Captain Ambrose Lace, for the guidance
of one of his captains: —
" State of the Customs which the ships that make their
whole trade at Whydah pay to ye King of Dahomey :
Thes slaves paid to ye Cabor-
Eight Slaves for Permission
of Trade gongon Beater and
Breakers
kees after which he gives you
•two small children of 7 or 8 years
old which the King sends as a
return for the Customs.
THE MASSACRE AT OLD CALABAR.
551
1 Slave for Water and washerwoman \ These slaves paid to
2 Do. for the Factory house rwhom supplies you
7 Do. for the Conoe J These to the Fort
The above Slaves are Valued as under : —
6 Anchors Brandy is i Slave ^
2oCabessof Cowriesisi Do
40 Sililees i Do
200 Ib Gunpowder i Do
25 Guns i Do
10 Long" Cloths i Do
10 Blue Bafts i Do
10 Patten Chints i Do
40 Iron Barrs i Do
And if any other good must
be in proportion but you must
observe to pass the Goods
Least in Demand.
" After the Customs are paid which should be done as soon
as possable for the traders dare not trade till the Kings Customs
are paid, the Vice Roy gives you the nine following" Servants
viz. one Conducter to take care of the goods that comes and
go's to and from the waterside which you deliver him in count
and he's obliged to answer for things delivred him he's paid 2
Gallinas of Cowries every time he conducts any thing whether
coming or going and one flask of brandy every Sunday.
"Two Brokers which are obliged to go to the traders
houses to look for slaves and stand Interpiter for the Purchas
the are paid to each two Tokes of Coweres ^ day and one
flask of brandy every Sunday and at the end of your trade you
give to each of them one Anchor of Brandy and one ps of
Cloth.
"Two Boys to serve in the house the are paid each two
tokees *$ day at the end of your trade 1* ps of cloth.
"One Boy to Serve at the tent water side 2 Tokees "$ day.
"One Doorkeeper paid 2 Tokees *$ day i ps Cloth for him
and ye above.
"One Waterwoman for the factory 2 Tokees ^ day at end of
trade. * One ps of Cloth.
552 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
"One Washer Woman 2 Tok'ees ? day and six Tokees
everytime you give her any Linnen to Wash and one ps of .Cloth
at ye end of trade.
" N.B. the two last Servants are sometimes one if so you
only pay one.
"To the Cannoe men for bring-ing- the Captain on shore
one Anchor Brandy and to each man a hatt and a fathom Cloth.
To the Boatswain a hat y2 ps Cloth one Cabes Cowrees a
flask of brandy every Sunday and a bottle every time the cross
the Barr with goods or Slaves and every time the pass a white
man and at the end of trade for earring the Capt" on board
one anchor of Brandy and four Cabeses Cowrees.
" N.B. The above Bottles flasks &c was usely given to ye
Conoemen but now the Capt" gives ym one Anchor of Brandy
and one Cabese of Cowrees every Sunday for the weeks work.
To the Gong Gong Beater for anouncing trade 10 Gellinas of
Cowrees and one flask of Brandy.
"To the Kings Messenger for Carring News of the ships
Arrivell and Capt"'5 Compliments to the King ten Gallinas.
" To the Trunk keeper a bottle brandy every Sunday and
a peice of Cloth when you go away if you are satisfied with
his service.
" To the Capt" of the Waterside on your arrivell one anchor
of brandy and at your Depr one ps Cloth and one anchor of
brandy.
" To the six Waterrowlers two tokees ^ day each and two
Bottles Brandy besides which you pay them 2, 3 or 4 tokees of
cowrees each Cask according to the size at the end of trade
two ps Cloth and one anchor Brandy.
"To the Vice Roy who go's with his people to Compliment
the Cap1- at his arrivell and Conduct him to the Fort one Anchor
Brandy and two flasks but if Coke be their four flasks Brandy.
"To the Vice Roy for his owne Custom i ps Silk 15 yards
i Cask of Flower one of Beef but if you are short of these you
may give him some thing else in Lew of them.
"To making the Ten one Anchor Brandy 4 Cabess'Cowrees.
THE MASSACRE AT OLD CALABAR. 553
"To the Cap'"1 Gong" Gong- that looks after the house at
night one bottle "$ day and one ps Cloth if your content.
"You pay 3 Tokees of Cowrees for every load such as one
Anchor 40 Sililees 10 ps Cloth and so in proportion for small
goods but when loads are very heavy you pay more as ten Gal-
linas for a Chest of pipes &c.
[The Tokee is 40 Cowreesl
The Gallina is 200
The Cabess is 4000
"N.B. their go's five tokees to one Gallina and twenty
Gallinas makes one Cabess."
Letter from a Chief, addressed "see Capt. Brighouse": —
"FRIEND WILLIAM BRIGHOUSE,
"I have sent you one woman and girl by Shebol. I will
come toomorrow to see you. Suppose you Some Coffee to
spar. Please send me a Little.
"I am your Friend
"Deer 3oth 1777 "EooBOYOUNG COFFIONG
" Sunday"
In the year 1772, slavery in England received its death-
blow. In 1729, Lord Talbot, Attorney-general, and Mr.
Yorke, Solicitor-general, had given an opinion which raised
the whole question of the legal existence of slaves in Great
Britain and Ireland. They said that the mere fact of a slave
coming into these islands from the West Indies did not
make him a free man, and he could be compelled to return
again to those plantations. On the strength of this decision,
slavery continued to flourish in England for a period of
forty-three years. Chief-Justice Holt, however, had ex-
pressed a contrary opinion to that of the law officers of the
crown ; and, after a long struggle the matter was brought
to a final issue in the case of the negro Somerset, so nobly
fought by Granville Sharp. On May 22nd, 1772, Lord
Mansfield in the name of the whole bench, delivered the
554 THE LIVERPOOL SLAVE TRADE.
memorable decision,* which, from "that day to this, has been
one of the glories of our land — that "as soon as a slave set
foot on the soil of the British Islands, he became free," or
in the words of Cowper :
" Slaves cannot breathe in England ; if their lung's
Receive our air, that moment they are free ;
They touch our country, and their shackles fall."
Notwithstanding this ruling, we find in Williamson's
Advertiser, of May 4th, 1780, the following curious
advertisement :—
"RUN AWAY, on the 1 8th of April last, from PRESCOT,
A BLACK MAN SLAVE, named GEORGE GERMAIN
FONEY, aged twenty years, about five feet seven, rather
handsome ; had on a green coat, red waistcoat, and blue
breeches, with a plain pair of silver shoe buckles ; he speaks
English pretty well. Any person who will bring the black to
his master, Captain Thomas Ralph, at the Talbot Inn, in
Liverpool, or inform the master where the black is, shall be
handsomely rewarded. All persons are cautioned not to
harbour the black, as he is not only the slave, but the
apprentice of Captain Ralph."!
* "On May 22nd, 1772, the court of King's Bench gave judgment in the case
of Somerset, the slave, viz. that Mr. Stuart, his master, had no power to compel
him on board a ship, or to send him back to the plantations. Lord Mansfield
stated the matter thus : The only question before us is, is the cause returned
sufficient for remanding the slave ? If not, he must be discharged. The cause
returned is, the slave absented himself, and departed from his master's service, and
refused to return and serve him during his stay in England ; whereupon, by his
master's orders, he was put on board the ship by force, and there detained in
secure custody, to be carried out of the kingdo.m and sold. So high an act of
dominion was never in use here ; no master ever was allowed here to take a slave
by force to be sold abroad, because he had deserted from his service, or for any
other reason whatever. We cannot say the cause set forth by this return is allowed
or approved of by the laws of this kingdom, therefore the man must be discharged."
Annual Register, vol. 15, p. no.
t In contrast to the above, we take the following from the Liverpool newspaper :
"On Saturday, February 26th, 1780, died in the 79th year of his age, 'Ihomas
Crowder, a merchant who had acquired a large fortune in Jamaica ; and on
Tuesday died his faithful black servant, who had served him upwards of twenty
years."
" On Jany. 4th, 1797, died William Patrick, a black, upwards of 36 years a
servant in the family of William Gregson, Esq., of Everton, in which capacity he
was honest and faithful becoming his situation.'
THE MASSACRE AT OLD CALABAR. 555
The rapid decline of commerce consequent upon the
revolt of the North American Colonies, and the activity of
the American Privateers, seriously interfered with the
Liverpool slave trade. In 1773, the number of ships
cleared to Africa was 105, burthen 1 1,056 tons, which carried
to the West Indies 28,200 negroes. In 1775, the number of
ships fell to 81, burthen 9,200 tons, while during the war
this branch of traffic, in common with others, had declined
so much that in 1779, only n vessels, burthen 1205 tons,
sailed from the Mersey to the coast of Africa. One great blow
to the trade was an Order in Council prohibiting the export-
ation of gunpowder, an article which formed a large portion
of every Guinea cargo.
In August, 1775, a sailors' riot broke out in Liverpool,
and continued for several days, threatening to lay the
town and shipping in ashes. Some sailors, who had
been engaged on board the Derby Guineaman, Captain
Yates, fitting out in one of the docks, having finished the
rigging, demanded their wages at the rate of 305. per
month, for which they had contracted ; but the owners
refused to pay more than 205., as there were then about
3000 sailors in the port unemployed, and no fewer than
forty sail of Guinea ships laid up. The men returned on
board the vessel, and in a short time cut and demolished
the whole of the rigging, and left it on the deck. A party
of constables seized nine of the ringleaders, whom the
magistrates committed to the Tower in Water-street, where-
upon upwards of 2000 sailors, armed with handspikes, clubs,
and other weapons, attacked the gaol and rescued their
comrades. The rioters then marched about the docks till
near midnight, terrifying the inhabitants and unrigging all
the vessels that were ready to sail. This was on a Friday ;
on Saturday all was quiet, and on Monday, the sailors, in
a body, waited on the magistrates, praying redress and
support. They came to no terms, but met the following
556 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
day, and the merchants agreed -to give the wages they
demanded. On this they dispersed and spent the day in
the greatest festivity, but hearing that 300 able-bodied men
had been hired at los. per day to apprehend those who had
been most forward in the riot, the sailors again met at nine
o'clock the same evening, unarmed, and went to the
Exchange, which they surrounded. Some straggler of their
party unfortunately broke a pane of glass, whereupon the
special constables within fired upon the mob, killing seven
and wounding about forty. A general attack upon the
windows of the Exchange was made with stones, amid the
dismal cries and groans of the wounded. On Wednesday
morning, upwards of 1000 sailors again assembled, all with
red ribbons in their hats. They went to Parr's, the gun-
smith, took about 300 muskets, plundered other shops of
powder, balls, &c., and at one o'clock, being all armed,
some with muskets and others with cutlasses, they
surrounded the Exchange, against which they planted six
cannon, which they had brought from the vessels in dock.*
Having hoisted the bloody flag, they blazed away at the
building with great guns and small arms. The cannon in
Castle-street was so large, and the street so narrow, that
the houses shook till scarce a pane of glass was left whole in
the neighbourhood. In this attack four persons were
killed. It is said that much more damage would have
been done to the Exchange by cannon balls if some one had
not cried, "Aim at the goose," alluding to the cormorant,
or liver, the heraldic device of the town, which formed one
of the figures in the pediment. The gunners took the hint,
* "When the sailors were attacking the houses of the African merchants in
1775," says Stonehouse, " a cannon was obtained from the Old Dock by a party
of the rioter-. One of these fellows took a horse out of Mr. Blackburne's stable
at the Salt Works, and attempted to harness it to a truck on which the cannon
had been placed. The leader of the gang, in stooping down to fasten a rope to
the truck, offered so fair a mark for a bite, that the horse, evidently having notions
of law and order, availed himself of the opportunity of making his mark upon Jack's
beam end, which sent him off roaring, leaving the gun in the possession of the
saline Bucephalus."
THE MASSACRE AT OLD CALABAR. 557
and the cannon, being pointed high, did less mischief than
it might otherwise have done. From the Exchange, they
marched to Whitechapel, to the house of Mr. Thomas
Ratcliffe, a Guinea merchant, the attack upon which is
thus described by an eye-witness : —
" This day I have been so frightened as hardly to be able to
do anything". Such scenes of distress as I have been eye-witness
to, with the clattering- of swords and cannon, have so terrified
me, that I hardly know what I say or do. To inform you of
the particulars : you must know that in Whitechapel, lived a
merchant [Mr. Thomas Ratcliffe], who was said to be the first
that fired upon the sailors ; in consequence thereof, a large
number of them came with a drum, a flag, and armed with
guns, blunderbusses, cutlasses, clubs, &c. who fired on the
said merchant's house, which stands in sight of us, where they
threw out the feather beds, pillows, &c. ripped them open, and
scattered the feathers in the air, broke open the drawers, full
of clothes, laces, linen, tore in pieces the house and bed furni-
ture, together with the stoves, parchments, china, &c. and all
that was in the house. We were all in a dreadful confusion,
but they behaved very well to every one, excepting those to
whom they owed a grudge. They then marched to a very
large house behind us, [in Rainford Garden] belonging to
another merchant, whose name is [William] Tames., and one
of the greatest traders here.* The family having been apprised
of their coming, had left it, and taken some of their most
valuable effects with them to a country house they have ; but
such good furniture they destroyed here, would have grieved
any one to see. They destroyed also the compting-house, with
* Mr. William James had, at one time, 29 vessels engaged in the slave tiade, but \
they were not of large dimensions. lie died at his house in Clayton Square, in
January, 1798, aged 67. "Mr. James," says one who knew him, "sat for some
years in the House of Commons, and gave evidence of talent far beyond mediocrity.
There was also a spice of originality about him which commanded attention when-
ever he spoke, which, however, was but seldom. 'I here was another Mr. James,
in Liverpool, in those days, rather a rough-spun and unhewn kind of person, and
very eccentric and amusing in his way — a character, in short, amongst his own circle.
His name was Gabriel James, or 'the Angel Gabriel,' as some of his waggish
friends called him. He had a ready tongue and plenty of mother wit, and seldom
came off second best in a tilt and tournament with words.'
558 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
all the papers, goods, &c. The household furniture was very
rich, with abundance of china and chintz bed-furniture, all of
which were torn to shivers, and linen, plate, &c. tumbled into
the street, and thrown about in fragments immediately, in the
air. During the whole time the cellars were kept quite open,
and what liquor they did not drink, they threw away. Our
poor Debby would go to see them, and has got her eyelash cut
with a candlestick.
"It is not possible to form any idea of the distress this
place has been in, all this day. The merchants get to the
corner of the streets, where, methinks, I yet see them standing,
with fear painted in their faces. The 'Change has all its
windows broke, and frames forced quite out. They have been
firing also at the walls the greatest part of this day, and are
now gone to Cleveland Square. I suppose there is not a
merchant who has wanted to lower their wages but will
be visited by them ; and God knows how long these riots may
continue. You will not wonder, after reading this, that I was
terrified. I am a coward, it's true, but I think this would have
alarmed any one. They read the Riot Act last night, and
then began to fire on them, when they killed three, and
wounded fifteen. This has made them so desperate. I could
not help thinking we had Boston here, and I fear this is only
the beginning of our sorrows."
In destroying Mr. James's furniture, a little negro boy
was discovered by the sailors, concealed in the clock case,
whither he had fled for safety. Having got drunk at
Mr. James's house, the mob marched to Mr. Thomas
Yates' in Cleveland Square, and from thence to Mr. John
Simmons' in St. Paul's Square, sacking both houses, after
which they met at their rendezvous, the North Ladies'
Walk, where they gathered daily under a leader they
called " General Gage." Besides other acts of turbulence
and disorder, which were committed during several days,
the rioters marched about the streets in gangs, presenting
pistols at the breast of every person they met, and demanding
THE MASSACRE AT OLD CALABAR. 559
money from them. They also visited the houses of the
merchants, levying contributions of money, among the
rest, the residence of Mr. William Leece, a merchant, in
Water-street. It happened that no one was within, except
the merchant's daughter and the female servants. Miss
Leece, with a fearlessness and self-possession that was com-
pletely wanting in the local authorities of Liverpool during
the riot, went to the door, and, addressing the mob leader,
who was a sailor, enquired what they wanted. Jack,
struck with admiration at her courage and coolness, took
off his hat, and remained uncovered while, in respectful
language, he solicited, instead of demanding, a contribu-
tion. Having received it, he thanked her, and drew off the
rabble without doing any mischief. This wise and high-
spirited lady afterwards married Mr. James Drinkwater,
who was mayor of Liverpool in 1810. Her eldest son,
Sir George Drinkwater, was mayor in 1829 ; her second
son, Mr. William Leece Drinkwater, of the Isle of Man,
was a member of the House of Keys ; her third son,
Mr. John Drinkwater, was the father of Deemster Drink-
water. Her daughter, Margaret, married Mr. Peter Bourne,
who was mayor of Liverpool in 1825. The riot was
eventually quelled by a troop of light horse from Man-
chester, * and in April, 1776, fourteen of the sailors
* A gentleman, who accompanied the party of Lord Pembroke's Royal Regiment
of Horse, that was sent for from Manchester to Liverpool, to quell the riot, writing
on September 6th, says: " Last Wednesday, at three o'clock in the afternoon, an
express was received at Manchester from the Mayor of this place, demanding the
assistance of the soldiery, to put a stop to the riotings of the sailors; and in the
evening two of the principal gentlemen in the town arrived, praying their immediate
march, otherwise, Liverpool would be laid in ashes, and every inhabitant murdered.
Upon this, the men were collected together with all speed, to the number of 100
privates and six officers ; and about three o'clock in the morning, they marched. It
rained very hard, and did not cease until they came within six miles of Liverpool,
where they were met by the Mayor, who told them the rioters were drawn up in a
body to attack them. Before they proceeded any further, they examined their
arms, which being very wet, required a short time to put them in order and
when done they loaded, then marched in six divisions with their horses on each
side, to keep the flanks clear, intending to give the sailors the street fairing.
They arrived at Liverpool about four o'clock in the afternoon, in good spirits,
though somewhat fatigued, amidst the acclamations of the whole town, who now
560 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
concerned in the affair, "were suffered to go on board one
of his Majesty's ships destined for America." With the
exception of the rebellion and the Gordon Riots, the annals
of the eighteenth century probably cannot mention a more
extraordinary and formidable popular outbreak in England
than these riots, arising from the greed of slave-merchants
and the ferocity of their hirelings, and in which cannon,
muskets, pistols, cutlasses and other deadly weapons were
freely used by the mob.
The True Briton, Captain Dawson, which sailed from
Bonny, for the West Indies, on the i4th of June, 1776, with
upwards of 500 slaves, in coming out had an insurrection on
board, in which the sailmaker was killed, and cooper
wounded.
One of the most inexplicable facts in connection with the
trade is, that when the slave-ships were in danger from an
enemy on the middle passage, the captains frequently armed
some of the negroes, who fought most gallantly to preserve
the vessels and the lives of the men who were carrying them
into perpetual and pitiless bondage. We have an instance
of this in the case of the notorious slaver, the Brooks.
Captain Noble, her commander, writing to the owners from
Montego Bay, Jamaica, on the 26th of April, 1777, says:—
" I can with a good deal of pleasure inform you that your
ship Brooks has been the destruction of one of the American
privateers. The next morning after we left Barbadoes, we
were chased by her, and made all the sail we could to get from
her, but to no purpose, for she came up with us very fast, and
a little afterwards we saw another privateer right ahead, so
that we had then nothing to do but either fight or be taken.
came out of their houses, which they had not clone, nor even shewn their faces, for
some time before. Immediately upon their appearance, the rioters dispersed, with
the utmost confusion, hiding themselves in garrets, cellars, &c. and in short,
anywhere they could. The soldiers then surrounded several houses, and in the
course of Thursday and Friday, made about sixty prisoners, who were sent to
Lancaster Jail, and now all remains very quiet."
THE MASSACRE AT OLD CALABAR. 561
We therefore, to prevent being- engaged by them both at once,
took in all our small sails, and made ready for an engagement.
She came up right astern, would shew no colours till we fired
two shot at her, which did great execution ; upon which she
hoisted American colours, and gave us a broadside, which we
returned with our two stern chasers, which never missed raking
them fore and aft. After engaging her about an hour, we
were so lucky as to shoot away her mast, just above the deck,
by which time the other was almost up with us, but seeing the
sloop's mast gone, she hauled away from us as fast as possible.
The sloop and us exchanged many shot after her mast was
gone, but I thought it the most prudent way not to attempt
taking her for fear of the other (which was a schooner)
altering her mind, and coming back, upon which we bore away
in a tattered condition, our sails and rigging being very much
torn to pieces, and a great many shot in the hull, but
miraculously nobody killed or wounded on board us, except
the Doctor, who received a musket ball in his belly, but has
got the better of it already, as it came through the stern before
it hit him. We killed a great number on board the privateer,
as they stood quite exposed to our shot. She was a sloop of
ten or twelve guns, a great number of swivels, and as full of
men as she could stow. I believe the greatest part Frenchmen
by their appearance. I had fifty of our stoutest slaves armed,
who fought with exceeding great spirit. After I left the sloop,
the schooner came to her, and, I suppose, took the people out
of her ; she sunk about an hour after I left her. The engage-
ment was within two miles of St. Vincent, on the S.E. part
of the island. I went into Kingston Bay, and went on board
the Favourite, sloop-of-war, to beg some powder, which they
supplied me with very readily, and that evening made sail for
Jamaica, kept a great way to the southward, and then hauled
right over for Jamaica, by which means (I dare say) we
escaped a good many of the Americans. We saw several
small sail on our way down, but what they were, I cannot
tell."
Captain Noble, when writing, had not heard the sequel.
2NT
562 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
Soon after the removal of the sloop's crew on board the
schooner, the latter blew up, and fifty-five persons were
drowned and thirteen saved, amongst whom was the captain
of the sloop privateer. The captain and three men were
lodged in gaol at St. Vincent's. We shall presently hear
more of the Brooks, and her accommodation for compulsory
passengers.
At a public meeting of the African Freemen, merchants
and others, held in the Exchange, in Liverpool, on the i4th
of July, 1777, a committee of merchants was appointed to
take into consideration the state of the African trade, and to
draw up some plan to be laid before the ensuing Sessions
of Parliament for the better regulation of the said trade.
The following merchants were present : —
Alderman Gregson, Mr. Higginson, Mr. Sparling,
Mr. Slater, Mr. T. Hodgson, Mr. Blundell,
Mr. Caruthers, Mr. Heywood, Mr. Brown,
Mr. Bold, Mr. Greenwood, Mr. Birch,
and Mr. Grimshaw.
It was resolved that the Committee be an open one, "to
which any merchant or other person, trading to Africa from
Liverpool, or any Freeman of the African Company there,
or other merchant of the same place, should be allowed to
come, be heard, and vote." The Committee sat at ten o'clock
every Monday morning in the Town Hall, and was formed of
the following gentlemen:—
William Crosbie, Esq., Mayor,
William Gregson, John Dobson, Alexr. Nottingham,
Gill Slater, Joseph Brooks, Jun., Thomas Hodgson,
Thomas Case, Benjamin Heywood, Thomas Staniforth,
George Case, Thos. Rumbold, Thomas Birch,
Richard Savage, James Caruthers, Wm. Crosbie, Jun.,
Francis Ingram.
The Secretary was Francis Gildart.
THE MASSACRE AT OLD CALABAR. 563
On the 4th of December, 1777, the Jane, Captain Syers,
and the Gregson, Captain Boyd, two Liverpool slave-ships,
arrived at Barbadoes, from Africa, after a passage of seven
weeks. Two days before their arrival, they exchanged a
broadside with a small sloop, but the day following, the fane,
then a good way ahead of the Greg-son, was grappled and
attacked by a large sloop of 14 guns and well manned, who
managed to throw five boarders into the fane, but these were
soon repulsed, and a close action ensued for about two hours,
when the privateer cut her grapnel and sheered off, having
caught fire, which, however, was extinguished. The fane
had five men and a negro boy killed, and six seamen dan-
gerously wounded. "Captain Boyd," says the Liverpool
newspaper, "crowded all he could, but was not able to get up
and assist, otherwise 'tis likely the people of Barbadoes would
have had the pleasure of seeing those two brave African
heroes bring the Rebel Taxgatherer into Carlisle Bay." An
account from St. Vincent's, dated December 27th, mentions
that a Liverpool Guineaman had given a rebel privateer a
severe drubbing, near Barbadoes, and that 33 of the priva-
teer's crew were killed, and upwards of 47 wounded, and this,
no doubt, was the action with ihefane.
In March 1779, in a cause tried before Earl Mansfield, at
Guildhall, Amissa, a free black of Anamaboe, on the coast
of Africa, was awarded ^500 damages against the captain
of a Liverpool slave-ship, under the following circumstances.
In 1774, the defendant, wanting hands while on the coast,
hired the plaintiff as a sailor, advancing part of his wages.
When the ship arrived at Jamaica, the plaintiff was sent,
with three other sailors, to row some slaves on shore, and,
to his intense astonishment and grief, instead of being
allowed to return to the ship, he was detained by the
purchaser of the slaves, to whom the captain had sold him,
and sent up to the mountains to work as a slave. When
the heartless captain returned with his ship to Anamaboe,
564 THE LIVERPOOL SLAVE TRADE.
he gave out to Amissa's friends that he had died on the
passage. A year or two later, however, a black returned to
Anamaboe, who reported that he had left Amissa in slavery
at Jamaica, whereupon the King, and other great people of
the country, desired Captain E— — , who was then on the coast
with his ship, on his arrival at Jamaica, to redeem Amissa
and send him back to his friends, they paying all expenses.
The better to identify his person, they directed the son of
one Ouaw, a gold taker at Anamaboe, to accompany Captain
E— - on his voyage. Soon after their arrival at Jamaica,
they found out the man, redeemed him after a slavery of
near three years, and brought him to London, where the
matter was laid before the African Committee, who ordered
the defendant to be prosecuted as a warning to other
captains, with the result, as aforesaid, of heavy damages.
Early in 1781, the Sally, Captain Taubman, had the good
fortune of capturing, and escorting to Barbadoes, a Dutch
Guineaman with 350 slaves, which, taken at the average
market price ruling in Jamaica for eleven years — ^50 a
head — would amount to ,£17,500.
On the 28th of April, 1781, Captain Stevenson of the slave-
ship Rose, wrote to his owners, in Liverpool, from Old
Harbour, Jamaica, in the following terms : —
"This is to inform you of my safe arrival here on the i6th
inst, after a passage of 48 days from Cape Coast, but had the
misfortune the day before we got in here, to fall in with a
French privateer of 14 guns, and 85 men, called the Mould,
belonging to Cape Nichola Mole, off the S.E. end of this island.
At first coming up with us, we gave her two broadsides with
our great guns and small arms, which she returned in the like
manner, but her intention was for boarding us, he at last came
up on our starboard quarter, with a stinkpot fast to the end of
his gaff, thinking to swing it on board, but one of the Trantee
slaves shot it away with his musquet. He then grappled our
main chains, and we lay together yardarm and yardarm for
THE MASSACRE AT OLD CALABAR. 565
above one glass, when he thought proper to sheer off, having
got his belly full. I had about fifty men, black and white, on
deck at great guns and small arms, halfpikes, boathooks, boat
oars, steering-sail-yards, firewood, and slack ballast, which
they threw at the Frenchmen in such a manner that their heads
rattled against one another like so many empty callibashes.
"My people all behaved very well, both white and black.
We lost a white man named Peter Cane ; myself wounded, and
five other white people, as likewise seven blacks, one of which
is since dead, the other six I am in hopes will recover. The
Frenchmen hove such a large quantity of powder flasks on
board us, that the ship abaft was all in a blaze of fire three
different times ; this hurt the blacks much, having no trowsers
on them. I had my own shirt burnt off my back. After that I
received a ball through my right shoulder, but, thank God, it
was in the latter part of the action, so that I did not lose much
blood. On the doctor's examining my wound, he found the
ball was gone clean through my shoulder."
The Rose carried 12 guns, three and four-pounders, and
30 white people. On the i2th of June in the following year,
she was taken on the Coast of Africa, by two French frigates
and a cutter, and sent to England as a cartel with prisoners.
The Othello (Letter of Marque) Captain Johnson, a slave-
ship belonging to Messrs. Hey wood & Co., on her voyage
to the coast of Africa, took the St. Anne, 300 tons burthen,
from Buenos Ayres for Cadiz, with a cargo of 8,500 dry
hides, 1 80 boxes of Peruvian bark, and four sacks of fine
Spanish wool, the whole valued at ,£20,000.* The prize-
master put into Killybegs, in September, 1781, to await
orders from the Messrs. Heywood, before venturing to pro-
ceed to Liverpool, on account of the swarm of the enemies'
privateers on the coast and in the Channel.
'" The unfortunate owner of a considerable part of the cargo, a Spanish gentle-
man, who spoke very had English, was on board the prize when taken. He told a
horril'le tale of a rebellion which had broken out in several provinces of South
America, particularly Cuzco, where the native Indians had hanged the governor,
and driven 500 Christians into a church, to which they set fire, and destroyed them.
566 THE LIVERPOOL SLAVE TRADE.
In the spring of the year 1783, the Othello was taken, on
the coast of Africa, by the crew, and retaken by the second
mate and the doctor, but not until Captain Johnson had lost
his life in attempting to quell the mutiny. In July of the
same year, we read of her being cast away on her passage
from Africa to Tortola, on the east of that island ; the cargo,
consisting of 213 slaves, was saved.
On the yth of December, 1781, the Nelly, Captain
Fairweather, on her passage from Africa to Jamaica, with
429 slaves on board, was wrecked in the night upon the
Grand Canaries ; 108 of the slaves, and one of the crew
perished. The remainder of the blacks were shipped in a
vessel the captain purchased, and sent to Jamaica.
The peace of 1783 infused new life into the trade, which
had been languishing for nine years ; the number of slave-
ships which cleared from Liverpool for the coast of Africa in
that year being 85, burthen 12,294 tons, carrying 39,170
slaves.* Hitherto, no public demonstration hostile to the
traffic had been made, though private opinion in many quar-
ters was gradually strengthening against it. The time,
indeed, was fast approaching when a small but devoted band
of men were to win undying renown by grappling with, and,
after a fierce and prolonged struggle, slaying a monster more
hideous than the Gorgon, cruel as Moloch, and hydra-headed
in its ramifications. In 1787, the little cloud, no bigger than
a man's hand, appeared in the political sky in the shape of a
petition to the House of Commons, from some members of
the Society of Friends, praying for the suppression of the
trade in human flesh.
* The reader is warned against accepting the figures of Sirjames Picton on this
question, as he repeatedly gives the amount of tonnage as the nivrnber of slaves carried;
for instance, in this case, he puts the number of slaves at 12,294, instead of 39, 170.
The tables in the Appendix show at a glance the number of vessels, tonnage, &c.;
cleared for Africa from 1709 to 1807.
567
CHAPTER IV.
THE ABOLITION MOVEMENT.
"When Clarkson his victorious course began,
Unyielding" in the cause of God and man,
Wise, patient, persevering to the end,
No guile could thwart, no power his purpose bend.
He rose o'er Afric like the sun in smiles,
He rests in glory on the western isles."
THE causes which led to the agitation against the slave-trade
will now be briefly stated. The cruelty, the injustice, and
the impolicy of the traffic had been exposed in Dr. Beattie's
"Essay on Truth" (1770), in Adam Smith's "Wealth of
Nations" (1776), in Paley's "Moral Philosophy" (1785),
and in John Wesley's "Thoughts on Slavery." The pulpit
began to denounce the evil, and the spirit moved the Quakers
of America and England to the most vigorous and chivalrous
crusade against a traffic so peculiarly revolting to their
humane and pacific tenets. In the year 1776, Mr. David
Hartley, member for Hull, brought the question before
Parliament. It was reserved, however, for Granville Sharp,
the champion of the negro Somerset, to call public attention
to a case which did more than any collection of essays to
stamp the horrors of the trade upon the minds of disinterested
persons, and produced an earnest desire for its abolition. It
was a cause tried at Guildhall, in the year 1783, in which
certain underwriters were heard against Gregson and others,
of Liverpool, owners of the slave-ship Zong, Captain
568 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
Collingwood. It was alleged that the captain and officers
of that vessel had thrown overboard into the sea 132 living
slaves, in order to defraud the underwriters, by claiming the
value of the same, as if they had been lost in a natural way.
It came out in the evidence that the slaves on board the
Zong were very sickly ; that sixty had already died, and
several were ill and likely to follow, when Captain Colling-
wood proposed to James Kelsall, the mate, and others, to
throw several of the negroes overboard, stating that if they
died a natural death, the loss would fall upon the owners,
but that if they were thrown into the sea, it would fall upon
the underwriters. He accordingly selected 132 of the most
sickly of the slaves, 54 of whom were immediately thrown
overboard, and 42 on the following day. A few days later,
the remaining 26 were brought upon deck. The first batch
of 16 submitted to be thrown into the sea, but the rest, with
a noble resolution, would not permit the officers to touch
them, and leaped overboard after their companions.
In May, 1787, the Society for the Abolition of the African
Slave trade was instituted in London. The Committee con-
sisted of Granville Sharp (chairman, and father of the cause
in England), William Dillwyn (an American Quaker),
Samuel Hoare, George Harrison, John Lloyd, Joseph
Woods, Thomas Clarkson, Richard Phillips, John Barton,
Joseph Hooper, James Phillips, and Philip Sansom. With
the exception of Sharp, Clarkson, and Sansom, all the
members were of the Society of Friends. At a meeting
held on the 7th of June, Mr. Barton informed the members
that Mr. William Roscoe, of Liverpool, author of a poem
entitled, "The Wrongs of Africa," had offered the profits
that might arise from the sale of that work, to the committee
towards furthering their cause. This offer, coming from the
head-quarters of the iniquity, was deemed very encouraging,
especially as the preface to the poem was written by Dr.
Currie, another dweller in the tents of unrighteousness.
THE ABOLITION MOVEMENT. 569
This poem, the second part of which -was published the next
year, was well received by the public, and afterwards trans-
lated into German. In his juvenile poem of "Mount
Pleasant," written in 1771, and published in 1777, Mr.
Roscoe had previously voiced his abhorrence of the un-
hallowed traffic. In 1787, he published a temperate and
masterly pamphlet entitled, "A General View of the African
Slave Trade, demonstrating its injustice and impolicy; with
hints towards a bill for its abolition." "I rejoice," writes
good Quaker Barton to him, "to find that thy pamphlet has
occasioned a ferment amongst the African merchants at
Liverpool, and I trust it will occasion a ferment amongst
our senators likewise, and produce the conviction we so
much wish them to feel."
William Roscoe, the man who had the courage to deliver
this straight blow from the shoulder at the favourite sin of
his native town, was the son of an innkeeper and market-
gardener, on the slope of what is now Mount Pleasant. In
his youth he worked in his father's garden, and carried
the potatoes upon his head to sell in the public market.
Then we trace him, as a boy, in a bookseller's shop, and
from there to an attorney's office. He conquered the dead
languages ; he made himself master of many living tongues ;
and then, emerging as an attorney, banker, poet, and his-
torian of a high order, displayed an erudition rare in those
who have not enjoyed university training, combined with an
elegance and originality of style, which achieved a world-
wide reputation, and caused him to be sought out by the
illustrious and learned of every land. In Italy, the name of
the historian of Lorenzo the Magnificent, and of the Ponti-
ficate of Leo the Tenth, was a passport in all cultivated
society, and even in his native town, where his sentiments
regarding the slave trade were hateful to the majority of the
people, he was not without honour; and when the stroke of
undeserved misfortune bowed the noble head, it was admitted
570 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
that he had "worn the white flower of a blameless life," and
kept unsullied his escutcheon as one of Nature's noblemen.
During the last hundred years the names of two illustrious
sons of Liverpool have stood out on the roll of history, con-
spicuous for their combination of moral worth with rare
intellectual and literary powers. One of them — William
Roscoe — has long since passed away; the other — William
Ewart Gladstone — is still amongst us, with mental forces
unimpaired at eighty-eight. These two great men and great
scholars were born within bowshot of each other.
In January, 1788, the Society for the Abolition of the
African Slave Trade made its first appearance before the
public of Liverpool with a well-written address, designed to
prove that the traffic, which was then said to bring about
^"300,000 a year into the Port of Liverpool, was immoral
and unjust, and one which ought to be abolished, as
unworthy of a Christian people. A list of the members of
the Society* was published in the same year, from which it
appears that there were eight righteous persons still left in
Liverpool, who had not bowed the knee to Baal. Their
names, and the amount of their subscriptions, were as
follows : —
£ s. d.
Anonymous, Liverpool ... ... ... ... 2 2 o
Dr. Jonathan Binns, Liverpool .- ... ... i i o
Mr. Daniel Dauiby, Liverpool ... ... ... i i o
Mr. William Rathbone, Liverpool ... ... 2 12 6
Mr. William Rathbone, Junr. , Liverpool ... 2 2 o
Mr. William Roscoe, Liverpool ... ... ... i i o
Mr. William Wallace, Liverpool... ... ...220
Mr. John Yates, Liverpool ... ... ... 2 2 o
These worthy men, however, were not all the enemies of
the trade in Liverpool, even at that early period. The blind
*Baines, Picton, and others state that only two Liverpool names — those of
William Rathbone and Dr. Binns — figured in the list of original members. In the
printed list at the Picton Reference Library, we find eight subscribers, as above.
" Anonymous " was probably Dr. Currie.
THE ABOLITION MOVEMENT. 571
poet, Edward Rushton, sang the wrongs of the negro in
vigorous, manly verse. Mr. Clarkson has inscribed his
name, along with that of Roscoe, and Dr. Currie, in his
map of the pioneers in the great cause of abolition, because
each of the three, acting independently, published his work
on behalf of the poor African, before any public or combined
agitation had been commenced. Rushton, indeed, though
residing in Liverpool, had been bold enough to affix his
name to his work, entitled, u West Indian Eclogues." His
story is a remarkable one. Born at Liverpool in 1756,
educated at the Free School, and, when about eleven years
of age, apprenticed to the sea, in the employ of Messrs.
Watt & Gregson, merchants, he had an early experience of
the horrors of the slave trade. When he was sixteen years of
age, the vessel in which he served was in danger of ship-
wreck ; the captain and crew gave up all for lost, and
abandoned themselves to despair. Young Rushton seized
the helm, saved the ship, and was promoted to the rank of
second mate. He sailed as mate on a voyage to Guinea,
and while on the coast, contracted a friendship for a negro
named Ouamina, whom he taught to read. Going one day
to the shore with a boat's crew, of which Quamina was one,
the boat upset. Rushton swam towards a small water cask,
which point of safety Quamina had previously attained, and
when the negro saw that his friend was too much exhausted
to reach the cask, he pushed it towards him, bade him good
bye, and sank to rise no more. Rushton afterwards lost
his sight in an attempt to relieve the sufferings of a cargo
of slaves, afflicted with ophthalmia. An ardent love of
freedom constituted a leading feature in Mr. Rushton's
character through life. The idea of the Liverpool School
for the Blind is said to have originated with him. His son
became stipendiary magistrate of Liverpool in May, 1839.
Another of the gallant little band of Reformers, who dared
to unfurl, in the very stronghold of the enemy, the standard
57'2 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
of truth, liberty and justice, was Dr. James Currie, a native
of Annandale, and father of William Wallace Currie, who
became first Mayor of Liverpool, under the Municipal
Corporations Bill. Dr. Currie, then rising" into notice as a
physician in the town, had the courage to risk popularity
and practice by writing in defence of the down-trodden
African, and in reprobation of the slave trade, and it may
be that the fact of his doing so will be remembered, when
his biography of Burns, which disgusted Charles Lamb,
is forgotten.
In March, 1788, two months after the Abolition Society
had broken ground in Liverpool, the slave-merchants put
forth or found a champion worthy of their cause, in the
person of the Rev. Raymond Harris,* a Spanish Jesuit, of
English extraction, who had settled in Liverpool. This
reverend defender of iniquity put forth a pamphlet entitled,
" Scriptural Researches on the Licitness of the Slave Trade,
showing its conformity with the principles of Natural and
Revealed Religion, delineated in the sacred writings of
the Word of God." We need not do more than indicate the
singular specimens of sophistry and perversity that
characterised this production. The author contended " that
no one could doubt the licitness of the slave trade, who
believed that the Bible was the Word of God. In proof ot
this assertion he first laid it down as an axiom, that whatever
practices were mentioned in either the Old Testament or the
New, with implied approbation, were sanctioned by God,
and would continue to be lawful through all time. This he
contended, was the case with slavery and the slave trade.
His first example was that of Hagar, slave of Sarah,
Abraham's wife, who having fled from her mistress, in
consequence of having been hardly dealt with by her, was
* He was born at Bilbao, 4th September, 1744. ; admitted S.J., 1758 ; expatriated
from Corsica, April 1st, 1767 ; was afterwards chaplain at Walton Hall ; removed
to Liverpool, where he officiated at the Catholic Church, in Edmund Street.
Whilst there he was thrice suspended by his Bishop.
ABOLITION MOVEMENT. 573
ordered by God to return, and humble herself under the
hand of her mistress. A second example was that of the
patriarch Joseph, who had bought the whole people of Egypt
for King Pharaoh, during the seven years of famine. A
third was that of the Gibeonites, who had been condemned
to be hewers of wood and drawers of water for ever to the
Israelites. Many other instances, equally apposite, followed,
and the general inference which the author drew from them
all was, that the slave trade was a ' licit ' occupation, and
that those who did not believe it to be so, did not believe their
Bibles."*
This astounding vindication of man-stealing so delighted
the Corporation that they presented the reverend sophist
with a gratuity of ,£100. Lord Hawkesbury (afterwards
Earl of Liverpool) actually condescended to distribute some
of Harris's precious " Researches," recommending them at
the same time as containing unanswerable arguments in
favour of the slave trade.
While those who were interested in the traffic admired
the reverend gentleman's "bold attempt to degrade the
noblest of all the attributes of the Deity — his justice and his
mercy" — others were filled with indignation and loathing at
its appearance. Dr. Currie, a man of cool and dispassionate
judgment, thus speaks of the trade and its advocate in a
letter to a friend : —
" The general discussion of the slavery of the negroes has
produced much unhappiness in Liverpool. Men are awaking
to their situation, and the struggle between interest and hu-
manity has made great havoc in the happiness of many families.
If I were to attempt to tell you the history of my own transac-
tions in this business, I should consume more time than I can
spare. Altogether I have felt myself more interested and less
happy than is suited to my other avocations. The attempts
*Thomas Baines's " History of Liverpool," pp. 472-3.
574 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
that are continually made to justify this gross violation of the
principles of justice one cannot help repelling-; and at the same
time it is dreadful to hold an argument where, if your opponent
is convinced, he must be made miserable. A little scoundrel —
a Spanish Jesuit — has advanced to the assistance of the slave-
merchants, and has published a vindication of this traffic from
the Old Testament. His work is extolled as a prodigy by
these judges of composition, and is in truth no bad specimen
of his talents, though egregiously false and sophistical, as all
justifications of slavery must be. I have prompted a clergy-
man— a. friend of mine — to answer him, by telling him that if
such be religion, I would 'none on't.');
Harris's pamphlet was promptly answered by several
writers, who had no great difficulty in showing that if his
argument proved anything, "it proved a great deal too
much ; for it proved that the marrying of three or four
wives at one time was a commendable practice ; made it a
matter of duty to stone all blasphemers to death ; and
justify true believers, not only in making slaves of heathen
nations, but in exterminating them with fire and sword.
Among those who published rejoinders were the Rev. Mr.
Hughes and the Rev. Henry Dannett, M.A., minister of
St. John's Church, whose pamphlet was entitled, "A
Particular Examination of Mr. Harris's Scriptural Re
searches on the Licitness of the Slave Trade."
The most eloquent answer, however, to Harris's work
was that of William Roscoe, entitled, "A Scriptural Refu-
tation of a Pamphlet lately published by the Rev. Raymond
Harris, entitled ' Scriptural Researches on the Licitness of
the Slave Trade,' in four letters from the Author to a
Friend." This rejoinder immediately attracted the attention
of the London Abolition Committee, who pronounced it the
work of a master, thanked the author for the important
service he had rendered to the cause, and arranged with him
for the issue of a new edition on his own terms.
THE ABOLITION MOVEMENT. 575
Nothing daunted, the Rev. Raymond Harris, mounted
on his good steed, ''Sophistry," again entered the lists as
the champion of "licit" man-stealing; but his death, very
soon afterwards, left the controversy to be carried on by
writers who argued the question on behalf of the merchants
as one of profit and political expediency, rather than of right
and wrong. The line of defence adopted in the news-
papers and pamphlets of the day was the great importance
and magnitude of the trade ; the ruin of the West India
Islands if the supply of "labourers from Africa" were
discontinued ; that slavery was rather a blessing than
otherwise for the negroes themselves ; and that the blacks
were an inferior race, incapable of living as free men.
While collecting evidence on behalf of Abolition, the
Rev. Thomas Clarkson visited Liverpool, and soon found
himself in dramatic situations. He called upon Mr.
William Rathbone, Mr. Isaac Hadwen, Dr. Binns (all of
the noble people called Quakers), Mr. Roscoe, Dr. Currie,
and Mr. Edward Rushton. Mr. Rathbone, than whom
the negro had no better friend, had supplied Mr. Clarkson
(through their fellow-worker, Mr. James Phillips, of
London) with copies of the muster-rolls of Guineamen, from
ihe Custom-house at Liverpool. The revelations of mor-
tality among the seamen in the slave trade made by these
muster-rolls, had an important bearing upon the agitation,
and helped to explode the theory that the employment was
"a nursery for seamen." Mr. Rathbone, desirous that Mr.
Clarkson should have reliable information, introduced him
to Mr. Robert Norris, a merchant, who had formerly been
a slave-captain, and who was writing a history of Dahomey,
* Jonathan Binns, M.D., was for many years senior physician to the Liverpool
Dispensary. He published, at Edinburgh, in 1762, Dissertatio Medica in Angii-
ralis de Exercitatione. He superintended, for some time, the school belonging to
the Society of Friends, in Yorkshire, and whilst there, published an English
Grammar, and also a Vocabulary. He removed to Lancaster, where he practised
as a physician until the time of his death, in 1812, aged 65 years. — " bmithers'
History," p. 433.
576 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
and a life of the King, who sold- his own subjects to the
slave-captains. Mr. Norris, at this time, made no secret of
the facts with which he was priming Mr. Clarkson, and
even ''answered in a solid manner" the arguments of a
slave-merchant named Coupland, who fired up and defended
the humanity and policy of the trade. Finally, Mr. Norris
drew up certain clauses, which, if made law, would effect
the abolition of the traffic. Strange to say, Mr. Norris
afterwards completely changed his front, and became one of
the champions of the trade, receiving the thanks of the
Corporation for his exertions, which were further acknow-
ledged, after his decease, by the grant to his widow of a life
annuity of £100 from the Corporate funds.
Mr. Clarkson found a sympathiser in Captain Chaffers,
who had been in the West India employ, and who offered
to introduce him to Captain L , whose long experience
in the slave trade would be invaluable to the abolitionist.
The two accordingly called upon Captain L , who, in
speaking of the productions of Africa, happened to mention
that mahogany trees, the height of a tall chimney, grew at
Calabar. Then a curious scene ensued :—
"As soon as he mentioned Calabar," says Mr. Clarkson,
"a kind of horror came over me. His name became directly
associated in my mind with the place. It almost instantly
occurred to me, that he commanded the Edgar out of Liverpool,
when the dreadful massacre there took place. Indeed I seemed
to be so confident of it, that attending more to my feelings than
to my reason at this moment, I accused him with being con-
cerned in it. This produced great confusion among us. For
he looked incensed at Captain Chaffers, as if he had introduced
me to him for this purpose. Captain Chaffers again seemed to
be all astonishment that I should have known of this circum-
stance, and to be vexed that I should have mentioned it in
such a manner. I was also in a state of trembling myself.
Captain L could only say it was a bad business. But he
THE ABOLITION MOVEMENT. 577
never defended himself, nor those concerned in it. And we
soon parted, to the great joy of us all."
On his first arrival in the town, Mr. Clarkson found the
people ready enough to talk about the slave trade. Horrible
facts were in everybody's mouth, and it seemed to him that
the inhabitants were no longer capable of being surprised at
the extent of their own wickedness. From this callousness
he expected to extract the damnatory evidence for which he
yearned. After the argument with Mr. Coupland, and the
scene with Captain L , however, he found that attention
of an unpleasant character had been drawn to the purpose
of his visit, and information was no longer obtainable. Slave-
merchants, slave-captains, and others, dropped into the
"King's Arms," where he was staying, and gazed at him as
an animal exceedingly rare and somewhat to be feared.
Dale, the master of the tavern, was delighted with the
custom his new guest attracted. Many of the callers dined
there, and entered into warm arguments with the enemy of
"the trade;" some provoked and insulted him, others hinted
that men were going about to abolish the slave trade who
would have done much better if they had stayed at home.
One said that he had heard of a person turned mad, who
had conceived the thought of destroying Liverpool and all
its glory; while another, laughing boisterously, raised his
glass and gave as a toast, "Success to the trade," watching
if Clarkson would drink it. Mr. Clarkson, fortunately, had
with him Mr. Falconbridge, of Bristol, who had been in the
slave trade. He was an athletic and resolute looking man
who, when the slave-captains ridiculed Clarkson's statements
and asked if he had ever been on the Coast, used to strike in
with, "But I have; I know all your proceedings there, and
that his statements are true." This went on day by day,
until the situation became dangerous. The friends of Abo-
lition saw him privately, said he was right, and exhorted him
to persevere ; but fear of having their houses pulled down
20
578 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
held them back from giving evidence publicly against the
man-traffic. These were not idle fears, for Dr. Binns had
nearly fallen into a plot laid against him because he was a
subscriber to the Abolition Society, and was suspected of
aiding Mr. Clarkson. That brave-hearted man, without ab-
solutely leaving the "King's Arms," took rooms in William-
son-square, where he was visited by seamen from the Guinea
ships, whose stories of wrong, murder, and ill-treatment,
made his life a misery. The hostility against him increased.
He received anonymous letters entreating him to leave the
town immediately, or he should never leave it alive. The only
effect these threats had upon him was to make him more vigi-
lant when he went out at night, which he never did without
Falconbridge, who, unknown to him, went about well armed.
That Mr. Clarkson's life wras in danger at this time seems
undeniable. When he was standing on the pier-head one
day, a gang of men closed upon him and bore him back
within a yard of the precipice, when perceiving his danger,
he darted forward, knocking one of the ruffians down, which
broke their ranks, and enabled him to escape, "not without
blows, amidst their imprecations and abuse." Amongst
them he recognised the murderer of the steward of a
Guinea ship, around whom he was drawing the coils of
justice, and two others who had insulted him at the " King's
Arms."
Mr. Clarkson paid a visit to Lancaster, where he learned
that the slave-merchants of the place made their outfits at
Liverpool, as a more convenient port. Lancaster, too, was
then under a cloud in the African trade. The captain of
the last slave-ship which sailed thence to the Coast, had
taken off so many of the natives treacherously, that any
other vessel known to come from Lancaster would be cut
off. There were then only one or two superannuated slave-
captains living in the town. On looking over the muster-
rolls at the Custom-house, Mr. Clarkson found that the loss
THE ABOLITION MOVEMENT. 579
of seamen was precisely in the same proportion as at other
ports.
On his return to Liverpool, he learned from Mr. Falcon-
bridge that during his absence visitors had continued to
call at the ''King's Arms," to deliver their abuse of him,
and that one of them had said that "he deserved to be thrown
over the pier-head."
Mr. Clarkson had now collected in London, Bristol, and
Liverpool, the names of more than 20,003 seamen who had
made different voyages, and he knew what had become of
each man. As the Committee in London were pressing
him to write an Essay on the impolicy of the Slave Trade,
he bade farewell to his few friends in Liverpool. To one
of them he refers as follows :-—
"The last of these was William Rathbone, and I have to
regret that it was also the last time I ever saw him. Inde-
pendently of the gratitude I owed him for assisting me in this
great cause, I respected him highly as a man. He possessed
a fine understanding, with a solid judgment. He was a
person of extraordinary simplicity of manners. Though he
lived in a state of pecuniary independence, he gave an example
of great temperance, as well as of great humility of mind.
But, however humble he appeared, he had always the
courage to dare to do that which was right, however it might
resist the customs or the prejudices of men. In his own line
of trade, which was that of a timber merchant on an extensive
scale, he would not allow any article to be sold for the use of
a slave-ship, and he always refused those who applied to
him for materials for such purposes. But it is evident that
it was his intention, if he had lived, to bear his testimony
still more publicly upon this subject ; for an advertisement,
stating the ground of his refusal to furnish anything for this
traffic, upon Christian principles, with a memorandum for
two advertisements in the Liverpool papers, was found
among his papers at his decease."
Mr. Rathbone resided in Liver-street, and afterwards in
980 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
Cornhill. He was a fine, venerable-looking man, with
dark eyebrows and flowing, silvery hair. He was very
highly respected, and it is said that he was not surpassed
by any contemporary individual in Liverpool in acts of
benevolence and charity. In 1805, he published "Memoirs
of the Proceedings of the Quakers in Ireland." Mr.
Rathbone died in February, 1809. It had been his custom
to inscribe in a book devoted to that purpose the names of
those of his family whom he had lost by death. In this
volume, his bosom friend, William Roscoe, has, in his own
hand, thus recorded the death of his friend :—
" nth FEBRUARY, 1809.
" William Rathbone died at nine o'clock in the morning,
aged 51 years and 8 months.
" This domestic record which contains the brief memorials
of his beloved and respected relatives, registered by his own
hand, and endeared by the warm expression of his affection,
now receives the honoured name of
"William Rathbone,*
" Of Liverpool, Merchant ;
"a name which will ever be distinguished by independence,
probity, and true benevolence, and will remain as an example
to his descendants of genuine piety, patient resignation, and
of all those virtues which give energy to a community, adorn
society, and are the delight of private life.
" Through life beloved ! O let this votive line
Unite in death its author's name with thine.
" WILLIAM ROSCOE."
The agitation of this question by a man like Clarkson,
who, with invincible patience, zeal, and faith, hunted up
the most astounding facts and made them public in his
*Mi. Richard Brooke, who died in 1852, in his gand year, knew five out of
seven William Rathbone'sin successive generations, namely : — a great-great-grand-
father, a great-grandfather, grandfather, father, and son. What is more remarkable
perhaps is, that virtue and benevolence appear to be hereditary in this old
Liverpool family.
THE ABOLITION MOVEMENT. 581
pamphlets, and by Wilbefforce, who, in 1787, had become
the parliamentary champion of abolition, could have only
one possible termination ; but the effects produced in
Liverpool by the twenty years' contest between right and
wrong were of a very demoralising character. "The secret
consciousness," says Sir James Picton, "that the trade
would not bear the light either of reason, Scripture, or
humanity, combined with the conviction that the prosperity
of the town depended upon its retention, produced an
uneasy feeling of suspicion and jealousy, and a dread of all
change, which could not but impart a peculiar character to
those at least connected with the occupation."
582
CHAPTER V.
HORRORS OF THE MIDDLE PASSAGE.
" Freighted xvith curses was the bark that bore
The spoilers of the West to Guinea's shore ;
Heavy with groans of anguish blew the gales
That swell'd that fatal bark's returning sails ;
Old Ocean shrunk, as o'er his surface flew
The human cargo and the demon crew."
WE have now arrived at a period when a Parliamentary
enquiry into the whole conduct of the slave trade enables us
to give an authoritative account of the method of procuring
slaves on the coast, together with a reliable sketch of the
perils and horrors of the middle passage.
The great demand for slaves made it the interest of the
princes and chiefs of Africa to procure supplies by any
means — by war, by rapine, or perfidy. In their efforts to
keep pace with the merchants' cry of " more, more !" these
cruel panderers did not scruple to turn a naturally fine and
productive country into one continued scene of devastation
and slaughter, for more than three or four thousand miles
along the coast.
With a hellish ingenuity the very crimes of the country
seemed to have been made on purpose to serve the interests
of slave-sellers and slave-buyers. Theft, adultery, witch-
craft, and the removal of fetiches were falsely imputed for
the sake of selling the accused into slavery, and some of the
chief men were said to employ the best looking women
they could find, well dressed, in order to entice the unwary
HORRORS OF THE MIDDLE PASSAGE. 583
into criminal situations, which ensured their conviction, or
offered a pretext for selling them to Europeans. It was, in
effect, argued by the defenders of the trade that the slaves
procured in consequence of native wars would have been
put to death, had not the slave-merchants humanely and
providentially stepped in and relieved the native belligerent
powers of the necessity of committing wholesale massacres.
The abolitionists, however, maintained that what the slave-
traders called war was nothing else but pillage, robbery,
and kidnapping, of the most wanton, cruel, and sordid
character. When slave-ships arrived on the coast, the petty
princes of the country sent out their myrmidons in parties
of from 300 to 3000, often on horseback, to attack and burn
towns and villages in the dead of night, so that the panic-
stricken inhabitants were the more easily seized and bound,
while attempting to save themselves and those most dear to
them from the flames. Every man, woman, and child that
could be secured by this armed banditti were carried off
without mercy ; the men stripped quite naked, and chained
together ; the women and children loose. In this manner,
they were all driven by their own countrymen, assisted
sometimes by Europeans, towards the place of sale, like
sheep for the slaughter, the distance to be travelled before
they reached the coast being often two or three hundred
miles. Thus the dearest relatives were torn from each
other's arms, in all probability never more to meet on earth.
Even children were separated from their parents, except the
sucking infants, who were permitted, for obvious reasons,
to accompany the mother. "What a moving scene,"
exclaims Clarkson. " Parents and children, husbands and
wives, brothers and sisters, not only forced from their native
country, but denied, in their exile and captivity, the small
consolation of mingling their sighs and tears in mutual
condolence and commiseration ! Such a scene must exceed
the powers of language to express, or of the human mind to
584 THE LIVERPOOL SLAVE TRADE.
conceive, where not felt or seen." When, as sometimes
happened, native princes objected to pillage their subjects
and sell their countrymen into bondage, the traders kept
them in a state of intoxication till their end was attained.
Some noted traders were a terror to the country, for they
openly and avowedly kidnapped their brethren, whom they
carried off gagged, lest their cries should alarm the country
as they passed. This method was called "panyaring," and
no questions were asked by the slave-captains, whose
business was to make up their cargoes speedily. The
slave-ships occasionally expedited this desirable object by
capturing canoes at sea, and along the coast. They also
decoyed the natives on board on pretence of traffic, seized
them, and put them in irons. Another dastardly method
was to make some leading native drunk, get him to sell
some of his own relations, whom he redeemed, when sober,
at any price insisted upon by the slave-captains or their
agents. A son sold his father, who was a slave-owner, and
he had to give twenty slaves to redeem himself. A trader,
returning from a ship with the proceeds of four slaves he
had just sold at a high price, was seized by a native chief,
taken to the vessel and sold, thus becoming the companion
in misery of those over whom he had a short time before
held the power of life and death. Traders were occasionally
invited to dine with the captain on board ship, when they
were filled with drink, and awoke to find themselves out at
sea. They were then stripped, branded, and thrust down
the hold to share the fate of the other slaves, some of them
possibly their own victims. The instances of wicked
artifice and base treachery employed in procuring slaves,
mentioned in the evidence, are almost innumerable.
The slaves having been procured by some, or all, of the
foregoing methods, we must now find a ship to transport
them to the scene of their future labours, or — to death ; their
own choice being probably the latter. We choose for our
HORRORS OF THE MIDDLE PASSAGE. 585
purpose a typical vessel, with whose fighting qualities we
are already acquainted — the Brooks, Captain Noble.
From a return presented to Parliament in 1786 by Captain
Parrey, who was sent to Liverpool by the Government to
take the dimensions of the ships employed in the African
slave trade from that port, it appears that the dimensions of
the "Brooks" were as follow: — The length of the lower
deck, with the thickness of the gratings and the bulkheads,
was 100 ft. ; her breadth of beam on the lower deck from
inside to inside, 25 ft. 4 in. ; the depth of the hold from
ceiling to lower deck, 10 feet ; height between decks, 5 ft.
£ in. ; length of the men's room on lower deck, 46 ft. ;
breadth of the men's room on lower deck, 25 ft. 4 in. ; length
of the platform in men's room on the lower deck, 46 ft. ;
breadth of the same platform on each side, 6 ft. ; length of
the boys' room, 13 ft. 9 in. ; breadth of the boys' room, 25 ft. ;
breadth of platform in boys' room, 6 ft. ; length of the
women's room, 28 ft. 6 in. ; breadth of the women's room,
23 ft 6 in. ; length of platform in women's room, 28 ft. 6 in. ;
breadth of platform in women's room on each side, 6 ft.
Tiie number of air-ports going through the side of the deck
was 14 ; the length of the quarter deck, 33 ft. 6 in., by a
breadth of 19 ft. 6 in. ; the length of the cabin was 14 ft.,
by 19 ft. in diameter, and 6 ft. 2 in. in height ; length of
the half-deck, 16 ft. 6 in., by 6 ft. 2 in. in height; length of
the platforms on the half-deck, 16 ft. 6 in., by 6 ft. in
breadth. The vessel is described as frigate-built, without
forecastle, and pierced for 20 guns. Nominal tonnage, 297 ;
supposed tonnage by measurement, 320; number of seamen,
45. It appears from the accounts given to Captain Parrey
by the slave-merchants themselves, that, when leaving the
coast of Africa, she carried, besides her crew, 351 men,
127 women, 90 boys, and 41 girls, a total of 609, though
only legally allowed to carry about 450. She lost by death,
on her passage, 10 men, 5 women, 3 boys, and i girl. In
586 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
the year 1782, she arrived at Jamaica with 646 slaves, but
how many she had when she left the coast on that voyage
is not stated.
Her provisions for the negroes were:— 20 tons of split
beans, peas, rice, shelled barley, and Indian corn ; 2 tons
of bread ; 12 cwt. of flour; 2,070 yams, averaging 7 Ibs.
each ; 34,002 gallons of water ; 330 gallons of brandy,
rum, &c. ; 70 gallons of wine ; 60 gallons of vinegar ; 60
gallons of molasses ; 200 gallons of palm oil ; 10 barrels of
beef; 20 cwt. of stock fish ; with 100 Ibs. of pepper. She
was 49 days on the passage from the Gold Coast to the
West Indies, the shortest passage of nine vessels reported
being 42 days, and the longest 50 days.
The mind cannot realise, language cannot paint the
sufferings of one day, nay, of one hour, passed under such
circumstances, by the tightly-wedged human cargo in the
hold of the best managed slaver. Dreadful must have been
the agony under the most favourable conditions, with a
humane captain, like John Newton, an able surgeon, fine
weather, and a short passage, but what a circumscribed hell
were they tormented in when, after several months spent on
the coast to complete the cargo, they experienced, during a
long passage to the West Indies, lasting from six to eight
weeks, rough weather, inhuman treatment, and scanty
rations of bad quality ! In one instance, the slaves on
board a schooner which carried only 140, were kept below,
and the gratings covered with tarpaulin, during a gale of
wind, which lasted eighteen hours, when no less than 50
slaves perished in that brief space of time. " One real view,
one minute, absolutely spent in the slave rooms on the
middle passage," says an ofiicer employed in the trade,
" would do more for the cause of humanity than the pen of
a Robertson, or the whole collective eloquence of the
British Senate."
To indicate the sanitary condition of the ships on the
HORRORS OF THE MIDDLE PASSAGE. 587
middle passage, it is sufficient to quote the testimony of a
surgeon employed in the trade :—
" Some wet and blowing- weather having- occasioned the
port-holes to be shut and the grating to be covered, fluxes
and fevers among the negroes ensued. While they were in
this situation, my profession requiring- it, I frequently went
down among them, till at length their apartments became so
extremely hot as to be only sufferable for a very short time.
But the excessive heat was not the only thing that rendered
their situation intolerable The deck, that is, the floor of their
rooms, was so covered with the blood and mucus which had
proceeded from them in consequence of the flux, that it
resembled a slaughter-house. It is not in the power of the
human imagination to picture to itself a situation more
dreadful or disgusting. Numbers of the slaves had fainted,
they were carried upon deck, where several of them died, and
the rest were, with difficulty, restored. It had nearly proved
fatal to me also."
The men — except in sickness — were kept constantly
chained two and two ; the right leg of one to the left leg of
the other, their hands being secured in the same manner.
In this miserable state they had to sit, walk, and lie, some-
times for nine or ten months, without any mitigation or
relief till they reached their destination. It was impossible
for them to turn or shift posture with any degree of ease, or
without hurting one another. The effects of this severe
treatment were assigned as the reason why the men died on
the passage in double the proportion of the women and
children, who went unfettered. Some who went below in
the evening in apparent good health were found dead in the
morning. The Rev. John Newton, in his evidence, said he
had often seen a dead and a living man chained together.
Such as were out of irons were packed spoon-ways, one on
another, so that each had less room than a man in a coffin ;
those who did not get into their places quick enough being
stimulated by the cat-o'-nine tails.
5S8 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
In favourable weather the slaves were brought up on the
main deck daily, about eight o'clock in the morning, and
as each pair ascended from the horrible dungeon, a strong
chain, fastened bv ring bolts to the deck was passed through
their shackles, a precaution absolutely necessary to prevent
insurrections, but often ineffectual, as we have repeatedly
had to record. They were allowed to remain on deck about
eight hours, during which time they were fed, and their
apartment below was cleaned — a terrible task. If the
weather was bad, however, they were only permitted to come
up in small parties of about ten at a time, to be fed ; after
remaining on deck a quarter of-an-hour, each mess was
obliged to give place to the next in rotation.
When feeding time was over, the slaves were compelled
to jump in their chains, to their own music and that of the
cat-o'-nine-tails, and this, by those in the trade, was euphe-
mistically called "dancing." Those with swollen or diseased
limbs were not exempted from partaking in this joyous
pastime, though the shackles often peeled the skin off their
legs. The songs they sang on these occasions were songs
of sorrow and sadness — simple ditties of their own wretched
estate, and of the dear land, and home, and friends they
were never more to see. During the night they were often
heard to make a howling, melancholy noise, caused by their
dreaming of their former happiness and liberty, only to find
themselves, on waking, in the loathsome hold of a slave-ship.
The women, on these occasions, were often found in hysteric
fits.
From statistics kept by several vessels, it appears that out
of 7904 slaves purchased on the Coast, 2053 perished on the
middle passage. In one document, the average is put at 20
per cent., and in the case of the/b/m, already referred to, the
rate of mortality was actually 50 per cent. Yet
"Fresh myriads, crowded o'er the waves,
Heirs to their toils, their suffering's, and their graves!"
HORRORS OF THE MIDDLE PASSAGE. 589
The slave-ships were peculiarly constructed, with a view
to prevent the negroes from ending their misery by plunging
into the sea; nevertheless, the utmost vigilance was not able
to frustrate such manumission, and a score have been
known to muster up all their strength, burst from their
chains, and leap overboard, exulting, with apparent joy, as
they sank in the waves, or fell a prey to the procession of
sharks that followed in the wake of the Guineamen.
One witness stated that his feelings were much hurt by
being so often obliged to use the cat, to force the slaves to
take their food ; and that in the very act of chastisement
they have looked up at him with a smile, saying in their
own language, " Presently we shall be no more." Some
of them endured voluntary starvation, frequent floggings,
the torture of the thumbscrews — which made the sweat run
down their faces, and their bodies to tremble all over as in
an ague fit — and other cruel usage, for the space of eight or
nine days. Then came death, the kind manumitter, for
whom they had longed with a great longing. The very
children sometimes chose rather to die than live. We have
a remarkable instance of a young child that refused all
sustenance. The captain, enraged at his obstinancy, flogged
him, and, with horrid imprecations, threatened to kill him if
he would not eat. This discipline was repeated several
times without effect. The child's feet being swelled, were,
by the captain's order, put in water, though the ship's cook
told him it was too hot. This brought off the skin and nails.
After about four days of this usage, the child died, just after
the captain had done whipping him. The mother refusing
to cast her son overboard when ordered to do so, was
severely beaten, compelled to take up the body and go to
the ship's side, where, turning away her face to avoid the
sight, she dropped the child into the sea, and continued for
many hours to cry bitterly.
A certain Liverpool captain, in a large company at
590 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
Buxton, related how a female slave on her voyage fretted
herself to a very great degree on account of an infant child,
which she had brought with her. " Apprehensive for her
health, I snatched the child," said this monster, glorying in
his unparalleled brutality, " I snatched the child from her
arms, knocked its head against the side of the ship, and
threw it into the sea."
When any of the Guineamen were driven out of their
course by stress of weather, and provisions ran short, the
slaves were sometimes compelled to " walk the plank," or,
in other words, to jump overboard. In cases of shipwreck,
they were either left to perish, entangled in their irons, or
the seamen put them to death, to prevent their escape and
to ensure their own safety. One terrible instance of this is
given in the evidence. A ship from Africa, with about 400
slaves on board, struck in the night upon some shoals about
eleven leagues distant from the south end of Jamaica. The
officers and seamen landed in their boats, carrying with
them fire-arms and provisions. The slaves were left on
board, shackled together in their chains. Having somehow
got out of their irons, they were discovered at daybreak
busily making rafts of broken parts of the wreck, upon
which they placed the women and children, while the men
and others that could swim, accompanied the rafts as they
drifted before the wind towards the island, where the crew
had landed the preceding night. The seamen, fearing that
the slaves would consume the water and provisions, which
they had saved from the ship, came to the horrid resolution
of destroying them, and accordingly fired upon them with
such good effect, as they were attempting to make the land,
that between three and four hundred were massacred ; so
that out of the whole cargo only thirty-three or thirty-four
were spared, carried to Kingston, Jamaica, and exposed to
public sale.
Many other instances, substantiated by affidavit, could be
HORRORS OF THE MIDDLE PASSAGE. 591
given of the most shocking- cruelties and murders perpe-
trated on both the negroes and the seamen by captains,
whom the slave trade had converted into fiends incarnate.
On the arrival of the ships at their destined ports, the
slaves were prepared for sale, much pains being taken
to clean and anoint their bodies, that they might appear to
the best advantage. There were three methods of sale, all
more or less attended with circumstances harrowing to the
feelings and degrading to humanity. The first was by
private treaty between the merchants' factor and the
planters, the latter selecting their " goods " at the factory ;
the second, and the most curious method, was by
scramble, which was described by Mr. Falconbridge of the
Emila. The ship, on its arrival at Jamaica, was darkened
with sails and covered round. The men slaves were
placed on the main deck, and the women on the quarter-
deck, while an eager crowd of buyers, who had been
supplied with tallies or cards, waited on shore for the sale
to begin. When all was ready, a signal gun was fired,
and the gangways thrown open, when the buyers rushed
through the barricade door with the ferocity of brutes,
seized as many slaves as they thought fit for their purpose,
encircling them with handkerchiefs tied together. At
Grenada, where a scramble sale took place, the women
were so terrified that several of them got out of the yard,
and ran about St. George's town as if they were mad. At
Kingston, Jamaica, during a sale on board the Tryal,
Captain Macdonald, forty or fifty slaves leaped into the sea,
but were recovered. From the evidence of several witnesses,
this appears to have been a very common method of sale in
America and the West Indies. The slaves on these
occasions were all at one price.
The slaves sold by the third method — public auction or
vendue — were generally the refuse and sickly, some of whom
died before the fall of the auctioneer's hammer. The prices
592 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
sometimes fell so low as a single dollar per head. In one
case, the ship Lottery, Captain Whittle, belonging to Mr.
Thomas Leyland, of Liverpool, we find a blind negro given
away ! An officer of high rank testified that he once saw a
number of slaves, who had been landed from a ship, brought
into the yard adjoining the place of sale. Such as were not
very ill were put into little huts, while the most sickly were
left in the yard to die, for nobody gave them food or drink,
and some of them lived three days in that situation. Slaves
were often carried from the ship to the vendue-master in
the agonies of death, and expired in his piazza. At these
auctions the slaves were exposed to public view, naked as
they came into the world, regardless of age or sex, and the
slave-merchants and planters viewed and handled them as a
butcher handles the cattle he is about to purchase for
slaughter.
A terrible mutiny of slaves on the middle passage occurred
in the year 1797. The ship Thomas, of Liverpool, belonging
to Mr. Thomas Clarke, and commanded by a very brave,
respectable, and intelligent man, Captain Peter M'Ouie*
took on board 375 picked slaves at Loango, and sailed for
Barbadoes. On the morning of the 2nd of September, 1797,
while the crew were at breakfast, two or three of the women-
slaves discovered that the armourer had incautiously left the
armour-chest open. They got into the after-hatchway, and
passed the arms through the bulkheads to the men-slaves,
about two hundred of whom immediately ran up the fore-
scuttles, and put to death all of the crew that came in their
way. The captain and a few of his men fought desperately
with the arms remaining in the cabin ; but they were
eventually overpowered, the slaves gaining complete
possession of the ship. Captain M'Ouie and many of his
* A native of Minnigaff, in the County of Galloway, Scotland, and father of the
late Mr. Peter Robinson M'Quie, merchant, of Liverpool, who communicated the
details of the tragedy to Mr. Brooke, author of " Liverpool in the Last Quarter of
the Nineteenth Century."
HORRORS OF THE MIDDLE PASSAGE. 593
crew perished, being either killed in the conflict, butchered
afterwards, or driven overboard. Twelve of the hands,
however, escaped in the stern-boat, and after enduring the
most dreadful hardships, two only survived to land in
Barbadoes. A few were kept alive to steer the vessel back
to Africa. Four of these escaped in the long-boat, and after
being six days and nights without food or water, reached
Watling's Island, one of the Bahamas, in a wretched
condition. Five of the crew still remained on board the
Thomas, the negroes not being able to steer the vessel
without their assistance. After forty-two days of misery and
dread, an American brig, laden with rum, came alongside,
of which the negroes made themselves masters, her crew
escaping in their boats. Rum casks were opened, and a
scene of drunkenness and confusion ensued, during which
several of the blacks were drowned. The remaining crew
of the Thomas took immediate advantage of this occurrence
and recaptured the brig — the boatswain, with the captain's
cutlass, having first killed the ringleader of the negroes, —
set sail for the nearest land, and reached Long Island,
Providence. The Thomas, with the surviving negroes, was
afterwards recaptured by H.M. frigate Thames, carried into
Cape Nicola Mole, and sold there.
2P
594
CHAPTER VI.
EMOLUMENTS OF THE TRAFFIC — A MILLIONAIRE'S
VENTURES.
"I own I am shocked at the purchase of slaves,
And fear those who buy them and sell them, are knaves ;
What I hear of their hardships, their tortures, and groans,
Is almost enough to draw pity from stones.
I pity them greatly, but I must be mum,
For how could we do without sugar and rum?" — Cowper.
A DRUNKEN actor,* on the stage of the Theatre Royal,
Williamson-square, on being hissed by the audience for
presenting himself before them — not for the first time — in
that condition, is said to have steadied himself, and vocifer-
ated, with offended majesty, "I have not come here to be
insulted by a set of wretches, every brick in whose infernal
town is cemented with an African's blood." This was a
home-thrust which might have made the daring offender the
hero of an unrehearsed tragedy. The taunt, however,
would have been almost as applicable hurled at London,
Bristol, or certain southern port audiences, whose bricks
were more or less cemented in the same sanguinary fashion
for fully one hundred years before the people of Liverpool
ever soiled their hands and souls in the African slave trade.
The brilliant success which crowned the shrewd enterprise
of Liverpool merchants in this, as in all other branches of
* George Frederick Cooke, tragedian, 1756-1812 ; the predecessor of Kean in
his peculiar line of characters.
A MILLIONAIRE'S VENTURES. 595
commerce, has made them the focus of scorching censure,
while the older offenders, left far behind in the race for pelf,
are comparatively forgotten, and their exceeding weight of
guilt overlooked. In a word, Liverpool, while sowing wild
oats in its commercial youth, or leading a sort of double
life— wedded to freedom at home, and courting slavery
abroad, — took a hand in this dark game, swept the board,
and, rather unjustly, has had to bear the concentrated odium
attached to the whole of the play. Roscoe, all his life the
firm, but statesman-like opponent of the man-traffic, speaking
at a public dinner held at the./'Golden Lion," to celebrate
his election as one of the representatives in Parliament of
his native town, thus referred to the national character of the
iniquity:—
"It has been the fashion throughout the Kingdom to
regard the town of Liverpool and its inhabitants in an unfavour-
able light on account of the share it has in this trade. But I
will venture to say that this idea is founded on ignorance, and
I will here assert, as I always shall, that men more independent,
of greater public virtue and private worth, than the merchants
of Liverpool do not exist in any part of these kingdoms. The
African trade is the trade of the nation, not of any particular
place ; it is a trade, till lately, sanctioned by Parliament and
long continued under the authority of the Government. I
do not make this remark in vindication of the character of any
gentlemen engaged in the trade, who stand in need of none,
but in order to shew that if any loss should arise to any
individuals who are concerned in it, it is incumbent upon
Government to make them a full compensation for the losses
they may so sustain."
However we may detest the trade, and shudder at the
horrors which necessarily accompanied it, even when most
rigorously supervised, and conducted by the most humane
instruments ; though we know that no casuistry can convert
wrong into right, yet must we remember that custom has a
596 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
wonderful effect in blinding the moral perceptions ; that
men's standard of morality is being raised, as the leaven of
Christianity spreads with power, and that ages, like indi-
viduals, are prone to
" Compound for sins they are inclined to,
By damning- those they have no mind to."
Let us now endeavour to arrive at the approximate amount
of the emoluments of the traffic ; certainty as to the aggregate
profits is impossible, but we are in a position to compare
estimates, made while the trade was in full swing, with the
real profits made by certain ships, whose accounts are forth-
coming. It appears from one calculation* that, during the
eleven years from 1783 to 1793, 878 slave-ships belonging
to Liverpool, imported to the West Indies, etc., 303,737
slaves, whose estimated sterling value amounted to the
enormous total of ;£ 15, 186,850.
In order to arrive at the net amount returned to the port
of Liverpool out of this sum, we must deduct factors' com-
mission of 5 per cent, on the sales, in addition to 10 per
cent, for contingencies, making a deduction of 15 per cent.,
or ^2,278,027 from the gross sales of ^"15,186,850, leaving
the net proceeds ,£12,908,823. But this sum is subject to
a further deduction of .£614,707, being the factors' com-
mission of 5 percent, on the actual amounts remitted by
them to the merchants of Liverpool. It appears, therefore,
that the net proceeds remitted to Liverpool, for the eleven
years' slave-trading, from 1783 to 1793, amounted to
,£12,294, n6f sterling, or on an average ,£1,117,647 per
annum ; expressed perhaps more clearly in the following
manner : —
*See Table in the Appendix.
fBaines, evidently quoting from the same source, gives the gross amount brought
into the port as "^12,908,823 in eleven years, or ,£1,117,647 a year," which on
the face of it, is an error, the cause of which is the omission of the factors' com-
mission of ,£614,707, which of course, never reached Liverpool.
A MILLIONAIRE'S VENTURES. 597
Gross amount of Sales of 303,737 slaves,
averaged at £50 per head £15,186,850
Deduct Factors' Commission
5% on ditto ... £759>342
Deduct for Contingencies 10% 1,518,685 2,278,027
£12,908,823
Deduct Factors' Commission 5% on real
amount remitted 614,707
Net proceeds remitted to Liverpool ... £12,294,116
Average net proceeds remitted during eleven years
£1,117,647 a year
Taking the number of slaves imported in the year 1786
as his basis, and allowing twelve months for the length of
the voyage, instead of the average nine months, the same
writer arrives at the appended statement of probable net
gains on a Guinea cargo : —
The net proceeds on 31,690
negroes £1,282,690
Gross value of goods exported to
Africa £864,895
Freight of 31,690 slaves ... 103,488
Maintenance of 31,690 slaves at
i o/- each i5>845 984,228
Profit on the whole £298,462
Having shown by the above statement that the profits
were upwards of 30 per cent., our author proceeds to
analyse the aggregate sums and discovers —
The net proceeds of one slave to be £4° 9 6^
The prime cost of one slave
on the Coast £27 5 10
The freight of one slave ... 3 5 3^
The maintenance of one
slave .. o 10 o 31 i i^A
Profit on the sale of one slave £9 8 5
598 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
It appears then, from the preceding calculations, that there
was a profit of upwards of 30 per cent, on the sale of each
slave; that in the year 1786, the town of Liverpool pocketed
,£298,462 sterling from the importation of 31,690 negroes;
and that during the eleven years, from 1783 to 1793, both
inclusive, the gains on 303,737 slaves sold amounted to
£"2,861,455 135. id. or on an average £"260,132 6s. 8d. per
annum.*
"This great annual return of wealth," says our author, f
"may be said to pervade the whole town, increasing the
fortunes of the principal adventurers, and contributing to the
support of the majority of the inhabitants. Almost every
man in Liverpool is a merchant, and he who cannot send a
bale, will send a bandbox, it will therefore create little
astonishment, that the attractive African meteor has, from
» time to time, so dazzled their ideas, that almost every order
of people is interested in a Guinea cargo." The small
adventurers, however, whose ships were despatched
irregularly, could not, under the most favourable circum-
stances, derive a large income from the trade, although the
returns might sometimes arrive in time "to prop a tottering
credit." In the case of a ship importing 100 slaves, which
by the preceding estimate would yield a profit of £942 is. 8d.,
we find, on subdividing the amount amongst the share-
holders, that an eighth is £117 155. 2^d., a sixteenth,
£58 173. 7d., and a thirty-second, £29 8s. lod. Spasmodic
adventurers, then, were not greatly enriched in one voyage,
but it was far otherwise with firms limited to three or four
persons, who traded regularly in human misery. For
* The writer we are following gives the two latter amounts as £2,361,455 6s. id.
and £214,677 155. id., but if we multiply 303,737 (the number of slaves sold) by
£9 8s. 5d. (the profit on the sale of each slave) we find the aggregate profit of
£2,861,455 13S- Jd., or an average of £260,132 6s. 8d. yearly, for the eleven years.
Troughton, accepting his predecessor's figures (£214,677 155. id.) as "a late cal-
culation made with great accuracy," calls it "an influx of wealth which, perhaps,
no consideration would induce a commercial community to relinquish."
t " A General and Descriptive History of Liverpool," (1795,) P- 23°-
A MILLIONAIRE'S VENTURES. 599
instance, we find one firm importing 2850 in five ships,
which, calculated on the previous scale, produced a net
profit of ,£26,849 73. 6d., or if divided between four share-
holders, the sum of ,£671263. io^d. for each adventurer.
The great wealth accruing from the traffic, however, went
into the coffers of ten leading houses, who maintained a
regular routine of slavers. From a summary* of eleven
carefully prepared tables, covering the eleven years in
question, we find that although 359 firms sent out no less
than 878 Guineamen, yet ten houses despatched 502 out of
that number, which was not only more than one-half the
shipping employed, but proves that the 502 vessels were of
greater aggregate burthen, for the number of slaves imported
by the ten firms was nearly four-sixths of the whole number
imported in Liverpool Guineamen during the eleven years
under notice. Although a Guinea voyage might exceed
twelve months, the instances were comparatively few, and
the ten leading houses aforesaid must be allowed to have
had yearly regular returns, or uniform successive annual
adventures, producing successive annual remittances of a
highly satisfactory and soothing character to the share-
holders. From a report presented to the Privy Council,
while the Slave Bill was depending, it appears that the
number of negroes transported yearly from Africa to the
West Indies, from 1783 to 1793, amounted to 74,000. Of
this number, Great Britain imported 38,000, Holland 4000,
Portugal 10,000, Denmark 2000, and France 20,000. Of
the immense multitude of 814,000 negroes conveyed from
Africa to the West Indies in eleven years, Liverpool had
the profit and the disgrace of conveying 303, 737. f
We now leave estimates and pass on to incontestable
facts, commencing with the ship Lottery, Captain John
Whittle, belonging to Mr. Thomas Leyland, banker and
*See Appendix,
t Baines puts the number at 407,000, but our tables show this to be wrong.
600 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
- millionaire, thrice mayor of Liverpool. She sailed from the
Mersey on the 6th of July, 1798, arrived at Bonny on the
22nd August, passed Barbadoes on the ayth of November,
after a passage of 50 days, with 460 negroes. The following
details, showing the result of the voyage, as far as Mr.
Ley land's pocket was concerned, are taken from the original
account books : —
Net proceeds of 453 Negroes sold by
Bogle & Jopp, as remitted by bills
of various dates after payment
of all charges ... ... ... ... ^22,726 i o
Deduct : —
Cost of ship's outfit ...^"2307 10 o
Cost of the cargo sent out
to Africa ... ... 8326 14 u . 10,634 4 ri
Profit on the voyage ^12,091 16 i
But this was not all ; there would be, probably, some of
the Guinea cargo and stores left over for future use.
The Lottery, Captain Charles Kneal, also belonging to
Messrs. Thos. Leyland & Co., sailed from Liverpool on the
2ist of May, 1802, on her sixth voyage, and carried from
Africa to Jamaica 305 negroes. The amount of the outfit
and cargo was ^7982 25. 6^d. When a final balance was
struck on October 3ist, 1811, the profits stood thus : —
Thomas Leyland ^ balce-... ... ... ^9510 16 o
R. Bullin % „ ... 4755 8 o%
Thos. Molyneux % ,, 4755 8 o^
^"19,021 12
In the next case, we subjoin a copy of the instructions
penned by Messrs. Leyland & Co., for the guidance of the
captain. These are taken from the original account book,
* There were a few hundreds more made on returned goods, and on rum, sugar, &c.
A MILLIONAIRE'S VENTURES. 601
which begins with the following memoranda of the
voyage : —
"Ship Enterprise, Ist- Voyage.
"Sailed from Liverpool, 20 July 1803
" August 26th detained the Spanish Brig St. Augustin, Capt.
Josef Ant°- de Ytuno, in Lat. 22, 47 North, Long. 26, 14 West;
bound from Malaga to Vera Cruz, which vessel arrived at
Hoylake on the 25"* October.
"September ioth Recaptured the John of Liverpool in Lat.
4, 20 North, Long, n, 10 West with 261 Slaves on board, and
on the 2nd November she arrived at Dominica.
"September 23rd the Enterprise arrived at Bonny, and sailed
from thence on the
"December 6th the St. Augustin sailed from Liverpool.
"9"' January 1804 the Enterprise arrived at the Havanna
and sold there 392 Negroes. On the 28 March she sailed from
the Havannah and arrived at Liverpool 26 April 1804."
"LIVERPOOL, iSJuly 1803
"CAP. CESAR LAWSON,
" SIR, — Our ship Enterprise, to the command of which you
are appointed, being now ready for sea, you are immediately to
proceed in her, and make the best of your way to Bonny on the
Coast of Africa. You will receive herewith an invoice of the
Cargo on board her which you are to barter at Bonny for prime
Negroes, Ivory, and Palm Oil. By Law this vessel is allowed
to carry 400 Negroes, and we request that they may all be
males if possible to get them, at any rate buy as few females as
in your power, because we look to a Spanish market for the
disposal of your cargo, where Females are a very tedious sale.
In the choice of the Negroes be very particular, select those that
are well formed and strong; and do not buy any above 24 years
of Age, as it may happen that you will have to go to Jamaica,
where you know any exceeding that age would be liable to a
Duty of ;£io ^ head. While the slaves are on board the Ship
allow them every indulgence Consistent with your own Safety,
G02 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
and do not suffer any of your officers or Crew to abuse or insult
them in any respect. Perhaps you may be able to procure some
Palm Oil on reasonable terms, which is likely to bear a great
price here, we therefore wish you to purchase as much as you can
with any spare cargo you may have. We have taken out
Letters of Marque against the French and Batavian Republic,
and if you are so fortunate as to fall in with and capture any of
their vessels Send the Same direct to this Port, under the care
of an active Prize Master, and a sufficient number of men out
of your ship ; and also put a Copy of the Commission on board
her, but do not molest any neutral ship, as it woud involve us
in expensive Lawsuit and subject us to heavy Damages. A
considerable part of our property under your care will not be
insured, and we earnestly desire you will keep a particular look
out to avoid the Enemy's Cruisers, which are numerous and you
may hourly expect to be attacked by some of them. We request
you will Keep strict and regular discipline on board the ship ; do
not suffer Drunkenness among any of your Officers or Crew,
for it is sure to be attended with some misfortune, such as In-
surrection, Mutiny and Fire. Allow to the ship's Company their
regular portion of Provisions &c and take every care of such as
may get sick. You must keep the ship very clean and see that
no part of her Stores and Materials are embezzled, neglected,
or idly wasted. As soon as you have finished your trade and
laid in a sufficient quantity of Yams, wood, water, and every
other necessary for the Middle Passage, proceed with a press
of sail for Barbadoes, and on your arrival there call on Messrs'
Barton Higginson & C°- with whom you will find Letters from
us by which you are to be govern'd in prosecuting the remainder
of the voyage. Do not fail to write to us by every opportunity
and always inclose a copy of your preceding Letter.
"You are to receive from the House in the West Indies,
who may sell your cargo, your Coast Commission of £2 in
£102 on the Gross Sales, and when this Sum with your Chief
Mate's Privilege and your Surgeon's Privilege, Gratuity and
head money are deducted, you are then to draw your Com-
mission of ^"4 in ^104 on the remaining amount. Your Chief
A MILLIONAIRE'S VENTURES. 603
Mate, Mr. James Cowill, is to receive two Slaves on an average
with the Cargo, less the Island and any other duty that may be
due or payable thereon at the place where you may sell your
Cargo; and your Surgeon, Mr. Gilb1' Sinclair, is to receive two
Slaves on an average with the Cargo less the Duty before-
mentioned, and one Shilling StK head money on each slave sold.
And in consideration of the aforementioned Emoluments, neither
you nor your Crew, nor any of them, are directly or indirectly
to carry on any private Trade on your or their accounts under
a forfeiture to us of the whole of your Commissions arising on
this voyage. In case of your Death, your Chief Mate, Mr.
Cowill, is to succeed to the Command of the ship, and diligently
follow these and all our further orders. Any Prize that you may
capture, direct the Prize Master to hoist a white flag at the fore
and one at the main top Gallant Mast-heads, on his approach to
this Port, which will be answered by a signal at the light House.
"We hope you will have a happy and prosperous voyage,
and remain
"Sir, Your ob Servs
"P.S. — Shoud you capture any vessel from the Eastward of
Cape of Good Hope, Send her to Falmouth and there wait for
our orders. In case of your Capturing a Guineaman with Slaves
on board, Send her to the address of Messrs- Bogle, Jopp & C0-
of Kingston, Jamaica."
"I acknowledge to have received from Messrs- Thomas
Leyland & C°~ the Orders of which the aforegoing is a true
Copy, and I engage to execute them as well as all their further
orders, the Dangers of the Seas only excepted, as witness my
hand this 18 July 1803
"C^SAR LAWSON."
The outfit of the Enterprise cost ,£8148 i8s. 8d. ; her cargo
of trading goods, ^8896 35. g^d. ; total, ,£17,045 25. 5^jd.
In January, 1804, Captain Lawson delivered to Messrs.
Joaquin Perez de Urria, at Havanna, 412 Eboe slaves (viz.,
194 men, 32 men-boys, 66 boys, 42 women, 36 women-girls,
604 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
and 42 girls) to be sold on account of Messrs. T. Leyland
& Co. Nineteen of the slaves died, and one girl, being
subject to fits, could not be disposed of. The net profit on
the round voyage, after selling the 392 remaining slaves,
paying damages for detaining the St. Augustine, and
crediting salvage of the John, profit on teeth, logwood,
sugar, etc., amounted to ,£24,430 8s. i id., which was divided
between the partners as follows :—
Thomas Leyland for his half of balance ^12,215 4 5^2
Thomas Molyneux for his ^ of Do 6,107 12 2-^
R'1 Bullin for his ^ of Do 6,107 I2 3
^24,430 8 ii
Our next example is the first voyage of the slave-ship
Fortune, Captain Charles Watt, which sailed from Liver-
pool on the 25th of April, 1805, arrived at Congo River
i6th July, sailed thence icth November, arrived at Nassau
2ist of December, 1805, sailed thence 2gth of March, 1806,
and arrived at Liverpool on the 2nd of May, 1806. The
result of the round voyage was as follows : —
Remittances &c on account of 343 slaves
sold by Hy. and Jas. Wood, Nassau,
New Providence, after payment of
all expenses, ... ... ... ... ^13,271 o i
This was apportioned as under : —
Thomas Leyland for his
2^ds- balance ...... ^8847 6 9
Wm. Brown for his ^3rd'
balance ... ... 4423 13 4
The cost of the outfit in this case was ^4124 18 9
,, „ „ cargo ,, ,, ,, 7267 18 7
^11,392 17 4
A MILLIONAIRE'S VENTURES. 605
The 'profit appears from the foregoing statement to be
very trifling, ,£1878 25. gd., but we must add to it the sum
of .£7609 75. 6d. for slaves sold on credit, making
^9487 zos. 3d. Nevertheless, the expenses seem to have
been remarkably heavy.
The slaves sold very slowly, there being 100 left on the
factors' hands on July 3ist, 1806, and the last batch of these
was sold in September. The result was a big bill for rent
of store, doctor's attendance, provisions, brandy, wine,
tobacco, heads and offals, oil, etc., for the slaves. The
muster-roll shows that Captain Watt, the third mate,
and six seamen died on the voyage ; two sailors were
drowned, the fifth or trading mate, and one of the men
ran away, while 34 seamen entered or were impressed
on board his majesty's ships on the station. This refers
to the original crew of 66 officers and men shipped at
Liverpool.
The slave-ship Louisa, on her fourth voyage, having sold
326 negroes at Jamaica for the sum of ,£19,315 135. 6d.,
the profit (after adding interest on account sales, ^1051
195. 7d., and deducting ,£1234 25. 8d. for disbursements
and commission, etc., due to factors) amounted to ,£19,133
tos 5d., which was apportioned among the owners as
follows : — Thomas Leyland, £9566 155. 2^ ; R. Bullin,
,£4783 75. 7%^d. ; Thomas Molyneux, ,£4783 75. 7^d.
In 1784, the Bloom, Robert Bostock, master, carried 307
slaves from the Windward Coast of Africa to the West
Indies, on account of Messrs. Thomas Foxcroft & Co.,
merchants, Liverpool, who also owned the Bud and the
Pine. The shares were held as follows: — Thomas Foxcroft,
5/1(iths; Wm. Rice, 2/ioths 5 A- Wharton, 2/i6ths J Felix
Doran, 2/i«tns > Jas- Welsh, 2/16ths '•> Robert Bostock, 2/i6tns J
and Geo. Welch, Vioth-
The result of the voyage, as disclosed by the original
account books, may be summarised thus : —
€06 THE LIVERPOOL SLAVE TRADE.
Sale of 307 slaves (103 men, 51 women, 99
boys, 54 girls), the lowest price being" £21 fora
woman and ^40 each for man, a boy and 2 girls, ^9858 2 10
Charges : —
To 6 slaves at the average
^32 2S. 2^/2 d. freight for
Captain Bostock ... ... ^192 13 3
To i slave for James Oddie the
second mate, sold by desire
of Captain B. ... ... 30 o o
To Captain Bostock's privilege
011^963593. 7d. at 2 per cent. 192 14 2
Ditto on extra privilege one
average ... ... ... 32 2 2^/2
To Mr Wm Cockerill's one
privilege ... ... ... 32 2 2^
To Capf. Bostock's coast com-
mission on ^9378 iis. (a] 4
per 104 360 14 3
To Factors' (Taylor & Kerr),
Commission on do 5% ... 465 i 8
To Mrjohn McCulloch, surgeon,
for head money on 300 slaves
(fi] i currency is ^15 @ 82}^
per cent. ... ... ... 844
To store rent, advertising,
liquor, &c. ... ... ... 1500
To sugar, rum, &c., shipped
and cash advanced ... ... 918 4 8
,, Drafts at 15 mos' sight ... 2401 14 2
„ „ 18 ,, ,, 2401 14 2
,, ,, 21 ,, ,, 2401 14 2
,, Factors' Commission on re-
mittances, &c., 5% ... ... 406 3 7
^9858 2 10
A MILLIONAIRE'S VENTURES.
607
The appended table shows at a glance the highly satis-
factory result of the six voyages — to all but the negroes.
The Chief Accountant of the oppressed may possibly have
pigeon-holed another table, compiled on the basis of our
fifth chapter.
SUMMARY.
Slaves
Ships. sold.
Net profits.
Average profit
per slave.
Owners.
£
s.
d.
£
s.
d.
Lottery
453
12
,091
16
I
26
!3
IO
T. Leyland & Co.
Lottery
305
19
,021
12
0}^
62
7
4
Do.
Enterprise
392
24
>43°
8
I I
62
6
6
Do.
Fortune
343
9
,487
10
3
27
13
2
Do.
Louisa
326
X9
,133
IO
5
58
'3
IO
Do.
Bloom
307
8
,123
7
2
26
9
2
T. Foxcroft&Co.
2126^92,288 4 10^ ^43 8 3
The net profits shown in the third column are the
amounts actually divided between the partners after pay-
ment of all expenses incurred on the round voyage, and the
sums, of course, include the profit made on the rum, sugar,
and other commodities sent home in payment for the slaves.
The proceeds were sometimes brought home in dollars.
If we multiply the number of slaves imported in Liver-
pool ships in the eleven years (from 1783 to 1/93) namely,
303,737, by ^"43, we have a total of ^"13,060,691 or an annual
net profit of ^1,187,335 us. od. to the merchants of Liver-
pool. The difference between these amounts, which are
based on facts, and those in the estimate (viz., ^"12,294,116
aggregate net proceeds, and ,£1,117,647 yearly net profits)
is accounted for by the fact that the price of slaves had risen
considerably in the later years of the trade, when Mr.
Leyland's ships were engaged in it. It does not appear that
the compiler of the estimate allowed for the profits on the
sugar, rum, etc. However, his figures, so far, appear
608 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
reasonable when tested by realities. But when he attempts
to estimate the net gains on a Guinea voyage, putting the
profit at £9 8s. 5d. per slave, we part company with him
arid appeal to the foregoing table of facts, which shows that,
even when the ship returned to Liverpool without a cargo of
West Indian produce worth naming, as in the case of the
Bloom, the profit on each slave imported was £26.
According to an extract from the books of the Liverpool
Custom-house, supplied to Mr. Elliot Arthy, a master
mariner and surgeon engaged in the slave trade, it appears
that between the 5th of January, 1798, and the 5th of
January, 1799, there sailed for Africa from the port of
Liverpool, 150 vessels,* whose total tonnage was 31,533
tons, their complement of slaves, as allowed by Act of
Parliament, 52,557, and the total of their complement of
seamen, as required by law, 5,255. Mr. Arthy made a
series of elaborate calculations, and arrived at the con-
clusion that the merchants made a clear profit of ,£3850
per vessel, or .£577,535 in the year. He estimated the net
remittances at ,£2,511,535, and the freight made by the
ships from the West Indies (at ,£800 a ship) ,£120,000,
total ,£2,631,535. Against this he computed the probable
cost of repairing, outfitting, storing, victualling, goods for
purchasing slaves, seamen's wages, insurance, etc., at
,£2,054,000, leaving a balance, as above, of ,£577,535.
This only shows a profit of about ,£12 per head on the
47,500 slaves, whom he assumes to have survived the
passage. In his desire to show the collateral benefits
flowing from the trade, he appears to have exaggerated
the cost of repairs, insurance, victualling, etc. The cost
of a slave on the coast was from ^20 to ,£25, and the
average price in the West Indies in 1798-99, trade being
very brisk, was .£70. This clearly left a margin for a
handsome profit, as shown in our summary of six voyages.
* See Appendix for names, owners, commanders, etc.
(509
CHAPTER VII.
THE CORPORATION AND THE SLAVE TRADE.
"To abolish that trade would be to 'Shut the gates of
mercy on mankind. ' " —James Bosivell. (Life of Dr. Johnson.)
THE presentation of a petition to the House of Commons,
in 1787, signed principally by members of the Society of
Friends, praying for the suppression of the Slave Trade,
and the formation of the Anti-slavery Society, greatly
alarmed the Liverpool Common Council. On the i4th of
February, 1788, during the mayoralty of Mr. Thomas Earle,
the Council met, and adopted a petition to Parliament,
drawn up by Mr. Statham, against the abolition of the
trade. The petition, which is cunningly framed to propitiate
the Government, to implicate the Commons for having
encouraged the corporation in its outlay on wet docks for
the African ships, and to alarm the landed interest and the
capitalists, is as follows:—
"To the honourable the House of Commons, &c. The
humble petition of the Mayor, &c., sheweth : That your peti-
tioners, as trustees of the corporate fund of the ancient and
loyal town of Liverpool, have always been ready, not only to
give every encouragement in their power to the commercial
interests of that part of the community more immediately under
their care, but as much as possible to strengthen the reins of
government, and to promote the public welfare. That the
trade of Liverpool, having met with the countenance of this
honourable house in many Acts of Parliament, which have been
2Q
610 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
granted at different times during the present century, for the
constructing of proper and convenient wet docks for shipping,
and more especially for the African ships, which, from their
form, require to be constantly afloat, your petitioners have been
emboldened to lay out considerable sums of money, and to
pledge their corporate seal for other sums to a very large amount
for effectuating these good and laudable purposes. That your
petitioners have also been happy to see the great increase and
different resources of trade which has flowed in upon their town
by the numerous canals and other communications from the
interior parts of this kingdom, in which many individuals, as
well as public bodies of proprietors, are materially interested.
And that from these causes, particularly the convenience of the
docks, and some other local advantages, added to the enter-
prising spirit of the people, which has enabled them to carry
on the African slave trade with vigour, the town of Liverpool
has arrived at a pitch of mercantile consequence which cannot
but affect and improve the wealth and prosperity of the kingdom
at large.
" Your petitioners therefore contemplate with real concern
the attempts now making by the petitions lately preferred to
your honourable house to obtain a total abolition of the African
slave trade, which has hitherto received the sanction of
Parliament, and for a long series of years has constituted and
still continues to form a very extensive branch of the commerce
of Liverpool, and in effect gives strength and energy to the
whole ; but confiding in the wisdom and justice of the British
senate, your petitioners humbly pray to be heard by their
Counsel against the abolition of this source of wealth before the
honourable house shall proceed to determine upon a point
which so essentially concerns the welfare of the town and port
of Liverpool in particular, and the landed interest of the king-
dom in general, and which, in their judgment, must also tend
to the prejudice of the British manufacturers, must ruin the
property of the English merchants in the West Indies, diminish
the public revenue, and impair the maritime strength of Great
Britain. And your petitioners will ever pray, &c."
CORPORATION AND THE SLAVE TRADE. 611
On the 4th of June, 1788, the Council ordered that the
freedom of the borough be granted to Messrs. John
Tarleton, Robert Norris, James Penny, John Matthews,
and Archibald Dalzell, who had been deputed by the
Committee of the Liverpool African merchants to attend in
London on the business, "for the very essential advan-
tages derived to the trade of Liverpool from their evidence
in support of the African slave trade, and for the public
spirit they have manifested on this occasion." On the 2Oth
of the same month, the freedom of the borough was pre-
sented to Lord Hawkesbury, chiefly for his support of the
slave trade, and in May, 1796, when he was created Earl of
Liverpool, the Corporation invited him to quarter the arms
of Liverpool with his own, which was done to the great
honour and edification of all concerned. Lord Liverpool
was Prime Minister from 1812 to 1827.
In the year 1788, Wilberforce began his agitation to
obtain freedom for the slaves in our West Indian Colonies ;
and a bill was passed for the better regulation of slave-ships.
This measure immediately roused the hostility of the Cor-
poration of Liverpool, who, on the 2Oth of June, 1788,
petitioned the House of Lords to throw out the bill, or to
allow them or their counsel to be heard against it. They
stated " that the trade had been legally and uninterruptedly
carried on for centuries past by many of his Majesty's
subjects, with advantages to the country, both important
and extensive ; but had lately been unjustly reprobated as
impolitic and inhuman."
The spectacle of the corporation, the members of which
must have been perfectly well acquainted with the horrors
of the slave trade, appealing to the House of Lords to
uphold the infamy of the town, is a melancholy, but
striking example of the power of usage and self-interest
in blunting the moral vision of men otherwise distinguished
for many excellent and even noble qualities. In judging
612 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
them we must not forget that in our own day there are
commercial practices and walks of trade that may call for
the indulgent criticisms of posterity.
In April, 1789, the Corporation presented to the House of
Commons a petition verbatim with that of the previous year,
and on July ist, another, similar in most of its statements,
and praying that the further inquiry and the examination
of witnesses might be postponed for another year. On the
2nd of December, 1789, the thanks of the Council were
presented to Messrs. Norris and Penny for their diligent
attendance on the House, and otherwise respecting the
business of the African Slave Trade Bill. In the same
year, through the efforts of Wilberforce, Fox, and Burke,
resolutions condemning the slave trade were introduced in
the House of Commons.
From its immense importance to the town, the slave trade
at election times naturally acted as the touchstone or
Ithuriel's sword, by which the true member was discovered
and elected — provided his purse was equal to the value
which the freemen set upon their votes. In the election of
1790, great credit was given to the old members, Mr.
Bamber Gascoyne and Lord Penrhyn, for having, " in the
late violent attempt to abolish the supply of the West India
Islands with labourers from Africa, given the most con-
vincing proofs of superior abilities, unremitted attention,
and invincible perseverance." " Was not the African
Trade in danger?" asked an admirer, signing himself
"Common Sense." "Was not Mr. Pitt, the minister,
against it? Was not Mr. Fox, the leader of the Opposition
against it? Was not the House of Commons against
it? Was not the whole nation against it? Who was
there to stand up for it but Lord Penrhyn and Mr. Gascoyne?
How then can any man be so ungrateful as to give his vote
against them ? "
The idea of the two Liverpool members successfully
CORPORATION AND THE SLAVE TRADE. 613
opposing the whole nation in defence of the favourite traffic
of their constituents, reminds us of the Skibbereen Eagle
keeping a restraining eye on the Emperor of Russia, or
Dame Partington mopping out the Atlantic. The Silas
Wegg of the Gascoyne party, dropping into poetry, rose to
the height of his great argument in the following fashion: —
" Be true to the man who stood true to his trust,
Remember our sad situation we must ;
When our African business was near at an end,
Remember, my lads, 'twas Gascoyne was our friend.
If our slave trade had gone, there's an end to our lives,
Beggars all we must be, our children and wives ;
No ships from our ports their proud sails e'er would spread,
And our streets grown with grass, where the cows might
be fed."
The Corporation did not drop into poetry, but they
presented their thanks to Colonel Gascoyne, for his general
attention to the interests of the port, and particularly for his
unwearied exertions on behalf of the African slave trade.
In 1791, Wilberforce continued the Anti-Slavery agita-
tion, which, in the following year, was very violently
opposed by H.R.H. the Duke of Clarence (afterwards
William IV.).
At a special council, on the 24th of May, 1792, Mr. Henry
Blundell being mayor, another petition against interference
with the pet trade, was approved, and John Barnes, Richard
Miles, and Peter W. Brancker, Esquires, were desired to
wait upon H.R.H. the Duke of Clarence, and request that
he would present the same to the House of Lords. On the
5th of the following December, when Mr. Clayton Tarleton
was mayor, the council recognised the services rendered to
the slave trade of the town by the late Mr. Robert Norris,
Mr. James Penny, and Mr. Samuel Green, by granting to
the widow of the former, an annuity of ^100 for life, a piece
of plate of the value of ^100 to Mr. Penny, and the sum of
614 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
^"300 to the widow of the late Mr. Green, and ^"117 for his
public services and expenses disbursed. Messrs. John
Barnes and P. W. Brancker were sent to join the delegates
from various ports, who sat in London directing the opposi-
tion to the Abolition Bill.
In 1792 (the year preceding the Revolutionary War),
the number of Liverpool ships engaged in the African
trade was 136, the tonnage 24,544, or about a twelfth part
of the tonnage which entered the port.
Not only in public but also in private did Roscoe use his
great influence on behalf of the despised and down-trodden
negro, as will be seen from the following letter, addressed
at this period, to a slave-captain :—
"CAPTAIN WM. LACE, of the ship Joshua, Angola.
"Per CAPTAIN EVANS, ship Mary.
"DEAR WILLIAM,
"As I mist the opportunity before you sailed, I take the
first occasion of reminding- you that I shall think myself much
obliged by your bringing me a small quantity of such seeds of
African or West Indian plants as may conveniently fall in your
way — or if you can employ any person to collect them on the
coast, I will pay the expense attending it. As to plants
growing, I fear it wou'd not be possible to preserve them, and
wou'd be attended with much trouble ; but if any bulbous (or
onion-like) roots cou'd be obtained, they would probably keep
so as to grow in a hot-house here on their arrival. Both the
seeds and roots should be preserved from wet, which is all
that will be necessary.
" I cannot omit this opportunity of expressing my hearty
wishes for your return in safety and health to your friends,
and I am sure you will excuse me, if I remind you that the
employment you are now intrusted with is very weighty and
important. To have the unlimited direction and controul of
several hundreds of people who are to rely upon your care and
management for their protection and support, places you in a
situation of great responsibility, not only to your owners, but
CORPORATION AND THE SLAVE TRADE, 615
to the poor creatures committed to your charge, and to your
own conscience. That you will discharge this serious duty
with fidelity, and with as much humanity as is consistent with
the nature of this business, I make no doubt. I have ob-
served, with pleasure, that your natural disposition is kind
and liberal, and you can never have a fitter opportunity of
exerting these qualities than your present situation affords. I
need not, I am sure, remark that any warmth or hastiness of
temper (which, if ever you had it, is, I think, now well cor-
rected by experience) might be productive of consequences
which you might ever have to repent. Coolness, vigilance,
compassion, attention to the necessities of all under your
charge are essential requisites. Let these never be forgotten,
and let the poor imprisoned African find that in all his dis-
tresses he is not without a friend.
"May God bless you and all under your care, whatever
may be their complexion, and believe me, my dear friend, ever
affectionately yours,
" W. ROSCOE.
" LIVERPOOL, \zlhjuly, 1792."
Captain William Lace was the son of Mr. Ambrose Lace,
merchant and ship owner, of St. Paul's Square, and brother
of Mr. Joshua Lace, the founder and first president of the
Liverpool Law Society. He had a life full of adventure,
for in the time of the war with France he fitted out privateers,
and took the command of one himself. After taking many
prizes, he was himself captured by the French fleet, and
carried a prisoner to France, from which country he after-
wards escaped, after enduring great hardships. On another
voyage he lost his ship, and was 14 days in a small boat,
part of this time without water, and, when picked up, was
one of the few survivors. He was one of the early African
explorers, and, we believe, the first to give us an account of
the gorilla, long before Du Chaillu. He was an enthusiastic
botanist, and largely contributed to the founding of the
Liverpool Botanical Gardens, the freedom of which was
616 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
presented to him in recognition of his gifts. Members of
his family repeatedly refused the office of Mayor, and the
last Bailiff of Liverpool was his cousin, Ambrose Lace. One
of our illustrations is a fac-simile of an original sketch made
by Captain Lace of the palace and stockade of an African
king, of whom he purchased slaves ; and the private signal
code of a slave-ship is reproduced from the original in his
handwriting.
In May, 1794, the Bolton, Captain Lee, arrived at
Dominica from Africa, after a passage of thirty-four days,
with a remarkably healthy cargo of negroes, having left the
coast with her full complement, and buried only one.
The continuation of the slave trade till the first of January,
1796, was carried in the House of Commons by a majority
of 19. " This decision signed," as Mr. Fox justly observed,
''the death-warrant of perhaps a hundred thousand of our
fellow-creatures, or more, and doomed an unknown number
to perpetual slavery, with their seed, and extended misery to
a still greater number of their relatives in Africa, who were
left to mourn their parents or children, husbands or wives,
torn from them by a merciless banditti, to satiate the un-
bounded cravings of British avarice." A similar motion in
the Lords was postponed to the following year, in order to
give time for the examination of witnesses.
Not content with importing from Africa a supply of slaves
for our own plantations, the Liverpool merchants were
induced by love of gain to perform the same work for some
of the neighbouring kingdoms. Knowing that the time and
opportunity of making such gain was now limited, they
used redoubled exertions to procure as many of the natives
as possible. Secretary Dundas presented a petition for a
Mr. Dawson, of Liverpool, stating that he had eighteen
vessels in the slave trade, for the service of Spain, and that
the whole of the property embarked altogether in it was
five hundred and nine thousand pounds and upwards.
CORPORATION AND THE SLAVE TRADE. 617
At a special council, held on the i2th of March, 1796,
during the mayoralty of Mr. Thomas Naylor, it was
unanimously agreed that petitions be sent up on behalf of
the Corporation against the Bills before Parliament for the
abolition of the African slave trade, and praying to be
heard by counsel. The petitions were merely an echo of
those previously presented. Among the toasts drunk at a
gathering of the friends of John Tarleton, Esq., met at the
" King's Arms," in 1796, to celebrate the anniversary of the
King's birthday, was "Prosperity to the African Trade, and
may it always be conducted with Humanity."
The largest vessel at this time engaged in the African
trade was the Parr, of 566 tons burthen, launched from
Mr. W. N. Wright's yard, in November, 1797.
On the 3rd of October, 1798, during the mayoralty of
Mr. Thomas Staniforth, the thanks of the Town Council,
and a piece of plate to the value of 100 guineas, were
presented to Mr. Peter Whitfield Brancker, a member of
the Council, for having, in his character as delegate, attend-
ing in London every session of Parliament, been very
instrumental in securing a continuance of the slave trade
under proper restrictions and regulations. Mr. P. W.
Brancker was bailiff in 1/95, and mayor in 1801. In 1803,
at a period of national danger, all the boatmen of the
river Mersey were formed into a regiment of artillery
under his command, John Brancker being one of the
captains. Somewhat blunt and bluff of bearing, he was
a true-hearted man of the old school, and far before most
of the merchant princes of that day in reading and
intellectual attainments.
On the ist of April, 1799, during the mayoralty of Mr.
Thomas Leyland, the corporation petitioned the Commons
against "a bill to prohibit the trading for slaves to the
coast of Africa within certain limits," characterising it as
impracticable in parts, injurious, partial, and oppressive, and
618 THE LIVERPOOL SLAVE TRADE.
so forth. On May ist, 1799, another bill introduced into
the Lords for regulating the shipping and carrying of slaves
in British vessels from the coast of Africa, also drew a peti-
tion from the Town Council, who held that the health and
comfort of the slaves had been already effectually secured.
On the i4th of October, 1799, the Recorder, and a Com-
mittee of the Council, attended at St. James's Palace, and
presented H.R.H. the Duke of Clarence (afterwards the
"Sailor King") with the freedom of the borough, in a gold
box (costing £226} with an address (illuminated for 25 gui-
neas) "in grateful sense of his active and able exertions in
Parliament" on behalf of the slave trade. After all, the
expenses of the deputation, together with the presents, only
amounted to the price of two or three "prime and healthy
negroes" — a reasonable return for royal eloquence and
support.
In the year 1802, the question of the slave trade appears
to have been too stale for effective electioneering treatment.
The only reference to it is in a stanza by one of General
Gascoyne's admirers :
"For if he your member be, my boys,
Provisions still must lower;
And open trade be carried on
Along" the Afric shore.
And a plumping' we will g"O."
In the year 1804, a bill for the abolition of the slave trade,
was carried by Wilberforce in the House of Commons, but
was thrown out by the Lords. In the next session a similar
bill was rejected by the Commons. The capture by Great
Britain of the French and Dutch Colonies in the West
Indies, increased the demand for slaves, which had been
diminishing. The number of slaves imported in Liverpool,
London and Bristol ships, in the year 1802, was 41,086; in
1803, the number had fallen to 24,925; and in 1804, it had
CORPORATION AND THE SLAVE TRADE. 619
reached 36,899. Out of this number the proportion carried
by Liverpool was as follows : In 1802, 122 vessels, of 30,796
tons burthen, carried 31,371 slaves; in 1803, 83 vessels, of
15,534 tons burthen, carried 29,954 slaves ; in 1804, 126
vessels, of 27,322 tons burthen, carried 31,090 slaves.*
In 1805, an order in council prohibited the importation of
negroes, to the newly conquered colonies of the British
crown. After the death of Mr. Pitt, in 1806, the coalition
ministry, under Lord Grenville and Mr. Fox, carried a bill
prohibiting British subjects from supplying slaves either to
foreign settlements or to our own colonies. One of the last
acts of Mr. Fox before he followed his great rival to the
grave, was to carry a resolution in the Commons, pledging
the House to the abolition of the trade in the next session.
Meanwhile, a bill was passed through both Houses,
forbidding the employment of any new vessel in the trade.
On the 2Oth of January, 1807, during the mayoralty of
Mr. Thomas Molyneux, petitions to the Lords were
adopted from the ^Corporation and the Dock Trustees,
praying that the Abolition Bill be not passed, "but if
from considerations foreign to their interests it should be
thought expedient that the Bill should pass," the petitioners
prayed for compensation for the depreciated value of
houses, warehouses, land, etc.
Parliament was dissolved in November, 1806, and in its
short-lived successor, called by the Grenville Ministry, the
great Roscoe, then in the zenith of his fame, sat as one of
the members for Liverpool. His political opinions, and his
enmity to the slave trade, were opposed to the views of the
majority in a constituency where the most shameless bribery
*Sir James Picton, in his "Memorials of Liverpool," vol I. p 277, has fallen
into the curious error of giving the tonnage of the ships as the number of slaves
carried, the passage being as follows : —
: ' The trade had previously been diminishing, the number imported in Liverpool
ships having dropped from 30,796 in 1802, to 15,534 in 1803. Stimulated by the
new colonial markets, the number in 1804, had risen to 27,322, being five-sixths
of the whole number imported."
620 THE LIVERPOOL SLAVE TRADE.
prevailed. Nevertheless, his high standing in the commer-
cial,* literary, and political world, and the unsullied
excellence of his private character, induced the burgesses to
return him at the head of the poll. There was something
of "the everlasting fitness of things" in the presence, in this
parliament, of the man, whose youthful genius had sung the
wrongs of Africa; who, in early manhood had confuted the
sophistries of the Jesuit Harris, and who had, from first to
last, shared the hopes and fears of Clarkson and Wilberforce,
in their long and arduous struggle with the monster evil,
against which, single-handed, he had stood forth, like young
David of old. Short as was the parliament summoned by
the "ministry of all the talents," it covered itself and them
with imperishable glory, by finally declaring the slave trade
illegal, and Mr. Roscoe had the gratification of contributing
to this result by a speech, delivered on the second reading of
the Bill, which received the royal assent on March 25th, 1807.
The Bill enacted that no vessel should clear out for slaves
from any port within the British dominions after the ist
of May, 1807, and that no slave should be landed
in the Colonies after the ist of March, 1808. Thus
was ended a conflict of twenty years between truth and
falsehood, justice and selfishness, humanity and cruelty;
and the foulest blot which ever darkened the name of Eng-
land was removed. During the last fifteen months of the
trade, from January ist, 1806, to May ist, 1807, the number
of Liverpool vessels engaged in the traffic was 185, measur-
ing 43,755 tons,f and allowed to carry 49,213 slaves. The
immediate effect of the Bill upon the~cbmmerce of Liver-
pool was injurious. The tonnage fell from 662,309 in
* Mr. Roscoe was connected with one of the first banks in Liverpool, of which
Mr. Thomas Leyland, afterwards the richest man and most skilful banker in the
town, was the head. The firm of Leyland, Clarke and Koscoe was dissolved on
December 3 ist, 1806, the partners being Thomas Leyland, John Clarke and
William Roscoe.
t Here again Sir James Picton has substituted the tonnage of the ships for the
number of slaves carried.
CORPORATION AND THE SLAVE TRADE. 621
1807 to 516,836 in 1808, and the amount of the dues from
,£62,831 to ^40,638. This was principally owing to the
general anxiety to " make hay while the sun shines,"
which swelled the tonnage of 1807, and the depression
was not lasting, for the tonnage in 1810 had risen to
734,391, and the dues to .£65,782.
When it became known in Liverpool that Parliament had
decreed that England should no longer play a guilty part in
perpetuating the horrors of the middle passage, prophets of
woe and evil sprung up in every street, and with the ex-
ception of the small band of abolitionists and two or three
shrewd land speculators, who afterwards reaped a great
reward, the whole community was terror-stricken.* The
docks were to become fish-ponds, the warehouses to moulder
into ruins, grass was to grow on the local Rialto, the streets
were to be ploughed up, "Bootle organs"f were to sing in
the deserted mansions and pleasure grounds of the merchant
princes, and Liverpool's glorious merchant navy, whose
keels penetrated to every land, and whose white sails wooed
the breeze on every ocean, was to dwindle into a fishing
vessel or two, while the brave tars, who had made themselves
the terror of England's enemies on the seas, were to die of star-
vation or in the workhouse. "And what became of Liver-
pool? Were the melancholy predictions of her prophets
fulfilled? Were her docks turned into fish-ponds? Did
the mower cut down hay, or the reaper gather in his harvest
in her deserted streets?" Without entering at length into
the fascinating romance of Liverpool's progress it is a suf-
ficient answer to quote the following figures, indicating the
enormous growth of her shipping trade :—
In 1764 the total tonnage of vessels that entered the port
*"The effect of the abolition of the slave trade began to be felt in the cessation of
the demand for common rum, for which the coast of Africa was the principal vent;
and also of the demand for all kinds of goods suited for the African market, such
as gunpowder, coarse cloth, muskets, and trinkets of all kinds." — Baines' "History
of Liverpool," p. 732.
t Frogs.
622 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
was 56,499 tons, in 1780 it was 112,000 tons, in 1796 it
was 224,000 tons, in 1811 it was 611,190 tons, in 1827 it was
1,225,313 tons, in 1841 it was 2,425,461 tons, in 1857 it had
reached 4,645,362 tons, so that by the same rule that
doubled the tonnage of the port between 1749 and 1764,
the tonnage doubled itself between 1841 and 1857. It
occupied 134 years to produce an increase equal to that
which had taken place between 1841 and 1857. In the year
ending July ist, 1897, the tonnage had reached 11,473,421 tons.
The value of exports in the whole kingdom in 1857 amounted
to ,£110,000,000 sterling, out of which ,£55,000,000
passed through Liverpool alone. Of the total exports of
the United Kingdom in 1896, amounting to ,£296,379,214,
those of Liverpool were valued at ,£93, 298,954; those of
London at ,£83,227,874. The total value of the imports
of foreign and colonial produce into the United Kingdom
in 1896 was ,£441,808,904, of which ,£146,852,558 was the
value of London imports, and ,£103,512,255 those of
Liverpool. This enormous growth of commerce could
never have taken place, but for the continuous vigilance
and enterprise of the inhabitants of Liverpool in the
construction and extension of the dock system. Up to
1715, floating docks were unknown in England; and in 1795,
the Liverpool docks were only about i^ miles in extent.*
*In a Diary of a Tour through Great Britain, in 1795, by tne Rev. Wm.
MacRitchie, of Clunie, we find some interesting references to Liverpool. Passing
through Ormskirk, on the 6th of July, he saw "large fields of potatoes, very well
dressed, and country girls, with their petticoats tucked up, bestriding the drills and
taking out every weed with their hands." He approached Liverpool from the north-
west, and says, ' ' Vast number of ships under sail, making their way out of the river.
Put up at the 'Cross Keys,' near the Exchange, where dine; after dinner call upon
Mr. Keay, and take the grace-drink with him. In the evening, Mr. Keay accom-
panies me out, and shows me the docks and the shipping. This infinitely the most
wonderful scene of the kind I have ever seen ; and one who has not seen it cannot
possibly conceive any idea of it. Sup at the 'Cross Keys' (Mrs. Walker) with a number
of travelling gentlemen; some of them very entertaining; Welch, Irish, English,
Scotch, American, West Indies — variety of characters." . . "Visit again the
greatest thing to be seen here, or perhaps anywhere else — the Docks. Storehouses,
the largest of any in Britain — particularly the Duke of Bridgewater's, etc. One gentle-
man here has storehouses eleven stories high. Bathinghouses, ladies' and gentlemen's ;
coffee-rooms ; vast number of windmills for grinding corn, flint for the potteries,
CORPORA T1ON AND THE SLA VE TRADE. 623
In 1897, the Liverpool dock systems fringe the estuary
on the Lancashire shore for nearly seven miles, and pene-
trate the Wirral Peninsula on the Cheshire side of the
Mersey for two or three miles. The Liverpool docks are
unrivalled, not only by reason of their extent, but for the
solidity and magnificence of their construction, and the
facilities which they offer for the quick handling of cargo.
The Dock Estate on the Liverpool side of the estuary con-
tains an area of 1 105 acres, with 25 miles 1679 yards of quays.
On the Birkenhead side, the area is 506 acres, the length of
quay space 9 miles 925 yards, making the total area of the
Dock Estate, 1611 acres with 35 miles 844 yards of lineal
quay space.
The total cost of the docks is estimated at ^42,000,000.
Of this sum, ^"19,000,000 was expended during the thirty-
five years from 1861 to 1896. A large portion of the money
spent upon the estate has been defrayed out of the revenue,
and the present (July, 1897) bonded debt is ,£18,166,583.
The annual income of the estate is (July, 1897) ,£1,400,152.
The whole of this magnificent property is a public trust,
under the management of the Mersey Docks and Harbour
Board, which was instituted in 1857.
In 1897, the largest ocean steamers are able to come
alongside the Liverpool Landing Stage, which is moored in
about the centre of the seven-mile frontage of the finest
flax-seed for oil, logwood, etc." . . "The docks extend more than one and a
half miles, and exceed all description. This war, however, has considerably affected
the trade of Liverpool. Harbour difficult of access, the tract in the river narrow,
and many sandbanks on each side ; pilots necessary." . . "Walkout again to
the Docks. The Glasshouse here upon a small scale. The Copper work discon-
tinued here ; removed to Wales on account of the nearness of the ore there. Number
of the best ships belonging to this place taken during the present war. Ships of
upwards of a thousand tons built here. 'An endless grove of masts !' It gives one
a very high idea indeed of the immense trade of Liverpool, supposed superior to that
of Bristol, and inferior only to that of London. " . . . "Thursday gth July. —
Breakfast at the 'Cross Keys.' After breakfast make my escape from this large, ir-
regular, busy, opulent, corrupted town ; where so many men and so many women
use so many ways and means of gaining and spending so much money, and meat,
and drink, etc." And so he passes on to dine at Boldheath, and quaff good ale, at
threepence a pint, and to muse on the extravagance and wickedness of Liverpool.
624 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
docks in the world. Gigantic and mysterious looking
dredgers — which would have struck the bravest of our
privateersmen with terror, had they fallen in with them on
a cruise — have scooped away the shallow bar, which long
obstructed the entrance to the port, and now 25 feet is the
least depth at low water, and the largest vessels have free
access at all states of the tide. In this the Mersey Docks
and Harbour Board have displayed the pluck and enterprise
of the early makers of Liverpool. By sending out their fleet
of powerful dredgers to cruise successfully against the enemy
which, in former ages, destroyed the port of Chester, the
Board have confounded many sceptical engineers, and
deserved the thanks of present and future citizens of Greater
Liverpool. "England, England," said the Marquis of
Halifax, "thou art like Martha, busy about many things,
but one is necessary for thy salvation — look to thy moat; of
an Englishman's creed, the first article is the sea." This
true saying is also good for Liverpool, and the Docks Board
have lived up to it. They, too, have had their battles to
fight against fearful odds, and, figuratively speaking, to face
the great guns, swivels, small arms, and stinkpots of
innumerable enemies and critics, and still the good ship
Liverpool sweeps the seas, sound in every plank, her officers
and crew in great spirits, and the red flag of "no surrender"
flying at the main, as in the days gone by.
There are many other indications that, far from having
reached the meridian height of her glory and prosperity,
Liverpool, like that dark continent with the sad history of
which her own darkest record is linked, is but on the thresh-
old of a more splendid future. In this present year of
Jubilee, about 30,000 natives went down from the hinterland
jnto the town ofJLagos, and were conducted by the governor,
Major M'Callum, down to the beach. Scarcely one of them
had ever before beheld the sea, and their countenances were
CORPORATION AND THE SLAVE TRADE. 625
a perfect picture as they gazed at the endless expanse. It
was not the vastness of the area that impressed them most,
but the unceasing roll of the waves, which they could not
understand. That great sea and its ceaseless roll is to us
typical of that mighty civilising power which is now ad-
vancing over Africa. In this honourable work, the merchants
of Liverpool compete against the world as vigorously and
successfully as their predecessors did in an iniquitous traffic.
When Governor M'Callum, on the occasion previously
referred to, conducted the two leading black kings to the
Durbar, one on each arm, the enthusiasm of the natives
was tremendous. The chiefs said they never knew the
white man as they knew him then, and the friendship
expressed by them before they left for their homes, showed
that the jubilee celebration, at Lagos, was an unparalleled
event in the history of the colony. It would appear from
this that it is only now, ninety years after the abolition of
the Liverpool slave trade, that the white man is learning
the true way of dealing with the African. Soon may he
" View the accomplish'd plan,
The negro towering" to the height of man."
The Act of 1807 had not the effect of stopping the im-
portation of slaves, which continued to be carried- on by
British subjects under the cover of foreign flags. Conse-
quently, in 1811, another Act was passed, which made such
importation felony, punishable with fourteen years' trans-
portation. In 1824, the trade was declared to be piracy,
subject to the penalty of death. In 1833, the slaves in the
British Colonies, to the number of 770,000, were emanci-
pated, subject to an apprenticeship, which expired in 1838,
the sum of ^20,000,000 being paid to their owners as com-
pensation. The part played by Liverpool in the agitation
which brought about this result, does not fall within the
scope of the present work.
2R
G2G
CHAPTER VIII.
CAPTAIN HUGH CROW.
CAPTAIN HUGH CROW commanded the last slave-ship that
cleared out of the port of Liverpool. He was one of the
bravest, shrewdest, quaintest, and most humorous old sea
dogs that ever breathed. He lost his right eye when very
young, but as one of his employers said, the other was "a
piercer, "and he was known far and wide as "mind your eye,
Crow." He was generally on the most friendly footing with
himself, and ready to uphold his own merits, the beauty of
his native Isle of Man, and the Manx language, wherever he
went. He was justly proud of the estimation in which he
was held by the merchants and underwriters of Liverpool
and London, and it was a great sight to see him nodding
and bowing with much urbanity when he met them in the
streets or on 'Change.
We have it on the high authority of Mr. Hall Caine, that
the Manxman is a born sailor, and Hugh Crow heard the
call of the sea very early. When a mere child, walking with
his mother on the shore at Ramsey, where he was born, in
1765, he prophesied to her that he would command a big
ship some day. When that prophecy was fulfilled he did
not forget to send the old lady substantial tokens of his love
and success. Soon after being bound apprentice to the sea,
in the employ of a Whitehaven merchant, he had to fight for
his life with a vindictive fellow-apprentice, who, on a dark
CAPTAIN HUGH CROW. 627
night, attempted to throw him from the maintop-gallant yard
into the sea. He saved himself with difficulty, forgave the
attempted murder, and held his tongue.
His early life was full of adventure. On one occasion, he
left his ship at night, taking with him his quadrant and
chest, having procured a situation as second mate of a fine
ship, bound to Honduras. His old captain, suspecting his
intentions, and anxious to retain so valuable a man,
discovered his retreat, and, attended by bailiff, constables,
and soldiers, boarded his new ship. After a scuffle
with the crew, who also desired to retain their new
acquisition, the captain, the law, and the army discovered
Crow in the pump-well, nearly suffocated with filth and heat.
When he was dragged upon deck, the captain threatened to
cleave him with the cook's axe if he made any resistance.
He was tightly handcuffed, bundled into a boat, with only
his shirt and trousers on, taken on shore, and thrown into
a noxious prison, amongst a number of dirty, runaway
negroes. " There I lay," he says, " without any food, and
tormented by rats, for forty-eight hours. It is but a
grateful acknowledgment on my part to state that many of
the poor negroes shed tears on seeing my distressed
situation."
In December, 1787, he sailed as a passenger on board a
ship bound from Cork to Kingston, Jamaica, paying one
penny, as was the custom, otherwise a sailor (though a
passenger) might claim wages. They met with a succession
of dreadful gales, which greatly disheartened the crew, and
Hugh Crow endeavoured to rally their drooping spirits on
many a stormy night by singing sea songs, and especially
"Ye Gentlemen of England," which he always found to
have an animating effect on his shipmates on dark and
stormy nights.
He had several offers to go as second mate to the coast of
Africa, but, like many other sailors, he was prejudiced
G28 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
against the Guinea trade, and had an abhorrence of the very
name of " slaves," "never thinking," he observes, "that
at the time I was as great a slave as well might be ; and I
agreed, though with fewer advantages, to embark as
second mate of the Elizabeth, the first ship bound to
Jamaica." *
He tells the following anecdote, which we quote, because
it shows the soft side of a strong character that knew no fear.
It relates to a black boy they had on board named "Fine
Bone," about fifteen years of age : —
"When we got further north," says Crow, "the cold began
to pinch him severely, and, being- very fond of me, he one
morning came shivering to the side of my cot, and said :
' Massa Crow, something bite me too much, and me no can
see 'im, and me want you for give me some was mouth, and
two mouth tacken.' I knew that 'wash mouth ' meant a
dram, and he soon gave me to understand, by getting hold of
my drawers, what he meant by ' two mouth tacken.' I fur-
nished the poor fellow with the needful, and as he had shoes,
stockings, and jacket before, he was quite made up."
His repugnance to the slave trade was at length overcome.
In 1790, he made his first voyage to Africa in the Prince,
belonging to Mr. J. Dawson, and afterwards he sailed in one
of Mr. Harper's ships, and in the Jane belonging to Mr.
Boats, as second mate, which was equal to chief mate in any
other employ. In June, 1794, he sailed as chief mate of the
Gregson, a fine ship of 18 six-pounders, Captain W. Gibson,
bound to Guernsey for spirits, and thence to Cape Coast.
Three days after leaving Guernsey, they were attacked by
the Robuste, a large French ship, of 24 long twelve-pounders,
and 150 men. After a vigorous action of about two hours,
* It was with money granted by the Underwriters for services rendered to the
Elizabeth when she took the ground in coming into dock, that Crow bought the
first respectable suit of clothes he ever possessed. He was expert as a carpenter
as well as a sailor, having served two years to the trade of a boat-builder.
CAPTAIN HUGH CROW. 629
in which several of the 35 men who manned the Gregson
were severely wounded, Captain Gibson, to avoid useless
loss of life, reluctantly struck. They were carried to
L'Orient, and fairly treated as prisoners of war for some
weeks. Here they saw 150 fine looking women, who had
been caught with a priest at prayers in a field on a Sunday,
brutally driven into the town and handed to the public
executioner without a trial. Crow, with others, was removed
to Quimper, where he experienced terrible hardships in
prison. Lady Fitzroy and her brother, the Hon. Henry
Wellesley (sister and brother of the Duke of Wellington),
were also prisoners at the same place, and not having been
plundered of their money, sent nourishment to the sick.
Crow, like a careful Manxman, had a little cash, and raised
£20 on his note of hand, which saved his life, as those who
had no money perished of want or disease. He complains
that the feeling of the day, in England, was exclusively
devoted to the melioration of the black slaves, while not a
word was said of the white slaves who were daily dying by
scores in the prisons of France.
"Often" he says "in our indignation at this partiality,
and indifference to our fate, did we wish that our colour had
been black, or anything else than white, so that we might
have attracted the notice and commanded the sympathy of
Fox, Wilberforce, and others of our patriotic statesmen."
By the middle of November, nearly 2000 prisoners had
died, and Crow and the rest who could walk were marched
to the north of France. After marching five or six hundred
miles he was put in hospital at Pontoise, in February, 1795,
and here an English mate taught him arithmetic and
logarithms. He also picked up a few French words, and
one day in May, 1795, having fixed a large tricoloured
cockade in his hat, and the vocabulary in his mind, he made
his escape. Next day, when he had proceeded fifty miles,
he was stopped at a bridge by an officer and a file of soldiers.
630 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
His newly acquired French suddenly deserted him and he
stood mute.
"The officer," he says, "followed up one stern inquiry by
another, but all to no purpose. At length, as a random expe-
dient, I bolted out all the words of the different languages I
could remember, and of which I had obtained a smattering in
my different voyages, mingling the whole with my native
language, the Manks, with a copiousness proportioned to my
facility in speaking it. The Frenchman was astonished and
enraged, and as he went on foaming and roaring, I continued
to repeat (in broken Spanish), ' No entiendo ! ' until worn out
of all patience, he swore I was a Breton, and giving me a
sharp slap with his sword, he exclaimed ' Va-t en, coquin !' I
thanked him over and over again, as loud as I could, in Manks,
and I assure the reader never were thanks tendered with more
sincerity. After this escape, I became more cautious, and
resolved henceforward to travel only by night. With the dawn
I looked out for a place of shelter and repose, and every
morning, as I lay down to rest among the green bushes, my
drooping spirits were not a little animated by the delightful
notes of the thrush and the blackbird that emerged from their
nests to enjoy the wide freedom of the air, while I, to preserve
myself from a prison, sought covert from the beams of day."
Missing his way one day, he found himself close to a
camp of soldiers, and in the greatest alarm took to his heels.
After running and walking sixty miles, his "poor old hull
was in so sad a condition from stem to stern," that he "put
into the first port," turned into a house, and submitted him-
self to the mercy of the people. While they were giving
him brandy, and putting his feet in warm water, he fell in-
sensible across the tub. He was put to bed, slept soundly,
and in the morning, after a good breakfast, he proceeded on
his journey, blessing his benefactors. He reached Rouen,
and in two days arrived at Havre, where a generous Danish
captain gave him a passage to Deal, on arriving at which
CAPTAIN HUGH CROW. 631
place, he kissed the soil, in gratitude for his deliverance.
The Dane paid his fare to London, and he again raised ,£10
on his note of hand and started for Liverpool, where he
arrived "in great spirits," after an imprisonment of about
twelve months. The first person known to him, whom he
saw in Liverpool, was his brother William, who had gone
out as chief mate of the Othello, Captain Christian, to Bonny,
where the ship one night caught fire and blew up, several
whites, and about 120 blacks on board perishing, amongst
them being a brother of King Pepple. William Crow had
scarcely left the vessel when the explosion took place.
Captain Christian, in a subsequent voyage, met with a
similar and more fatal accident. Hugh Crow mentions a
little romance in connection with his next vessel: —
"After a short stay in Liverpool, I shipped as chief mate of
the Anne, a fine ship, mounting' eighteen guns, commanded by
my old master, Captain Reuben Wright, and bound to Bonny.
While we lay in the river Mersey, a number of men one day
came on board, and amongst them was a prepossessing young
sailor of apparently about eighteen years of age, named Jack
Roberts. This youth drank grog, sang songs, chewed tobacco,
enjoyed a yarn, and appeared in all respects, saving the
slenderness of his build, like one of ourselves. In a few days,
however, we discovered that Jack's true name and designation
\va.sjane Roberts, and a very beautiful young woman she was.
She was landed with all possible gentleness, and I was
informed soon after married a respectable young man. It is
remarkable that about this time several handsome young
women committed themselves in the same way, and some
succeeded in probably eluding all discovery of their sex, and
made a voyage or two to sea."
The Anne arrived at Bonny almost at the same moment
as the Old Dick and the Eliza, from which she had been
separated at sea for fourteen weeks. The town being full of
slaves, the Anne soon completed her cargo, and in three
G32 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
weeks they sailed to the westward in good health and spirits.
'When about three days' sail to windward of Barbadoes, they
took under "their protection a Lancaster brig parted from
the convoy, and defended her gallantly against a French
privateer which poured three or four broadsides into the
Anne, but met with a warm reception in the shape of
broken copper dross made up in bags, which did terrible
execution. After continuing the action off and on for
nearly five hours, the Frenchman made off, leaving the
Anne much damaged, and with several whites and blacks
wounded. On her arrival at Barbadoes every man and
boy worth taking were impressed, "a galling reception,"
says Crow, "after the manner in which we had defended
ourselves and the Lancaster brig from the enemy."
They sailed for Santa Cruz, sold the slaves, loaded at St.
Thomas's, and in due course arrived in Liverpool.
His next voyage was as mate in the James, Captain
Gibson, with liberal wages, besides a gratuity of £100
and the promise of a ship on his return. They sailed in
October, 1796, but the ship got ashore on the Cheshire side,
and Crow earned the thanks of the owners and underwriters,
for his conduct on this occasion. Proceeding on their
voyage, they arrived at Bonny, and after taking in a cargo
of negroes, weighed anchor on Janaury, I5th, 1797. They
had scarcely proceeded five leagues, when the ship grounded
at half-ebb on a bank, and then, with six feet water in her
hold, was carried over the tail of the bank by the tide and came
to anchor in deep water. The captain went off in a boat
to Bonny to get assistance, leaving Crow to do the best
he could with the ship and about 400 blacks, and only
40 whites to superintend them. While the pumps were
going, and the spirits and strength of the crew sinking,
Crow went down into the hold with the carpenter, found
the leak, and crammed it with pieces of beef. The slaves
had got themselves out of irons, and when Crow unlocked
CAPTAIN HUGH CROW. 633
the hatch they all gathered round him, shook him by
the hand, and asked him to permit fifteen of their best
men to come up and assist at the pumps, which was
readily agreed to. The ship had to be stranded in Bonny
Creek, and the slaves put on board of other vessels. At
night, the natives plundered her, but Crow, who had
stowed all his own property on the booms, and furnished
himself \vith scores of six-pound shot, defended himself
stoutly against all attempts to dislodge him. At length
Kings Pepple and Holiday came alongside and com-
manded their people to desist.
"I was rejoiced at the truce," he says, "for although my
ammunition was not yet expended, so desperate and destructive
was my defence, that had my assailants not been called off,
they would, in revenge, certainly have killed me in the end.
Many whites and blacks were wounded on both sides. The
ship, in a few days, was literally torn to pieces, and a demand
was even made for half the number of the blacks we had on
board. The fatigues I had undergone brought on a severe
illness, which continued for several days. On my recovery, I was
invited by the Kings and the great men to spend some time
with them on shore. When I reached the town, all classes
were lavish of their presents to me (for I was always on good
terms with the inhabitants), and even the children, amongst
whom I was well known, sang after me in the streets. A grand
ceremony afterwards took place, and I was sent for to attend
the Palaver-house, where I found both the Kings and all their
great men sitting, attended by crowds of priests and people.
The priests proceeded to lead to the sacrifice hundreds of
goats and other animals, and the Kings were very active in
performing the part of butchers on the occasion. All the
musicians in the town were in attendance, and a horrible
discordant din they made. I was given to understand that
during the ceremony I must neither laugh nor smile, and I
believe I kept my instructions by maintaining a suitable gravity
of visage. The day was afterwards devoted to feasting and
634 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
revelry, and this grand dement was intended as a thanks-
offering- to their god, for his goodness in casting our ship upon
their shore. From Bonny, I took my passage to Kingston,
and thence to Liverpool ; where, notwithstanding the unfor-
tunate issue of our last voyage, I met with a most friendly
reception from my employers. I afterwards agreed to go
mate of a ship called the Parr ; but had cause to change my
mind, and it was well I did so : for that ship was blown up at
Bonny on the same voyage. She had at the time her full
complement of slaves on board, most of whom as well as the
whites lost their lives, and of the number was Captain
Christian, whose former ship, the Othello, it will be remem-
bered, was also blown up, and he and my brother were
amongst the few survivors. At length, as the old proverb goes,
' long looked for come at last,' I had the good fortune to be
appointed to the command of a very fine ship called the Will,
belonging to Mr. W. Aspinall, one of the most generous
merchants in Liverpool. She was about 300 tons burthen,
carried eighteen six-pounders, besides small arms, and was
manned by fifty men. The instructions I received were
most liberal, and as a young man on my first voyage as
master of a ship, I could not but be highly gratified by
the friendly and confidential language in which they were
conveyed. We sailed for Bonny, in July, 1798, and arrived
safely, after a fine passage. One of our first occupations was
the construction of a regular thatched house on the deck, for
the accommodation and comfort of the slaves. This building
extended from stem to stern, and was so contrived that the
whole ship was thoroughly aired, while at the same time the
blacks were secured from getting overboard. These tem-
porary buildings would cost from ^30 to ^40, according
to the size of the ship. We soon procured a cargo, and after
a pleasant run arrived at Kingston in good health and spirits.
Our voyage proved to be most successful. I sold nearly
;£i2OO worth of return goods, which I had saved from my
outward cargo, and received the bounty allowed by govern-
ment for the good condition of the slaves on their arrival.
CAPTAIN HUGH CROW. 635
We sailed for England with the fleet, from which we parted
in a gale of wind; but ours was, nevertheless, the first ship
that arrived at Liverpool. Mr. Aspinall, my owner, who was
fond of a good joke, happening to meet one evening with old
Mr. Hodson, merchant, commonly called 'Count' Hodson, their
conversation turned upon the voyage we had just accomplished.
Mr. Hodson observed, ' I give my captains very long
instructions, yet they can hardly make any money for us ;'
adding to Mr. Aspinall, 'What kind of instructions, Will,
did you give your captain ?' ' Why,' replied Mr. Aspinall, 'I
took him to Beat's hotel, where we had a pint of wine
together, and I told him— CROW ! MIND YOUR EYE ! for you
•will find many ships at Bonny ! ' Mr. Hodson immediately
said, ' Crow ! mind your eye ! — Will, I know the young man
well, he has only one eye.' 'True, 'said Mr. Aspinall, 'but
that's a piercer ! ' The joke travelled to London, and I could
hardly cross the 'Change there afterwards without hearing
some wag or other exclaim, ' Crow, mind your eye !' It is very
probable that Mr. Aspinall had, in joke, told some of them that
these words were the only instructions I had ever received ;
and as such a fancy on his part was complimentary to me, I
may here state that I should have been as proud of that
laconic injunction, and acted as faithfully for his interests
under it, as under the lengthened instructions which he penned,
in his proper anxiety as a trader who had much at stake. "
He sailed for Bonny in July, 1799. When off Cape
Palmas, a fast-sailing schooner brushed up alongside of
them, hoisted French colours, and began to fire; but they
cooled his courage with a few broadsides, and he sheered
off before the wind. They lay in the river Bonny about
three months, slaving, and had a two hours' fight with some
French vessels. On this voyage, while in the latitude of To-
bago, on the 2 1 st of February, 1800, the Will was attacked by
a large French privateer, of 18 guns, who gave her two broad-
sides, and with a loud yell attempted to board, but received
such a destructive fire from the Wills guns, loaded with
636 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
round and broken copper dross, that he sheered off, and fired
from a greater distance. After fighting for about two hours,
he came up a second time, and ordered Captain Crow to
strike, or he would sink him. Crow replied that sooner
than strike to such as him, he would go down with the ship.
This exasperated the French captain, who took up a musket
and fired it at Crow several times. With another yell, the
enemy attempted to board, but failed, and the Will poured
into him three broadsides, which produced much havoc
and confusion among his men. The privateer dropped
astern to refit, and again came up fiercely, the action being
stoutly maintained on both sides for about two hours longer.
At last, after an engagement lasting in the whole about
four hours and-a-half, the privateer sheered off, leaving the
Will in a very shattered condition. One of the enemy's
shot went into the men's room below, and wounded twelve
blacks, two of whom died next day, and two others had
their thigh bones broken. Three of the crew were wounded,
and a gun dismounted by another shot.
"As soon as we had finally beaten him off," says the captain,
"I went into the cabin to return thanks to that Providence
which had always been so indulgent to me in all my dangers
and troubles. When the black women (who had rooms separate
from the men) heard that I was below, numbers of the poor
creatures gathered round me, and saluting me in their rude but
sincere manner, thanked their gods, with tears in their eyes,
that we had overcome the enemy. My officers and the ship's
company conducted themselves throughout the action with the
greatest coolness and determination, and we found a young
black man, whom we had trained to the guns on the passage,
to be both courageous and expert. In a few days after this
. rencontre we arrived at St. Vincent's, where we refitted, and
proceeded to Kingston. We had scarcely let go the anchor at
Port Royal when no fewer than eight men-of-war boats came
alongside, and took from us every man and boy they could find.
CAPTAIN HUGH CROW. 637
The impressment of seamen I have always considered to be,
in many points of view, much more arbitrary and cruel than
what was termed the slave trade. Our great statesmen, how-
ever, are regardless of such evils at home, and direct their
exclusive attention to supposed evils abroad.
"Our voyage proved very successful, and the blacks were so
healthy, and so few deaths had occurred amongst them, that I
was, a second time, presented with the bounty of £100 awarded
by government. We returned home under convoy ; and on our
arrival off the N.W. Buoy, my owner and his brothers paid me
the compliment of coming out to meet me. To add to my
satisfaction, Mr. Aspinall appointed a fine ship, the Lord Stanley,
to sail with me on the next voyage. To Mr. Kirby, my mate,
was given the command of that vessel, and she was placed in
every respect entirely under my orders. Both ships, together
with some others that were to join us, being fitted for sea, and
with valuable cargoes, I received my instructions, which were of
the most liberal nature, and we sailed in October, 1800, for the
coast of Africa. We encountered some severe gales of wind,
and did not reach Bonny till after a passage often weeks. There,
the ship Diana, having- been cast ashore and become a wreck, we
received on board the captain and crew. After completing our
cargo, we sailed in company, all in good health, and arrived
at Jamaica without losing a man. Indeed my friends at Kings-
ton used to say — 'Crow has come again, and, as usual, his
whites and blacks are as plump as cotton bags.' Having con-
cluded our business, we sailed from Port Royal on the 2ist of
May, 1 80 1, under the convoy of the York, sixty-four, Commo-
dore John Ferrier. The Will was appointed a pennant ship,
and at the same time, one of the whippers-in of the fleet."
The Hector, of Liverpool, having gone down, the crew
jumping overboard, they were all saved by the Will, Captain
Crow personally rescuing several of them. " One of them,
a Swede," he says, "was only saved by being caught hold of
with a boat-hook. He had on a pair of heavy half-boots,
and was moreover loaded with a quantity of doubloons
638 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
sewed up in a belt. This fellow, when he came to himself,
without thanking God, or us, for his preservation, only
made anxious inquiry if his money were safe." The fleet,
consisting of 164 ships, when all under sail presented a
most beautiful appearance. Soon after his arrival in Liver-
pool, Captain Crow was presented by the merchants and
underwriters with a handsome silver tray, bearing the
following inscription : —
"This piece of plate is presented by the Merchants and
Underwriters of Liverpool to Capt. Hugh Crow, of the ship
Will, in testimony of the high estimation they have of his
meritorious conduct in the River Bonny, on the coast of Africa,
on the i6th of December, 1799, when menaced by three French
Frigates."
The Underwriters of Lloyd's Coffee-house also presented
him with a sum of money and an elegant silver cup, of the
value of ^200, for his gallantry in defending the ship Will
against the French privateer, on the 2ist of February, 1800.
After this, Captain Crow commanded the Ceres, a fine
frigate-built ship of 400 tons, well armed and manned. One
day, at Bonny, King Pepple came on board, flushed with
palm wine, and began to boast of the services he had
rendered to Crow, who lay in great pain upon a mattress,
unable to satisfy the king's greed. At length, Pepple
worked himself into such a rage, that, going up to the
captain with insulting gestures, he began to utter all
manner of abuse against the Isle of Man, which he de-
nounced as little and despicable, and finally roared out that
Manxmen were a miserable race of people, as poor as rats,
and unable to support a king. At this, Crow sprang up,
seized a stick, and shouting "You villain ; how dare you
abuse my country," followed his majesty on all fours, and
fairly chased him out of the ship. As he left the side, the
king reiterated " Poor boy ! you cant havey king." They
became good friends afterwards.
CAPTAIN HUGH CROW. 639
In December, 1806, Captain Crow was in command of
the slave-ship Mary, about 500 tons burthen, carrying 24
long nine-pounders on the main deck, and 4 eighteen-
pound carronades on the quarter deck. She was manned by
between 60 and 70 men, 36 of whom were qualified to take
the wheel. He gives an amusing description of his pre-
parations for receiving an enemy on the middle passage : —
"It was my constant practice to keep the ship in a state of
readiness to receive any enemy we might chance to meet, and
particularly when we drew near to the coast of Cayenne, which
I had learned, by dearly bought experience, was infested by
French cruisers. To this end my crew were frequently trained to
work the great guns and small arms, and on the present voyage
I selected several of the finest of the black men to join them in
these exercises, as well as in passing along the powder, and in
other minor duties that might become requisite in the hour of
action. The blacks, who were very proud of the preferment,
were each provided with a pair of light trowsers, a shirt, and a
cap ; and many were the diverting scenes we witnessed, when
they were in a morning eagerly employed in practising firing at
empty bottles, slung from the ends of the yard arms. Being but
indifferent marksmen few of their shots took effect; and the
falling countenances of those who had just missed formed a
ludicrous contrast to the animated features of the next sanguine
competitors. The first who struck a bottle was presented with
a dram and a new cap. This small reward excited a strong emu-
lation, and the morning's sport furnished matter of exultation to
the victors, and of general merriment to all throughout the day.
"Meantime we made a rapid run to the westward, and
though my confidence in my crew was such that I thought very
few French or other privateers, or even sloops of war could
successfully cope with us singlehanded, yet as I one day paced
the quarter deck ruminating on the chances of being attacked
by probably an unequal force, a project came into my head for
the greater annoyance and destruction of an enemy, of which I
determined, if occasion required) to make experiment. Having
640 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
got my plan to bear in my own mind, I sent for the gunner and
the armourer, who were both clever men, and having- expressed
to them the great satisfaction I had all along- derived from the
good conduct of the officers and crew, I informed them that I
had before had two actions off the coast of Cayenne, and that
as there was a probability of our soon falling in with some
powerful French privateers from that quarter, I had resolved,
being so well manned, should any one attack us, not to give
them much chance at long bowls, but to slap them right on
board, if possible; and to run them down rather than expose
the lives and limbs of my crew by a long action. I then desired
them to take half-a-dozen of two-gallon jars, of which we had
a number on board ; and first to put about two quarts of powder
into each, and the same quantity of small flints; over these an
additional quantity of powder; next about two quarts of pepper,
and then to fill up with powder and cork them up. They were
finally to insert a tin tube with a good match through the middle
of the cork, to cover the jars with canvas, and coat them
thickly with a composition of powder, brandy and brimstone.
Each jar was to be put into a loose sack that it might be hauled
up into either top when wanted. 'And,' I concluded, ad-
dressing myself to the armourer, 'as you are the strongest
man in the ship, your station will be in one of the tops, with a
lighted match, so that you may, on the word being given, heave
these destructive jars right on board of any enemy that may
dare to come to close quarters.' The gunner, on hearing these
injunctions, exclaimed — -'Sir, I have seen a deal of service both
in men-of-war and in privateers, but I never heard of, or saw,
so deadly a contrivance before ; and if any French or Spanish
privateers venture to come alongside of us, they will never be
able to get away again.' He did not probably exaggerate the
effects of these infernal bombs if thrown upon the crowded deck
of an enemy's vessel ; for as the jars would burst into sharp and
irregular fragments, they would cut and mangle with as much
execution as the flints; and the burning pepper, which was to
be kept in a blaze by the combustible covering, no one could
abide in the heat of action. This contrivance was, I confess,
CAPTAIN HUGH CROW. 641
destructive, if not wicked; but when I recurred to the horrors
of a French prison, I should not have hesitated, rather than run
the hazard of undergoing- a repetition of my sufferings, and in-
volving my crew in a similar misfortune, to resort even to more
desperate means of disabling an enemy, if occasion required."
He had not long to wait for an opportunity to prove the
mettle of his crew. On the ist of December, while they
were running down with studding sails set in the latitude of
Tobago, he saw two sail which with the help of the glass he
took to be powerful vessels of war, and as they were
crossing the very ground where French cruisers often
attempted to intercept British ships bound to the West
Indies, he judged they came from Cayenne, and tried to
avoid them. They both tacked, and gave chase under a
heavy press of canvas. The Mary and her crew were a
match for any single cruiser, but the captain did not want
to fight two. Night coming on, Captain Crow called all
hands to quarters, and addressing his men in a rousing
speech, said he was determined that rather than be taken
and sent to a French prison, he would defend the ship to
the last, and go down with her sooner than strike. To a
man they promised to stick by him. " Commend your-
selves, my brave fellows, to the care of Providence," said
the captain. "Let us have no cursing or swearing, but
stand to your quarters, and such is my opinion of your
abilities and courage that I have no doubt but that, should
even both vessels attack us, we shall triumphantly beat
them off; and woe be to them if they attempt to board us."
They were not long left in that silent and intense anxiety
that immediately precedes an engagement at sea, for the
captain had scarcely done speaking when one of the vessels
loomed large in the obscurity astern, and hailed him in
English — an old French trick, and ordered him to bring to ;
and soon after her consort came up and made the same
demand. To both Captain Crow coolly replied that he was
2S
642 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
the Rambler off a cruise, and that no strange vessel should
bring him to in those seas in the night. The ships again
hailed, but the gabble of the sea and the bustle on board
made it impossible to detect whether the words were spoken
with a foreign accent or not. Captain Crow had made up
his mind that they were French, and that was enough. One
of the vessels rounded to and poured a broadside into him,
and he fought her at close quarters for some time. She
then took her station at some distance, and they fought for
another half-hour, when her consort came up on the Mary's
larboard side; both vessels closed, and simultaneously
attacked the Mary. Captain Crow animated his men, who
blazed away with right good will in the pitchy darkness,
which hid from them the fact that their captain was
partially disabled by a violent blow from a splinter. They
soon grew callous to the flashing of the guns on both sides of
them, and to the storm of balls. For a moment the man at
the wheel deserted his post, stunned by the wind of a large
shot, but soon flew back when the captain's ringing voice
cried, "What! is it possible we have a coward in the
Mary?" Meanwhile the stout armourer was stationed in the
maintop ready to fling the infernal combustible jars on the
enemy if they attempted to board. Captain Crow was here,
and there, and everywhere, cheering up his men, who boldly
stood to their quarters, and fought like heroes. It was
now past midnight, and the din like continued peals
of thunder. A large shot entered a gun-port, and took off
both the boatswain's thighs. Another entered the men's
room below, and wounded a great number of blacks, five
of whom died soon after. The cries of the dying and the
wounded were pitiable, and aroused the spirit of vengeance
in the seamen, who fought like demons. After an action
of nearly six hours, one of the ships dropped astern,
and Captain Crow sung out, " I think, my brave fellows,
we have sickened them both, and your names will be
CAPTAIN HUGH CROW. 643
honourably mentioned by our friends in Liverpool for your
resolute conduct in this action." The men wanted to give
him three cheers, but he sent them back to their quarters.
The ship again came up and resumed the action as fiercely
as ever. The Mary continued to engage both vessels, tooth
and nail, until the grey of the morning, when Captain Crow
was struck by a splinter and fell senseless on the deck.
The man at the helm sung out that the captain was killed,
the crew, worn out by fatigue, lost heart, and when the
captain revived he found that the colours had been struck.
Raising himself on the deck, with true Viking spirit, he en-
treated them to hoist the colours and give the enemy " three
or four more broadsides to conclude with." His hope was
that "as a chance shot will kill the devil," he might inflict
an injury that would turn the scales of battle. But it was all
in vain, the force of the enemy was now seen to be so great
that further resistance would have been madness. The captain
was carried to his cabin and laid on a mattress, while the
crew prepared to go on board the enemy's vessels as
prisoners of war. When the boats came alongside, the poor
fellows were standing at the gangway ready to surrender,
but what was their astonishment when they found that those
who boarded them were their own countrymen, and that they
had been all the while fighting two British men-of-war !
One was the Dart sloop of war, of 30 guns, (thirty-two-
pounders); the other the Wolverine, of 18 guns, of the same
calibre. This was astounding intelligence for Captain Crow,
who, in his anguish and vexation, struck his head several
times against the cabin floor, until the blood started from his
mouth and nostrils, and the effects of which never quite
left him. Friendly hands restrained his phrenzy, and a flow
of tears relieved his grief. The lieutenants of the war vessels
consoled him, and told him that their captains were as-
tonished to find that a Liverpool Guineaman could sustain
an action of seven hours with so superior a force. They had
644 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
mistaken the Mary for a French privateer. Captain Spear
of the Dart, presented Captain Crow with the following
csrtificate: —
" His Majesty's Sloop, Dart, at sea,
" Dec. ist, 1806.
"I do hereby certify that Hugh Crow, commanding the
ship Mary, of Liverpool, and last bound from the coast of
Africa with slaves, defended his ship in a running' action, under
the fire of his Majesty's Sloop, under my command, and also
his Majesty's Sloop Wolverine, both carrying thirty-two
pounders, from about ten p.m. till near daylight the next
morning, in a most gallant manner (supposing us French
cruisers from Cayenne), and did not give up till his rigging
and sails were nearly cut to pieces, and several of his people*
wounded. Latitude 11° 27' N. ; longitude 53° W.
(Signed,) "JOSEPH SPEAR, Commander."
When the slaves came to know that Captain Crow was
wounded, and that he had been fighting friends instead of
foes, they rushed up in groups from below, and gathered
round him in the cabin. Some of them took hold of his
hands, others of his feet, and on their knees expressed in
their own way, their sorrow for the unfortunate affair, offering
him their rude, but sincere condolence.
The Mary made the land of Jamaica in a few days. On
passing Port Royal, the negroes to the number of about
400, were nearly all on deck. When they saw the bodies
of about a dozen men-of-war's men, who had been executed
for mutiny, hanging on gibbets and in chains, and some in
iron cages, on the low lands called the "Keys," they became
dreadfully alarmed, lest they should be sacrificed in the
same manner, and many of them were with much difficulty
restrained from jumping overboard. Admiral Dacres sent
* Six died of their wounds. It is worthy of note that from the afternoon before
the action, until it was over, the crew of the Alary had not a single glass of spirits,
nor did a murmur arise on that account. •
CAPTAIN HUGH CROW. 645
on board a protection from impressment for all the crew.
The Captain's friends hastened on board to bid him
welcome; the cargo, after all, was fine and healthy, and was
disposed of to great advantage by Mr. Thomas Aspinall.
" On the first Sunday after our arrival at Kingston," says
Captain Crow, "a circumstance occurred on board the Mary,
which was the more gratifying to me as it was entirely
unexpected. While I was lying" in my cot, about nine o'clock
in the morning, Mr. Scott, my chief mate, hurried into the
cabin and said ' Sir ! a great number of black men and women
have come on board, all dressed in their best, and they are
very anxious to see you ; will you allow them to come
down?' 'By all means,' said I, springing up, and hastily
putting on my clothes to receive them, and in a moment they
all rushed into the cabin, and crowding round me with gestures
of respect, and with tears in their eyes, exclaiming — ' God
bless massa ! how poor massa do ? Long live massa, for 'im
da fight ebery voyage ' — and similar expressions of good will
and welcome. I soon recognised these kind creatures as
having been with me in one or other of the actions in which I
had been engaged on former voyages, and though my
attention to them when on board was no more than I had
always considered proper and humane, I was deeply affected by
this mark of their grateful remembrance. Poor Scott shed tears
when he saw them clinging round me, and observed, ' How
proud, sir, you must be to receive this grateful tribute
of regard ! and how few captains can boast of a similar
proof of their good treatment of the blacks under their
charge.' Indeed, I could not refrain from shedding tears
myself, when I reflected that the compliment came from
poor creatures whom I had brought from their own homes on
the coast of Africa. The women were neatly dressed in
calicoes and muslins. Their hair was tastefully arranged,
and they wore long, gold earrings. The men appeared in
white shirts and trousers, and flashy neckcloths, with their
hair neatly plaited. The whole were at once clean and
646 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
cheerful, and I was glad from my heart to see them. When
they left the ship, which was not till they had repeatedly
expressed their happiness to see me again, I distributed
amongst them a sum of money, and they bade me good bye
with hearts full of thankfulness and joy. In a few days
afterwards the Governor of the Colony with his suite did
me the honour to pay a visit on board the Mary, a
compliment seldom known to be paid to the master of a
merchant ship."
The blacks in Jamaica composed a song in honour of
Captain Crow, of which the following verses are a
specimen :—
" Captain Crow da come again,
But em alway fight and lose some mans,
But we glad for see em now and den,
Wit em hearty joful gay, wit em hearty joful gay.
Wit em tink tink tink tink tink tink ara.
Wit em tink tink tink tink tink tink ara.
But we glad for see em now and den
Wit em hearty joful gay, wit em hearty joful gay ara."
* * *
" But did you eber the governor see
When em went on board of he.
Den em say Sir Hugh you must be,
Wit you hearty joful gay, wit you hearty joful gay.
Wit em tink tink &c.
Den em say Sir Hugh you must be,
Wit you hearty joful gay, wit you hearty joful gay."
Captain Crow did not forget to visit daily the poor
wounded sailors in the hospital, several of whom died. " It
was a consolation to me," he observes, "to be informed
that, even in the height of their sufferings, they frequently
mentioned my name in terms of attachment and respect.
The captain was one day met by a fine young black, who in
a very polite manner accosted him ; " Cappy Crow, how
CAPTAIN HUGH CROW. 647
you do?" "I do not know you, boy," said the captain.
"Cappy Crow," rejoined the negro, "me sabby you bery
well!" "When and where did you know me?" demanded
the skipper. " Me sabby you very much when you live
for you ship for big water — when you look ebery day wit
crooked tick for find da pass ;" meaning, he knew the
captain when he was on board the slave-ship at sea, when
he took daily observations with the quadrant to find out the
way. After a little conversation, Crow gave him some
money, and away he went, delighted with the present and
the condescension of the captain.
Captain Crow tells a humorous story of a monkey, who
wanted to take command of the Mary, showing that the
middle passage had its comedies as well as its tragedies:—
"During my last visit to Bonny, I had purchased a monkey
of the largest size, which was a source of amusement, but more
frequently of annoyance on board of the Mary. This fellow at-
tached himself particularly to me, and as he constantly kept at
my side, considering me no doubt his protector in his new mode
of life, we became in a short time pretty well acquainted. He
was uncommonly expert in imitating any thing he saw done,
particularly if it were mischievous. Although I was sometimes
obliged to check his propensity to evil doing, we for some weeks
continued to maintain a mutual good understanding as ship-
mates. But the best of friends, alas ! will sometimes quarrel,
and so it was with us. One day while we were in the middle
passage, we were overtaken by a squall, and while I was busy
ordering sail to be taken in, my gentleman snatched the speaking
trumpet from my mouth, with intent no doubt, to assist me by
making his own sort of noise upon it. Jealous of my prerog-
ative I insisted upon a restoration of my instrument of office —
the trumpet; this he resisted, and a scuffle ensued, which ended
in my being obliged to knock him down with the end of a rope.
Before I had time to look about me, the fellow sprang at my
neck, and after chattering and makingfaces of great consequence,
648 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
he bit me several times. This was beyond endurance; he re-
ceived a drubbing, which made him so outrageous that we were
obliged to chain him. It appears he never forgave me for this
infliction, for one morning' very early, whilst I was lying asleep,
he by some means got loose, and thirsting for revenge, ran
down to the cabin, where mounting the table near my cot, he
made no ceremony in pulling off the whole of the clothes that
covered me, and that with such alacrity that I had no time to
stand upon the defensive. The fellow then sprung to the beaufet
and began, as fast as he could, to pitch the wine glasses and
tumblers, and whatever else he could lay hold of, out through
the cabin windows. The steward, at length, luckily came in,
and we secured him. Owing to these and similar pranks, I de-
termined to part with him, and a few days after we arrived at
Kingston, I had him advertised in the newspapers, by the name
of Fine Bone, from Bonny, on the coast of Africa, to be sold,
for high crimes and misdemeanours. Having equipped him in
a jacket and trowsers made for the occasion by a fashionable
tailor, and a cap of the newest cock, he was on the day appointed
sent on shore to a vendue store, where several hundreds of per-
sons were waiting, brimful of curiosity, to see what kind of a
being he was. He was put up in due form, and after a good
deal of merriment among the bidders, and particularly among
the Jew gentlemen present, whom he seemed to scrutinize with
very knowing looks, he went off for ^5 6s. 8d. I must not say,
in auctioneering phrase, that he was 'knocked down' for that
sum, for he would have been a bold man who would have
knocked him down, unless indeed in such a manner as to give
him his quietus. For myself, I did not venture to go on shore
on the day of sale, for if he had seen me in the street he would
certainly have run after me, and claimed the privilege of an old
acquaintance in a manner more earnest than welcome. Next
morning the wags in the town reported that they had seen him,
during the night, at West-street, assisting the press-gang; and
others gave out that he had run off with two half firkins of
butter from a provision store, and would certainly be tried and
banished the colony for so grave an offence."
CAPTAIN HUGH CROW. 649
Captain Crow sailed from Jamaica in March, 1807,
arrived in Liverpool on the 2nd of May, after a pleasant
passage of five weeks. Here he favours us with his senti-
ments on the new bill.
" I was received by Mr. Aspinall with his usual kindness
and hospitality. We however, got home ' the day after the
fair,' for the African slave trade was abolished on the day
preceding" our arrival. The abolition was a severe blow for
England, and particularly as it affected the interests of the
white slaves who found employment in the trade. It has
always been my decided opinion that the traffic in negroes is
permitted by that Providence that rules over all, as a necessary
evil, and that it ought not to have been done away with to
humour the folly or the fancy of a set of people who knew little
or nothing about the subject. One thing is clear ; instead of
saving any of the poor Africans from slavery, these pretended
philanthropists have through the abolition, been the (I admit
indirect] cause of the death of thousands ; for they have caused
the trade to be transferred to other nations, who in defiance of
all that our cruisers can do to prevent them, carry it on with
a cruelty to the slaves, and a disregard of their comfort and
even of their lives, to which Englishmen could never bring
themselves to resort."
Self-interest evidently blinded him. The slave trade, like
the Rontgen rays, caused an obliquity of vision when
closely followed.
As the Mary could not again clear out for an African
voyage, Captain Crow took command of the Kitty's Amelia,
of 300 tons, and 18 guns, belonging to Mr. Henry Clarke,
which had been cleared out previous to the passing of the Abo-
lition Bill. Messrs. Kerwen, Woodman & Co., insurance
brokers, London, wrote to Captain Crow that they would
insure his commissions from Liverpool to Africa at 15 gui-
neas per cent., adding, "we have never heard greater praise
bestowed on any commander than the underwriters in general
650 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
have expressed in consequence of your very gallant behaviour,
which will always procure their decided preference to what-
ever vessel you sail in." The Liverpool underwriters insured
ship and cargo at the same rate, which was 5 per cent, lower
than the usual premium. The Kitty's Amelia sailed on the
2yth of July, 1807, with a crew of between fifty and sixty
men, four of the ablest of whom were soon after impressed,
in spite of their protections, by H, M. frigate Princess
Charlotte, Captain Tobin. Captain Crow had three com-
missions, or Letters of Marque, but although he chased and
boarded several vessels, he took no prizes. They arrived at
Bonny after a passage of about seven weeks, and were
immediately boarded by his Majesty, King Holiday, who
anxiously enquired if it was true that Captain Crow was in
command of the last ship that would come to Bonny for
negroes. Captain Crow gives a curious account of what
passed at a long palaver. The King's sentiments regarding
the abolition were as follows: —
"Crow," he remarked, "you and me sabby each other long-
time, and me know you tell me true mouth (speak truth) ; for
all captains come to river tell me you King- and you big mans
stop we trade, and 'spose dat true, what we do? For you
sabby me have too much wife, it be we country fash, and have
too much child, and some may turn big- rogue man, all same
time we see some bad white man for some you ship, and we
hear too much white man grow big rogue for you country.
But God make you sabby book and make big ship — den you sen
you bad people much far for other country, and we hear you hang-
much people, and too much man go dead for you warm (war).
But God make we black (here the poor fellow shed tears) and
we no sabby book, and we no havy head for make ship for sen
we bad mans for more country, and we law is, s'pose some of
we child go bad and we no can sell 'em, we father must kill
dem own child ; and s'pose trade be done we force kill too
much child same way. But we tink trade no stop, for all we
CAPTAIN HUGH CROW, 651
Ju-ju-man (the priests) tell we so, for dem say you country
no can niber pass God A'mig'hty."
The last words he repeated several times ; and Captain
Crow thought his remarks not altogether destitute of sense
and shrewdness.
There were ten or twelve vessels waiting for slaves at
Bonny, and Captain Crow had long to wait for his turn.
When he did begin to trade, a misfortune befell him. In
the hurry of fitting out the vessel at Liverpool, before the
passing of the Abolition Bill, some returned goods from a
former voyage (when the ship was sickly), were repacked in
damp water casks, and when these were opened at Bonny, a
malignant fever and dysentery broke out amongst the crew.
The rotten goods were thrown overboard, but the sickness
retarded the slaving. Terrible storms broke over the vessel,
and, altogether, the voyage of the last slaver was attended
with misfortunes. Lucky was it for the owners that they
had Captain Crow at the helm. Having completed his
purchase, he sailed from Bonny for the last time, with
"as fine a cargo of blacks, as had ever been taken from
Africa," but the disease baffled the skill of the two doctors,
and he was deeply afflicted to see both whites and blacks
dying around him daily at an alarming rate. They put into
the Portuguese island of St. Thomas, to recruit, and here
Captain Crow, with Captain Toole, also of Liverpool, visited
the ruins of the Bishop's palace and saw the torture chambers
of the Inquisitors. The sick having recovered, the ship re-
sumed her voyage with additional passengers in the shape of
several monkeys presented by the Governor to Captain Crow.
They had not been long at sea before the sickness broke out
afresh, both whites and blacks dying daily. The death of
the chief mate added greatly to the captain's anxiety, as he
feared that if anything happened to himself, there was no one
left on board capable of navigating the ship to port. When
they were in this trying situation, the horrors of the voyage
6512 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
were intensified by an accident, which we shall let the
captain himself relate: —
"One afternoon, when we were ten or twelve hundred miles
from any land, and were sailing- at the rate of seven or eight
knots, the alarm was given that the ship was on fire, in the
afterhold. I was in the cabin at the time, and springing- upon
deck, the first persons I saw were two young men with their
flannel shirts blazing on their backs ; at the same time I perceived
a dense cloud of smoke issuing from below, and looking round
me I found the people in the act of cutting away the stern and
quarter boats, that they might abandon the vessel. At this
critical juncture, I had the presence of mind to exclaim, in an
animating tone, 'Is it possible, my lads, that you can desert me
at a moment when it is your bounden duty, as men, to assist
me?' And observing them hesitate, I added, 'Follow me, my
brave fellows, and we shall soon save the ship.' These few
words had the desired effect, for they immediately rallied, and
came forward to assist me. To show them a proper example
I was the first man to venture below, for I thought of the poor
blacks entrusted to my care, and who could not be saved in the
boats, and 1 was determined, rather than desert them, to ex-
tinguish the fire, or to perish in the attempt. When we got
below we found the fire blazing with great fury on the starboard
side, and as it was known to the crew that there were forty-five
barrels of gunpowder in the magazine, within about three feet
only of the fire, it required every possible encouragement on my
part to lead them on to endeavour to extinguish the rapidly
increasing flames. When I first saw the extent of the confla-
gration, and thought of its proximity to the powder, a thrill of
despair ran through my whole frame ; but by a strong mental
effort I suppressed my disheartening feelings, and only thought
of active exertion, unconnected with the thought of imminent
danger. We paused for a moment, struggling, as it were, to
determine how to proceed. Very fortunately for us our spare
sails were stowed close at hand. These were dragged out, and
by extraordinary activity we succeeded in throwing them over
CAPTAIN HUGH CROW. 653
the flames which they so far checked, that we gained time to
obtain a good supply of water down the hatchway, and in the
course of ten or fifteen minutes, by favour of the Almighty, we
extinguished the flames. Had I hesitated only a few minutes
on deck, or had I not spoken encouragingly to the people, no
exertions whatever could have saved the ship from being blown
up, and as the catastrophe would most probably have taken
place before the hands could have left the side in the boats, per-
haps not a soul would have survived to tell the tale. I hope,
therefore, I shall be excused in assuming to myself more credit
(if, indeed, credit be due) for the presence of mind by which I was
actuated on this occasion, than for anything I ever did in the
course of my life. The accident, I found, was occasioned by
the ignorance and carelessness of the two young men, whose
clothes I had seen burning on their backs ; through the want
of regular officers, they had been intrusted to draw off some
rum from a store cask, and who, not knowing the danger to
which they exposed themselves and the ship, had taken down
a lighted candle, a spark from which had ignited the spirit."
What must have been the terror and sufferings of the
slaves, while the gallant captain and his true men fought the
flames? He goes on as follows : —
"I shall never forget the scene that followed the suppression
of the flames. When I got on deck, the blacks, both men and
women, clung round me in tears — some taking hold of my hands,
others of my feet, and all, with much earnestness and feeling,
thanking Providence for our narrow escape, an expression of
gratitude in which, I assure the reader, I heartily joined them."
Truly a strange slave-captain is this, well-beloved by the
very people he is carrying to perpetual and cruel captivity;
a very different man from the monster depicted by Mont-
gomery. But we must remember that Captain Hugh Crow
and Captain John Newton were the exceptions that prove
the rule. Captain Crow, after all his experiences of the
horrors of the middle passage, and familiarity with many
654 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
sanguinary engagements, could still sympathise with a sick
monkey.*
The sickness abated as they neared the West Indies,
but, on their arrival at Kingston, after a passage of eight
weeks from St. Thomas's, the two doctors died, and the
deaths on the voyage amounted to 80 (30 whites and
50 blacks). Captain Crow, who had always prided himself
upon keeping a clean ship, and taking the bounty for
healthy cargoes, was overwhelmed with grief, but he found
that the mortality on board the Kitty's Amelia was only
one-half that on other ships. It appeared that the Liver-
pool slave trade was doomed to come to an end amid death
and ruin on a large scale. The hurried manner in which
ships had been sent out without proper cleansing, and
the glutting of the market by the arrival of so many
vessels, proved almost the undoing of many merchants. At
Kingston, Captain Crow found sixteen slave-ships which
had been there five or six months, their cargoes unsold, and
their crews and slaves daily diminishing through deaths.
This was a dark outlook, but the good luck which
*"On this passage," he says, "I witnessed a remarkable instance of animal
sagacity and affection. We had several monkeys on board. They were of different
species and sizes, and amongst them was a beautiful little creature, the body of which
was about ten inches or a foot in length, and about the circumference of a common
drinking glass. It was of a glossy black, excepting its nose and the end of its tail,
which were as white as snow. This interesting little animal, which, when I received
it from the Governor of the island of St. Thomas, diverted me by its innocent gam-
bols, became afflicted by the malady which yet, unfortunately, prevailed in the ship.
It had always been a favourite with the other monkeys, who seemed to regard it as
the last born, and the pet of the family; and they granted it many indulgences
which they seldom conceded one to another. It was very tractable and gentle in
its temper, and never, as spoiled children generally do, took undue advantage of this
partiality towards it by becoming peevish and headstrong. From the moment it
was taken ill, their attention and care of it were redoubled, and it was truly affecting
and interesting to see with what anxiety and tenderness they tended and nursed the
little creature. A struggle frequently ensued amongst them for priority in these
offices of affection, and some would steal one thing and some another, which they
would carry to it untasted, however tempting it might be to their own palates.
Then they would take it gently up in their fore paws, hug it to their breasts, and cry
over it as a fond mother would over her suffering child. The little creature seemed
sensible of their assiduities, but it was wofully overpowered by sickness. It would
sometimes come to me and look me pitifully in the face, and moan and cry like an
infant, as if it besought me to give it relief; and we did everything we could think
of to restore it to health, but in spite of the united attentions of its kindred tribe and
ourselves, the interesting little creature did not long survive."
CAPTAIN HUGH CROW. G55
usually attended Captain Crow did not fail him now. His
friends inserted a paragraph in the newspaper stating that
Captain Crow had arrived with the finest cargo of negroes
ever brought to Kingston. The puff did its work, and in
five days the cargo of the Kitty's Amelia had been sold at
higher prices than those obtained by any other ship. In
spite of the disasters and sufferings undergone, the voyage
turned out very profitable. It was Sunday morning when
Captain Crow landed at Kingston. He found a number of
his black friends, all neatly dressed, waiting on the wharf
to receive him. They crowded round him, took hold of his
hands, and said, "God bless massa ! How massa do dis
voyage? We hope massa no fight 'gen dis time." While
they were thus congratulating him, another black, one of
their party, and a wag, exclaimed, " Who be dis Captain
Crow you all sabby so much ?" Then the rest cried, "What
dat you say, you black negro ? Ebery dog in Kingston
sabby Captain Crow, and you bad fellow for no sabby
him." With that they fell to and beat him until Captain
Crow interfered, and he was shrewd enough to guess that
the scene had been contrived before hand. Yet he was
pleased with their visit. He remained behind at King-
ston, to transact some business, taking command of the
King George schooner. The blacks came down to the
wharf at night, and, hailing the schooner, asked for
Captain Crow. When he made his appearance on deck
they used to sing out, " Captain Crow, you have bery
fine ship now — 'one pole and half ship," and after this
humorous sally they took to their heels, the jolly captain
doubtless pretending to be highly insulted.
From the captain's stand point, the consequences of the
abolition of the slave trade were pernicious to England ; it
destroyed her nursery of seamen, and drove her young
men, whose prospects at home were blighted, into the
American service, where they afterwards fought against
656 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
their own country. He is very severe on the abolitionists,
or " pretenders to humanity," who should have begun their
reforms at home. " Let them look to Ireland," he says,
"which is in a most deplorable state of slavery and
disaffection, for which no politician has yet discovered an
adequate remedy."*
Captain Crow was only forty-three years of age when,
in 1808, he retired from active ^service, having made a
competent fortune by commanding several of the "crack
ships " out of the port of Liverpool. About this time, his
friend, Admiral Russel, wrote to the Rev. Dr. Kelly :—
"Tell the warlike Crow to send me his son, that I may
train him up to emulate his father." Young Crow, a very
handsome, amiable, and brave boy of fifteen, had, however,
been taken by Captain (afterwards Sir Robert) Mends on
board the Arethusa frigate. "After fixing him, as I
trusted, permanently," says Captain Crow, " I bore up for
my native land, the Isle of Man, thinking to moor there in
peace and security for life." He bought an estate near
Ramsey, where he resided for some years, engaged in
agricultural pursuits and improvements on the property.
In June, 1812, he was "proposed and appointed a
member of the House of Keys," but declined the honour,
wishing, after all his trials and hardships, to spend the
remainder of his life in retirement. His heart, too, was
well-nigh broken by the death of his gallant son, who had
been taken by the French in one of the ship's boats, while
in the act of cutting out some vessels from a French
harbour, and who escaped from Verdun in a very daring
* When Captain Crow wrote those words, there was at Oxford a Liverpool
youth of rare gifts, who was destined in after years to make an historic effort to
pacify Ireland, not with the iron rod, but with the olive branch of brotherhood and
friendship, yet he failed ; with all his wisdom, learning, eloquence, ripe experience,
statesmanship rarely if ever excelled, spotless character, and immense political
influence, this great lawgiver of our time failed in his supreme endeavour, because
the majority of people can only look at the question of Ireland as Captain Crow
looked at the slave trade — from one side, and that the side of self.
CAPTAIN HUGH CROW. 657
manner, but contaminated with the wickedness and de-
bauchery of the prison. On the way to join the Arethusa
frigate, the lad fell into bad company, and enlisted in the
gth Light Dragoons. This nearly killed his tather. The
youth's discharge was procured, but he died i a few days
after at Lisbon — of a broken heart, it was said, — thus blast-
ing the captain's fondest hopes.
Finding life in the Isle of Man too monotonous, Captain
Crow returned to Liverpool in the year 1817, to enjoy the
society of kindred spirits, his favourite haunts being the
Lyceum News Room, and the quays. After dinner, he
foregathered with his cronies in the African trade, when
each fought his battles over again, but such was the dis-
cipline among this knot of veterans that, at one of their
rendezvous, the striking of a particular hour was the signal
for a general separation, when they hurried out, helter
skelter, often leaving the tale half told, and the glass
unfinished. It was in scenes like this that the humour and
originality of Captain Crow were seen at their best, rather
than in his writings.
In 1827, the captain went to live in apartments at Preston,
in a lovely spot, which, in one of his letters, he calls
" Paradise Found." Here he wrote his memoirs, which he
regarded as " one of the first things of the kind ever got up
by a Manxman." He dearly loved the "oilan," and it was
his constant custom when his ship lay at Bonny, to show
his patriotism on holidays by hoisting the Manx flag at the
mast head, to the amusement of King Pepple and the chief
men there, who were greatly diverted by the strange device
of the " Three Legs of Man."
Captain Crow died in 1829, in his 64th year, and his
remains were interred in the burial ground of his ancestors
in Maughold churchyard, where he lies entombed with his
venerable parents, for whom, throughout his eventful life,
he exhibited the strongest affection and the tenderest care.
2T
658 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
In the long roll of Liverpool slave-captains, there were,
doubtless, a few as humane, and scores as brave as Hugh
Crow ; but when we attempt to realise the total amount of
misery and injustice which they and their employers system-
atically inflicted upon their black brethren, for the
greater part of a century, it is some satisfaction to remember
the lines of one,* whose father and mother died while
preaching to the poor slaves in the West Indies the
doctrine of another and a better world : —
" When the loud trumpet of eternal doom
Shall break the mortal bondage of the tomb ;
When with the mother's pangs the expiring earth
Shall bring her children forth to second birth ;
Then shall the sea's mysterious caverns, spread
With human relics, render up their dead :
Though warm with life the heaving surges glow,
Where'er the winds of heaven were wont to blow,
In sevenfold phalanx shall the rallying hosts
Of ocean-slumberers join their wandering ghosts,
Along the melancholy gulf, that roars
From Guinea to the Caribbean shores.
Myriads of slaves that perish'd on the way,
From age to age the sharks' appointed prey.
By livid plagues, by lingering tortures slain,
Or headlong plunged alive into the main,
Shall rise in judgment from their gloomy beds,
And call down vengeance on their murderers' heads ! "
*James Montgomery.
659
APPENDIX No. I.
List of Vessels, trading- to and from Liverpool, Captured
by the Spaniards and French in the War of 1739-1748.
The list is necessarily incomplete owing to the circum-
stances of the times: —
Ship's Name.
Master's Name.
Voyage.
Where carried, etc.
Snow Mary
Benson
Liverpool to Jamaica
Porto Rico
St. Michael
John Thompson
Jamaica to Liverpool
Plundered off Cape
Antonio
Unity
Henan
Do.
St. Sebastian
Mar & Mary
Wilcox
Virginia to Liverpool
Do.
Thomas
Murray
Liverpool to Oporto
Do.
Endeavour
Whaley
,, ,, Lisbon
Paniche
Dove
Lee
,, ,, Africa
Do.
Priscilla
Cullen
,, ,, Antigua
Do.
Hannah
Holmes
Virginia to Liverpool
Do.
Three Sisters
Cardwell
Jamaica to Liverpool
Do.
Philippa
Dewhurst
Liverpool to Gibraltar
Vigo
Byrne
Walker
Eiguera to Liverpool
St. Sebastian
Blackamore
Bradley
Liverpool to Gibraltar
Cadiz
Sarah
Idle
Liverpool to London
Helvoetsluys
Betty
Biddy
,, to Cape de Verde
St. Sebastian
Tryton
Thompson
,, to Leghorn
Ceuta and Algevire
Cape Coast
Swallow
Green
Hughes
From Liverpool
Do. 1
Taken on the Coast
of Africa by Span-
ish Privateer
Angola
Jamaica to Liverpool
Retaken
Success
Lewis
Do.
Leeward Islands
Jean
Bradley
Liverpool to Gibraltar
Cadiz
Ellen & Mary
John Simon
From Liverpool
Ransomed for47gs.
Mary & Anne
Rush
Do.
Taken by French
privateer
Stafford
Perry
Gottenburg to L'pool
Ransomed for £22$
Stafford
Perry
Liverpool to London
Havre de Grace
Barnes
Virginia to Liverpool
Morlaix
Mulberry
Barton
Jamaica to Liverpool
Brest
Martin
Wilmot
L'pool for Montserrat
Taken by French
Houghton
Postlethwaite
Liverpool for Antigua
Martinico
Thorn
Carter
L'pool for Harwich
Havre de Grace
Frith
From Liverpool
in a. vie
Do.
M'Grieque
Oporto to Liverpool
St. Malo
Jane
Hyth
Liverpool for Virginia
Ransomed
Vine
Walker
Maryland for L'pool
Do. by the French
Thomas
Liverpool for Africa
Rochelle
660 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
APPENDIX No. I.— CONTINUED.
Ship's Name.
Master's Name.
Voyage.
Where carried, etc.
Content
Morecroft
Mary
Anne & Mary
Lively
Cooper
Batty
Godsalve
Falkner
Dwyer
Clark
L'pool for Barbadoes
Do. Leeward Islands
Liverpool to Lisbon
Liverpool to Antigua
,, for Africa
,, to Colchester
L'pool and Africa for
Jamaica
Do.
Do.
From Liverpool (50
guns, 400 men)
From Liverpool
London for Liverpool
Virginia for Liverpool
L'pool to Philadelphia
Jamaica for Liverpool
L'pool for West Indies
, , for Tortola
Maryland for L'pool
Virginia for L'pool
Liverpool to Jamaica
London for Liverpool
Liverpool for Oporto
L'pool and Africa for
Jamaica
L'pool for Rotterdam
L'pool for St. Kitts
Liverpool for Africa
New York for L'pool
Do.
Liverpool for Leeward
Islands
Virginia for Liverpool
Liverpool for St. Kitts
From Liverpool
L'pool to Barbadoes
From Liverpool
For Liverpool
Liverpool forGibraltar
From Liverpool
Liverpool to Antigua
Virginia for Liverpool
Jamaica for Liverpool
For Liverpool
Jamaica for Liverpool
Konigsberg for L'pool
L'pool for Carolina
Virginia to Liverpool
From Liverpool
Do.
N. Carolina for L'pool
Martinico
By French Privat'rs
Dieppe
Martinico
Port Louis
Takenby the French
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Martinico
Dunkirk
St. Malo
Dunkirk
Bayonne
Retaken
Do.
St. Malo
Bayonne
Bilbao
St. Malo
Robert
Hare
Enterprise
Black Prince
Two Ships
Recovery
Two Ships
Dolphin
Vernon
Benson
Bella
Rosendale
Cleveland
Earl of Derby
Fortune
Pretty Peggy
Fortune
Leopard
Graham
Fanny
Brunswick
Elizabeth
Antigua Packet
Goodwill
John & Thomas
Diligence
James
Blackburne
Elijah
Black Prince
Mary
Molly
Blandenburg
Defiance
Susanna
Bridget
Anne
Union Galley
Liverpool
Merchant
Anne
Occupation
North Carolina
Derbyshire
Names unknown
Coates
Names unknown
Postlethwaite
Bannister
Rawlinson
Foster
Hod son
Robinson
Penkett
Gardiner
Rankin
Green
Williams
Naylor
Thompson
Sturke
Steward
Gardiner
Darby
Brownhill
Strong
Matthews
Robinson
Hornby
Woodhouse
St. Leger
Clegg
Lookerman
Drape
Pierce
Norton
Strong
Frith
Porto Cavallo (354
slaves on board)
Bergen
Bilbao
By French Privateer
St. Augustine
Do.
Martinico
Bayonne
By French
Martinico
St. Jean de Luz
Rochelle
Old Gibraltar
Ransomedfor^"6oo
Bilbao
Morlaix
Dieppe
Rans'm'dfor^i 100
Rans'm'd for ^"400
Ret 'k'n with 1 2 ships
Saunders
Everard
Havanna
APPENDIX.
APPENDIX No. I.— CONTINUED.
661
Ship's Name.
Master's Name.
Voyage.
Where carried, etc.
St. George
CharmingBetty
Benson
Anne & Mary
Martha
A snow & a brig
Blackburn
Sea Nymph
M ary
Benin
Trygarn
Mary Anne
Charmingje'ny
Nancy
Kings of Brent-
ford
The Boss
Qn. of Hungary
Gray son
Barnes
Brown
Johnson
Wilson
Liverpool to Africa
Liverpool to Jamaica
Liverpool for Antigua
Liverpool to Tortola
From Africa to St. Kitts
Liverpool and Africa
to America
Africa for Jamaica
Liverpool for Africa
L'pool to Barbadoes
Liverpool for Africa
Liverpool and Africa
Jamaica for Liverpool
L'pool for Montserrat
Liverpool and Africa
Liverpool for Carolina
St. Malo
Guadaloupe
Do.
Martinico
Guadaloupe
Do.
San Domingo
Ransomed
Martinico
Do.
St. Jago de Cuba
Do.
Guadaloupe
St. Kitts
By Spanish privat'r
Robinson
Whitesides
Haynes
Kaye
Murthland
Chivers
Pemberton
White
L'pool for New York
Of Liverpool
Sunk by French
[man-of-war
APPENDIX No. II.
The Enterprize Privateer, Captain James Haslam, com-
mander. Cost of Outfit, list of Officers, &c. September
1779.* The Enterprize, on her first cruize, was manned as
follows: —
Names.
Stations.
Wages
$ Month.
Cash ad-
vanced as
a Privateer
Notes and
Cash Paid.
Total
Advanced.
£ s.
£ s.
£ s.
£ s. d.
James Haslam
Captain
0 0
21 O
0 0
21 O O
fohn Cotter
1st Lieutenant
o o
9 o
O O
9OO
George Pearson
2nd Do.
o o
12 17
O O
12 17 0
James Green
3rd Do.
0 0
8 10
O O
8 10 o
Sam Robinson
Sailing Master
o o
9 o
o o
900
Henry Kermitt
Master's Mate
o o
8 o
o o
800
John Armstrong
Do.
0 0
9 o
2 2 W
II 20
Francis Lake
Prize Master
o o
9 o
O O
900
Henry Barr
Surgeon
o o
IO IO
O O
10 10 0
Rob. Madgett
Capt'n Marines
0 0
10 10
O O
10 IO O
James CJowdy
Do. Mate
o o
7 7
O O
770
John Cooper
Carpenter
o o
IO O
0 0
IO O O
Carried forward
£o o
124 14
2 2 W
126 16 o
'Summarised from the original accounts, in the possession of — Hampson,
Esq., and not Mr. Dixon, as stated in a foot-note, page 31. Matter was kindly
left at the publisher's by both these gentlemen, hence the error.
662 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
APPENDIX No. II.— CONTINUED.
Names.
Stations.
Wages
<P Month.
Cash ad-
vanced as
a Privateer
Notes and Total
Cash Paid. Advanced.
£ s.
£ S.
£ s.
£ s d.
Francis Gill
Brought forward
C'rp'nt'r's Mate
o o
3 10
124 14
0 0
2 2
7 o
126 16 o
700
Edward Hodge
Boatswain
0 0
ii 5
O O
ii 50
Henry Cowet
Do. Mate
3 15
0 0
7 10 w
7 10 o
Richard Armstrong
John Sharpe Run
Gunner
4 5
o o
0 0
o o
8 10 w
7 o w
|i5 10 o
John Browne
Do. Mate
3 15
o o
7 10 w
7 10 o
David Kenny
Cook
0 0
7 10
7 10
7 10 o
William Mack
Gunner's Mate
3 15
0 0
7 10 w
7 10 o
John McCloud
Do.
3 15
o o
7 10
7 10 o
Thomas McDonald
Cooper
3 o
0 0
0 0
600
James Armstrong
Do. Mate
3 °
0 0
0 0
600
Lewis Hughes
Prize Master
4 10
0 0
o o
900
John Maddock
Quarter Do.
4 o
o o
0 0
800
John Hudson
Do-
3 IS
0 0
0 0
7 10 o
Morris Jones
Do.
3 J5
0 0
o o
7 10 o
Rob. Wedgwood
Do.
3 15
o o
7 10
7 10 o
William Walton
Armourer
3 10
o o
o o
700
James Morton
John Bryan
Captain's Clerk
Ship's Steward
3 o
3 o
0 0
0 0
0 0
o o
600
600
Robert Yates
Cabin Do.
3 o
o o
o o
600
Timothy Lee
Do. Do.
2 J5
o o
0 0
5 10 o
Herbert Davis
Sailmaker
3 15
0 0
7 10 w
806
Lans. Devley or Boyle
Boats'in's Mate
3 I0
0 0
o o
700
20 Seamen (@ 6o/- to 7o/-)
58 10
22 IO
28 o
143 2 6
6 f Do. (@ 4S/- to 6s/-) ...
17 10
0 0
0 0
4i 15 9
13 4 Do. (@ as/- to so/-) ...
28 10
0 0
2 8
57 3 °
9 J Do. (@ 20 to 40/-)
14 10
0 0
o o
30 10 o
18 Landsmen (@ 2O/- to 4O/-)
29 10
3 10
4 o
62 7 10
3 Boys and 3 Apprentices
I 15
3 3
0 0
15 7 io£
£\22l 5
172 12
III IO
645 8 54
Tradesmen's Notes for the Enterprize Outfits.
ist. Cruise.
2nd. Cruise.
3rd. Cruise.
£ s. d.
£ s. d.
£ s. d.
Henry Clarkson, Boards, Sawing, etc.
I 7 0
3 M 0
14 14 6
James Aspinall, Glazier
240
o 16 6
18 i o
John Parr, Arms
15 5 4
190
II II 0
James Leigh, Medicines
12 13 9
349
14 ii o
William Earle & Son, Iron Work
36 4 8
II 12 6
o o o
Robert Tyrer, Joiner ...
3 15 6
O 0 0
000
Thomas Staniforth, Cordage ...
64 3 o
6 16 o
221 IO 6
William Neale, Blockmaker ...
10 18 o
6 18 6
18 ii 9
George Worrall, Painter
12 II 8
075
13 3 °
Hulton & Foxcroft, Brandy ...
000
41 18 o
o o o
Carried forward £
159 2 II
76 16 8
312 2 9
APPENDIX.
663
APPENDIX No. II.— CONTINUED.
Tradesmen's Notes for the Enterprize Outfits.
ist. Cruise.
2nd. Cruise.
3rd. Cruise.
£ s. d.
£ s. d.
£ s. d.
Brought forward
159 2 II
76 16 8
312 2 9
Anthony Mollineux, Brazier, Copper
Nails, &c. ...
660
i 5 10
ic. A 5
Edgar Corrie & Compy. , Bottled Beer
13 10 o
4 19 o
J T- w
16 2 4
Edward Grayson, Carpenter ...
9 17 o
ii 70
000
James Carruthers, Cooper
24 i o
3 ii 4
30 17 o
Joseph Matthews, Sailmaker ...
58 I 0
23 16 o
84 19 7
John Kaye, Slops
20 4 o
9 16 o
O O 0
Joseph Yates, Grocer ...
24 2 6
3 ii 2
o ii 8
J24 2 10
Peter Rigby & Sons, Iron Hoops
2 19 4
000
8 13 2
*Egerton Smith, "Stationary"
7 12 9
129
308
John Eaton, Cartage ...
4 5 n
o 19 9
7 8 10
Thomas Ryan, Wine ...
7 19 3
o o o
6 15 4
Baker & Dawson, Rum
95 4 5
o o o
o o o
Captain Haslam, Mr. Dillon, and Mr.
Carruthers' disbursements at
Whitehaven
126 6 5
0 O 0
16 3 o
Paid for Seamen going to and from
Whitehaven and Chester
29 18 6
o o o
770
Crimpage, shipping seamen and board
wages, pilotage and boatage
46 8 2
28 19 o
17 ii 8
Paid Carpenters, Joiners, riggers, la-
bourers, &c.
48 o 8
II 12 4
176 16 6
Alex. Anderson, French and Spanish
Commissions, &c.
41 17 4
o o o
o o o
Mathew Ligoe and Wm. Corf, Fresh
Beef
6 1 A. O
72 8 o
47 0 6
Jas. Johnson and John Coleman, Bread
135 3 3
21 19 4
if/ ~y v
68 19 4
Dillon & Leyland, Beef, Pork, &c. ...
290 19 o
o o o
237 5 9
Cazneau & Marlin and David Shannon,
Pork
-11 ^ 2
o o o
48 o o
Cheese, flour, pease, barley, butter,
T^
potatoes, greens, fowls, fish,
candles, water, salt, coals
87 10 8
15 12 6
69 6 6
Poles, white cooperage, glasses,
hoops, priming, powder, cVc. ...
14 18 4
7 ii 10
33 H 4
Pitch, tar, oil, ballast, graving dock,
boats, cables
28 2 6
58 19 10
40 3 6
Gill Slater and Francis Holt & Co.,
Anchors ...
o o o
o o o
27 13 9
Earle <S: Molyneux, Ironwork ...
000
0 O O
68 14 8
Grayson & Ross, Carpenters ...
o o o
0 O 0
162 15 o
John Clowes & Co., Copper Sheathing
o o o
000
II 12 9
Warrington Copper and Brass Co., Do.
000
o o o
46 18 4
John Sparling, Rum
o o o
000
169 14 3
Miscellaneous expenses
072
i 19 3
49 13 9
Gratuity to Seamen's mothers impressed
o o o
2 2 O
O 0 O
Seamen's advance wages, first cruise . . .
645 8 54
000
o o o
Joseph Rath bone, Shot
000
13 2 4
0 O O
Carried foi-ward £
2033 13 84
372 3 7
1809 6 7
h Father of the founder of the Liverpool Mercttiy.
664
THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
APPENDIX No. II.— CONTINUED.
Tradesmen's Notes for the Enterprize Outfits.
ist.
Cruise.
and.
Cruise.
3rd.
Cruise.
£
s.
d.
£
s.
d.
£
s.
d.
Brought forward
2033
13
8i
372
3
7
1809
6
7
John Stanton & Son, Gunpowder
o
O
o
20
ii
3
14
12
7
Jos. Brookes, Junr., Gunpowder, Tur-
pentine, and Oakum £14 10 10 )
Less paid Sailor for Spy-
o
O
o
13
9
IO
0
O
o
ing the Prize ... £i I o )
Paid Seamen's Advance Wages, Third
Cruise
o
o
o
o
o
o
rgq
c
o
EXPENCES ON FRENCH PRISONERS.
j^y
j
To Paid Seddan Chair for the French
Captain
o
o
o
0
3
o
O
O
o
,, Madam Pennant's Board ...
o
0
o
2
12
6
O
O
o
,, John Carver, Cloths for the
2nd Captain ...
o
o
o
4
3
5
O
0
o
,, Tho: ceyers, making Do. Do.
o
o
o
O
1 6
o
O
o
o
,, Present to 2nd Captain
o
o
o
10
10
0
0
o
o
, , Ditto to the Captain ...
o
0
o
10
IO
o
0
o
o
, , Jas. Leigh, Medicines, Captain
0
o
o
I
10
o
o
o
o
,, John Gladhill, Prisoners'
Board
o
o
o
23
I
8
o
o
o
,, John Glover, ditto, and his
trouble
0
o
o
6
6
o
0
c
o
,, A present to passenger Mr.
Page, and his board
o
o
0
ii
3
8
o
o
o
,, John Kaye, shirts and cloths
for Sundrys ...
o
o
o
7
12
3
o
o
o
,, Present to the Dispensary ...
0
0
o
21
O
o
o
o
o
Seamen's advance Wages, second
cruise
o
o
o
67
A
o
r>
o
o
£
^J
*r
2033
13
8J
568
17
2
2413
4
2
TOTAL
OUTFITS.
A LIST OF THE
OWNERS : —
First Cruise
Second Do.
Third Do. ...
£ s. d.
••• 2033 13 8£
... 568 17 2
... 2413 4 2
Thomas Earle
Edgar Corrie . . .
Francis Ingram
William Earle
. . :i/i6 the above
2/
" !(16 "
Value of the Ship
^•5015 15 oi
... 2050 o o
Dillon & Leyland
Peter Freeland
Thomas Eagles
::•/" ::
Edward Chaffers
*/.-
£7065 15 °i
James Carruthers
ii .
William Denison
•• Y,« ,"
APPENDIX.
665
APPENDIX No. III.
List of Vessels trading to and from Liverpool, Captured
by the Enemy during the Seven Years' War, 1756-1763.
Ship's Name.
Master's Name.
Voyage.
By whom taken, and
where carried.
York
Betty
Mary
Landovery
Annabella
Fanny
True Love
Happy Return
Fowkes
Logan
Richmond
Johnston
Settle
Henderwell
King
Jamaica to Liverpool
L'pool for Philadelphia
Do. Virginia
Do. Jamaica
From Cape Fear
Lyme for Liverpool
Do.
L'pool for Carolina
Maryland for L'pool
Rye for Liverpool
Saloe for Liverpool
N. Yarmouth for L'pool
From Africa
L'pool for Barbadoes
Liverpool for London
Dartmouth to L'pool
Malaga for Liverpool
L'pool for New York
Liverpool for Boston
Liverpool for Gambia
L'pool for Barbadoes
L'pool for Jamaica
Do. Africa, &c.
Do. Do.
Do. Do.
Maryland for L'pool
Barcelona for L'pool
From Liverpool
L'pool for New York
Do.
L'pool for Jamaica
L'pool and Africa for
Jamaica with 87 slaves
Do. with 1 70 slaves
Do.
Do.
Do.
St. Pel'rsb'rg f r L'pool
Jamaica for L'pool
Do.
From Liverpool
Liverpool for Africa
From Liverpool
L'pool for Jamaica
Retaken by Guern-
sey Privateer
Cape Breton
France
Morlaix
Havre
Do
Bayonne
Do.
By French in Rom-
ney Bay
Marseilles
Boulogne
Martinico
Do.
Havre
Dieppe
Malaga
ByB'rdeau Priv't'er
Brest
Bayonne
Do.
Guadaloupe
On Coast of Africa
Fisher
Ford
Winter
Martin
Nichols
Holme
Hornby
Isaac Winn
Printon
Anne
Orrell
Hougwart
Schemer
Austin
Margaretta
Dolly & Nancy
Mary
York
Fal mouth
Grampus
Lady Strange
Snow Hesketh
Eliz'b'th&M'ry
King George
Ogden
Lloyd
Lady Charlotte
Anson Privateer
Crown Point
Patterson
Success
Ouester
Cavendish
The Pickering
Two Snows
Hankinson
Ellis
A Snow
Eliza
Swan
A Brig
Adventure
Pole
Corbett
Harrison
Thos. Onslow
Caruthers
Jackson
Lawson
Sweeting
Oakes
Cuthbert
Lawrence
Cole
Catterwood
Potter
Jones
Cape Breton
ByPt. MahonPr'te'r
Rochefort
Norway
Bayonne
Dieppe
St. Eustatia
Guadaloupe
On Coast of Guinea
Guadaloupe
Do.
Norway
Taken by the French
St. Jean de Luz
Cadiz
By the French
Do. on the Coast
of Africa
Port Louis
(Names unknown)
Dodgson
Simpson
Parker
Cowan
Barnes
Geo. Washington
666
THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
APPENDIX No. III.— CONTINUED.
Ship's Name.
Master's Name. Voyage.
By whom taken and
where carried, etc.
Whidah
Hammill Liverpool for Africa
By the Mauchault
Salisbury
Key Do. Do.
privateer of 24
guns, & 300 men,
from Granville
A Schooner
Hendrickson From Liverpool
By the French
Adlington
Frierson L'pool for Barbadoes
Retak'n by Guerns'y
Privateer
Henry
Bond
Do. Do.
Martinico
Leghorn Trader
Ch'rm'ngRach'l
Hooper
Scott
Leghorn to Liverpool
New York for L;pool
Dieppe
By Louisburg Pr't'rs
Marshall
Virginia for Liverpool
Do. Do.
Pemberton
W'lt'rKirkpatricki L'pool for Africa, &c.
Bayonne
Aurora
Josiah Wilson
Do.
A Ship
L'pool for Jamaica
By French Priv'te'r
T")ri}orm
Do. St. Petersburg
Do. and Ransomed
Hopewell
Ford
Arundel for L'pool,
with Corn
France
Success
Clare
Liverpool to Leeward
Islands
Guadaloupe
Phcenix
Nobler
L'pool for Africa, &c.
By negroes on the
Coast, & set on fire
Snow Betty
Win. Creevey
Do. Gambia
Sunk by the French
Betty & Peggy Hollingsworth
Stockholm for L'pool
Dunkirk
Henry
Thornton
Virginia for L'pool
By Belleisle Pr'te'r
Judith
Hayes
L'pool and Africa for
America
Granada
Molly
Timothy Wheel-
From Windward and
Wright
Gold Coast
By the French
John
Peter Gibson
Liverpool to Virginia
Port Louis
Rose
Bashaw
Do. for Tortola
Martinico
Betsey
Watt
Do. for Virginia
Quebec
Biddy
Hamilton
Fr'm Windward Coast
of Africa
Guadaloupe
Charming Betty Colley
Do. Do.
Do.
Salisbury
John Sacheverell
From the Cameroons,
with slaves
Do.
Lievsley
T. Onslow
From Calabar, with
323 slaves, 2 tons
of teeth and other
goods
Do.
Nelly
Hickhins
Taken by French
Providence
Clare
From Liverpool
Do. Do. in the
West Indies
Defiance
Campbell
L'pool for Africa, &c.
America
Nicholson
L'pool for the Baltic
Christiansund
Catherine
Seth Houghton
L'pool for Montserrat
Vigo
Granville
Spears
From North Carolina
Ransomed for ^500
Perfect
Potter
L'pool and Africa, &c.
Lost at Mana by
mutiny of slaves,
whokilled nearly
all the crew on
board
,
*
I
(*• s
i* \f
^ J¥
/c-l; V
• 2
1 1
$y
I I
1 i ' i
\
1
.
<t >
,0.
,
o .A
' * i ./ i J, i* • u
.>;
iv ^
APPENDIX.
APPENDIX No. III.— CONTINUED.
667
Ship's Name.
Master's Name.
Voyage.
By whom taken, and
where carried, etc.
Hothersall*
Liverpool for Antigua
Ret'k'n by Knight
Windsor
Joseph Clarke
Do. for Philadelphia
Bayonne
Whe'lofF'rtune
Wm. Lethwayte
Do. for West Indies
Martinico
Snow Betty
Quirk
Jamaica for L'pool
Retaken by a New-
York Privateer
Ann
Marshall
L'pool for Jamaica
Martinico
Ellen
Kirby
Do. " Do.
Do.
Brig Betsey
Jones
L'pool and Africa, &c.
Bayonne
Brig Calvely
Hughes
L'pool and Africa, &c.
60 slaves taken by
the French, who
gave back the ship
to the captain
Brig St. Micha'l
Magee
Guadaloupe for L'pool
Martinico
George & Betty
Edwd. M'Gill
L'pool for Jamaica
Do.
Elizabeth and
Mary
Oporto for Liverpool
Rochelle
Alice
Ellams
Newfoundland for
Oporto
Vigo
Prospect
Ilowell
From Barbadoes for
Liverpool
By French Pr'v'te'r
Tyrrell
Gill
,, Africa & Antigua
St. Jean de Luz
Jenny & Nancy
Moses Drape
,, Malaga
Brest
Samuel
Whitehead
For Africa, &c.
Bayonne
Carolina
Prince
For Guadaloupe
Do.
Good Intent
Quill
For New York
Do.
The Ferret
Berry
For Africa
Martinico
Phcebe
Gaball
For Barbadoes
Bayonne
* She was sold by auction, re-named \.\\ejane, taken again on her passage to St.
Petersburg, and ransomed for 400 guineas.
APPENDIX No. IV.
List of the principal Liverpool Privateers and Letters of
Marque in the War with America, France, Spain, and
Holland (1775-83):—
Ships.
Commanders.
Owners.
Tons.
t
Guns
Men.
Arethusa
Atalanta
Adventure
Alfred
Active
Amazon
Antigallican
Jones
Collinson
Hyatt
Nelson & Co.
Fowden & Berry
Newby & Co.
John Kennion
ISO
1 80
160
280
18
16
14
14
14
H
22
92
54
80
Powell
C. L. Whytell
Butler
80
95
1 2O
t Exclusive of swivels. The number of guns and men was liable to frequent
change.
668
THE LIVERPOOL PRIVA TEERS.
APPENDIX No. IV.— CONTINUED.
Ships.
Commanders.
Owners.
Tons.
Guns
Men.
Brilliant
Wm. Priestman
John Sparling
60O
20
_
Bellona
Fairweather ' Bolden & Co.
250
24
140
Brooks
Noble
320
20
45
Basil
Robt. Leake Peter Freeland
— -
12
Bess
Perry Slater & Co.
270
18
IOO
Benson
Ball Rawlinson, Chorley &
Grierson
360
2O
79
Catcher
Fletcher
Salisbury £ Co.
110
H
80
r^om vn frf^t*
\\7f-\r\f\C
T A
A *)
Dragon
Briggs
Warren & Co.
112
A4
14
4*
So
Dreadnought
Taylor
Wagner & Co. *
200
20
1 20
Delight
Dawson
Rawlinson & Co.
120
12
39
Ellis
Washington (or
Jolly)
Boats & Gregson
340
28
130
Eagle
Bond
Salisbury & Co.
1 10
14
80
Enterprisef
Pearce
Brooks & Co.
250
2O
70
Ellen
Fell
France & Co.
2OO
2O
70
Fly
Briggs
• —
14
70
Griffin
Grimshavv
Hall & Co.
130
14
90
Greenwood
Reid
Crosbie & Greenwood
250
16
5°
Gregson
Boyd (or Jolly)
Boats & Gregson
25O
24
120
Hornet
Naylor
Liversley & Co.
120
16
90
Hawke
Bradley
Mason & Co.
120
16
70
Hercules
Wright
Whitaker & Co.
I20O
3°
IOO
Harlequin
Fayrer
Earle & Co.
1 80
20
—
Hope
Melling
Crosdale, Barrow & Co.
250
16
—
Industry
Jno. Moore
Meyer, Wilckens &. Co.
200
10
—
Isabella
Wiseman
Gill Slater
300
16
So
James
Jno. Amery
James France
—
20
—
Jenny
Adams
Chorley <fc Co.
130
14
35
Jenny
Wade
Thos. Moss & Co.
250
14
70
Jenny
Ashton
Ashton & Co. , of Tortola
80
12
30
Jenny (ship)
Walker
Tarleton & Co., or
Daniel Backhouse
140 ! 14
40
Jenny (brig)
Gill
Daniel Backhouse
—
16
—
Jamaica
Fletcher
Birch & Co.
35°
18
IIO
Juno
Beaver
Hartley & Co.
90
H
40
Knight
Wilson
Hindley, Leigh & Co.
220
18
So
Liverpool
Wilcox
S. Shaw & Co.
2IO
16
45
Little Ben
Bostock : Radcliffe & Co.
no
J4
50
Livingston
Rawlinson & Co.
40O
20
Lady Granby
Powell
Ashton & Co.
45
10
60
Marchioness of
Marquis of Granby and
Granby
Rogers
Nicholas Ashton, Esq.
260
20
130
Molly
Kendall
Gregson & Co.
260
16
70
Mary Fearon
Caton
France & Co.
280
16
60
Mentor
Jno. Dawson
Baker & Co.
400
28
1 02
Mermaid
Smith
Sparling & Co.
250
16
5°
Mary
Bonsai 1
Drinkwater & Co.
130
16
40
Molly
Woods
Rawlinson & Co.
240
14
40
* Mr. B. P. Wagner was the maternal grandfather of Felicia Dorothea Hemans.
tAfterwards owned by Francis Ingram & Co., and commanded by Captain Haslam.
APPENDIX.
APPENDIX No. IV.— CONTINUED.
669
Ships.
Commanders.
Owners.
Tons.
Guns Men.
Mersey
Gibbons
Whitaker & Co.
1400
28
IOO
Nancy
Hammond
Fowden & Berry
250
2O
59
Nancy
Nelson
Pringle & Co.
150
16 50
Nanny
Harrison
Watts & Rawson
220
14
70
Nanny
Beynon
Hinclley, Leigh & Co.
220
14
50
Patsey
La'ren'eDooling
Rawlinson & Co.
—
18 •
Pole
Haddocks
Nelson & Co.
320
24
IOO
Pallas
Townsend
I. & R. Slinger
—
16
—
Queen
Gee
Richard Kent
800
20
IOO
Rose
Jackson
J. /uill & Co.
120
14
40
Richard
Lee
Rawlinson & Co.
150
16
70
Resolution
Beard
Holme & Co.
4OO
22
IOO
Retaliation
Townsend
Syers & Co.
1 6O
16
IOO
Revenge
Ramsey
Hughes & Co.
120
14
So
Rover
Bancroft
Kennion & Co.
1 2O
14
So ••
Rumbold
Fayrer
Caruthers & Co.
250
20
57
St. George
Hanley
Warren & Co.
110
H
75
Sturdy Beggar
Cooper
Davenport & Co.
1 60
16
IOO j
Sarah Goulburn
Lewtas
Brown & Jones
340
26
1 20
St. Peter
N. Holland
Holme, Bowyer <fc
Kennion
320
22
147
Spy
Rigmaiden
J. Zuill & Co.
120
H
40
Spitfire
Bell
Do.
2OO
16
IOO
Success
Nevin
Crosbie & Greenwood
120
12
30
Sparling
Plato Denny
John Sparling
4OO
18
Do.
Ed. Forbes
Do.
300
14
—
Sally
Rimmer
Watts & Rawson
I SO
16
70
Sisters
Webster
Whitaker & Co.
800
20
IOO
Townside
Watmough
Mitton & Co.
130
16
90
Terrible
Ash
Nottingham & Co.
250
20
130
Tom
Davies
Mr. Clement
IOO
12
36
(
18
Tartar
Allanson
J. Backhouse & Co.
90
or
80
(
14
nn
-T
T *>
i on i
Two Brothers
.L*ee
Fisher
Roberts & Co.
150
1 ^
16
39
Tyger
Qualtrough
200
14
70
Tyger
Amery
James France & Co.
300
16
60
Tryal
Eagle
• — •
H
80
Ulysses
Briggs
Baker & Dawson
250
16
—
Viper
Cowell
Birch & Co.
I DO
18
80
Viper
Philip Cowell
Gregson & Bridge
—
16
40
Wasp
Byrne
Kennion & Co.
22O
14
95
Watt
Coulthard
—
32
164
Young Henry
Corrie
Hartley & Co.
270
18
60
670 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
APPENDIX No. V.
The Swallow, Letter of Marque Against the French,
Dated I2th July 1796.
"GEORGE the Third, by the Grace of God of Great Britain,
France, and Ireland, King" Defender of the Faith; To all
persons to whom these presents shall come Greeting". Where-
as divers injurious proceedings have lately been had in France,
in derogation of the honor of our Crown, and of the just rights
of our subjects, and whereas several unjust seizures have been
there made of the Ships and Goods of our subjects, contrary to
the laws of nations, and to the faith of treaties. And whereas
the said Acts of unprovoked hostility have been followed by an
open declaration of war against us and our ally, the Republic of
the United Provinces. We therefore, being determined to take
such measures as are necessary for vindicating the honor of our
Crown, and for procuring- reparation and satisfaction for our
injured subjects, did by, and with the advice of our Privy
Council, order that general reprisals be granted against the
Ships, Goods, and Subjects of France, so that as well our Fleets
and Ships as also all other Ships and Vessels that shall be com-
missionated by Letters of Marque or general reprisals or other-
wise, shall and may lawfully apprehend, seize, and take all Ships,
Vessels, and Goods belonging to France, or to any persons being
subjects of France, or inhabitating within the Territories of
France, and bring the same to judgment in our High Court of
Admiralty of England, or in any of our Courts of Admiralty
within our Dominions, for proceedings and adjudication and
condemnation to be thereupon had according to the course of
Admiralty, and the laws of Nations. And, whereas by our com-
mission under our Great Seal of Great Britain, bearing date the
Fourteenth day of February, One Thousand Seven hundred and
Ninety-three, we have willed, required, and authorized our com-
missioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral of Great
APPENDIX. 671
Britain, or any person or persons by them empowered and ap-
pointed to issue forth and grant Letters of Marque and reprisals
accordingly, and with such powers and clauses to be therein
inserted, and in such manner as by our said commission more
at large appeareth. And, whereas our said Commissioners for
executing the office of our High Admiral aforesaid, have thought
JOHN MACIVER fitly qualified, who hath equipped, furnished,
and victualled a ship called the Swallow, of the burthen of about
two hundred and fifty-six tons, British built, square stem, scroll
head, and two masts, mounted with eighteen carriage guns
carrying shot of six pounds weight, and no swivel guns, and
navigated by thirty-five men, of whom one third are landsmen,
and belonging to the Port of Liverpool, whereof he the said
JOHN MACIVER is commander, and that THOMAS TWEM-
LOW, PETER MACIVER, SAMUEL MCDOWALL, and
IVER MACIVER, of Liverpool, Merchants, and him the said
JOHN MACIVER are the owners. And, whereas he the said
JOHN MACIVER hath given sufficient bail with sureties to us
in our said High Court of Admiralty, according to the effect
and form set down in our instructions made the Fourteenth day
of February, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninety-three,
in the Thirty-third year of our reign, a copy whereof is given
to the said Captain, JOHN MACIVER. Know ye therefore,
that we do by these presents issue forth and grant Letters of
Marque and reprisals to, and do license and authorize the said
JOHN MACIVER to set forth in a warlike manner the said
ship called the " Swallow, " under his own command, and
therewith by force of arms to apprehend, seize, and take the
Ships, Vessels, and Goods belonging to France, or to any
persons being subjects of France, or inhabiting within any of
the territories of France, excepting only within the harbours
or roads of Princes and States in amity with us, and to bring
the same to such port as shall be most convenient in order to
have them legally adjudged in our said High Court of Admi-
ralty of England or before the Judges of such other Admiralty
Court as shall be lawfully authorized within our Dominions,
while being finally condemned it shall and may be lawful for
672 THE LIVERPOOL PRIVATEERS.
the said JOHN MACIVER to sell and dispose of such Ships,
Vessels and Goods finally adjudged and condemned, in such
sort and manner as by the Court of Admiralty hath been ac-
customed. Provided, always, that the said JOHN MACIVER
keep an exact journal of his proceeding's, and therein particu-
larly take notice of all prizes which shall be taken by him, the
nature of such prizes, the times and places of their being-
taken, and the values of them as near as he can judge, as also
of the station, motion and strength of the French as well as
he or his mariners can discover by the best intelligence he can
get, and also of whatsoever else shall occur unto him or any of
his officers or mariners, or be discovered or declared unto him
or them, or found out by examination or conference with any
mariners or passengers of or in any of the Ships or Vessels
taken, or by any other person or persons, or by any other ways
and means whatsoever, touching or concerning the designs of
the French, or any of their Fleets, Vessels or Parties, and of
their stations, ports and places, and of their intents therein,
and of what Ships or Vessels of the French bound out or home,
or to any other place, as he or his officers or mariners shall
hear of, and of what else material in these cases may arrive to
his or their knowledge, of all which he shall, from time to
time, as he shall or may have opportunity, transmit an account
to our said commissioners for executing the office of our High
Admiral aforesaid, or their secretary, and keep a corres-
pondence with them by all opportunities that shall present.
And, further, providing that nothing be done by the said
JOHN MACIVER, or any of his officers, mariners, or com-
pany, contrary to the true meaning of our aforesaid instruc-
tions, but. that the said instructions shall by them, and each
and every of them, as far as they or any of them are therein
concerned, in all particulars be well and truly performed and
observed. And we pray and desire all Kings, Princes, Poten-
tates, States, and Republicks, being our friends and allies,
and all others to whom it shall appertain, to give the said
JOHN MACIVER all aid, assistance and succour in their
ports with his said ship, company and prizes, without doing
APPENDIX. 673
or suffering- to be done to him any wrong, trouble or hind-
rance, we offering- to do the like when we shall be by them
thereunto desired. And we will, and require all our officers
whatsoever, to g-ive him succour and assistance as occasion
shall require.
" In witness whereof we have caused the great seal of our
High Court of our Admiralty of England to be hereunto
affixed. Given at London the Twelfth day of July in the year
of our Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninety-six,
and in the Thirty-sixth year of our reign.
"ARDEN,
"Registrar."
2U
674
APPENDIX TO SLAVE TRADE SECTION.
APPENDIX No. VI.
A LIST of the Company of Merchants trading to Africa
(established by an Act of Parliament passed in the 23rd of
George II., entituled an " Act for Extending and Improv-
ing the Trade to Africa " ), belonging to Liverpool, June
24th, 1752.
Nicholson, John
Ogden, Samuel
Ogden, Edmund
Oldham, Isaac
Okill, John
Pritchard, Owen
Parr, John
Parr, Edward
Pardoe, Tames
Penket, William
Pole, William
Parker, John
Rowe, William
Reed, Samuel
Strong, Matthew]
Shaw, Samuel
Savage, Richard
Seel, Thomas
Strong, John
Smith, Samuel
Seel, Robert
Smith, Rob., Broad-st.,
London
Tarleton, John
Townsend, Henry
Townsend, Richard
Trafford, Edward
Tarleton, John
Unsworth, Levinus
Williamson, Wm.
Whytell, Christo
Whalley, William
White, Hen., Lane.
Williamson, John
Total 101.
" N.B. — There are One Hundred and thirty five merchants
free of the African company in London, and One Hundred and
fifty seven in Bristol, whereas their Trade to Africa is not so
extensive as the Merchants of Liverpool."*
Armitage, John
Atherton, John
Ashton, John
Bostock, John
Bulkeley, William
Blundell, Jonathan
Backhouse, John
Blundell, Bryan
Blundell, Richard
Blackburn, John
Bradley, George
Brooks, George
Benson, Wm.
Ball, Thomas
Bridge, Edward
Blundell, William
Brooks, Joseph
Brooks, Jonathan
Bird, Joseph
Crowder, Thomas
Crosbie, James
Cunliffe, Foster
Cunliffe, Ellis
Cunliffe, Robert
Campbell, George
Clay, Robert
Craven, Charles
Clayton, John
Crompton, John
Clews, George
Chalmer, Thomas
Davis, Joseph
Dean, Edward
Dobb, William
Dunbar, Thomas
Earl, Ralph
Eddie, David
Ellams, Elliott
Forbes, Edward
Farmer, Joseph
Ford Richard
Fletcher, Potter
Gildart, Richard
Goodwin, William
Goore, Charles
Gorrell, John
Gildart, James
Gordon, James
Goodwin, John
Hardman, John
Heywood, Arthur
Heywood, Benja.
Hesketh, Robert
Hughes, Richard
Hardwar, Henry
Higginson, William
Hallhead, Robert
Hughes, John Capt.
Kendall, Thomas
Knight, John
Leatherbarrow, Th.
Laidler, George
Lee, Pierce
Lowndes, Edward
Lowndes, Charles
Mears, Thomas
Manesty, Joseph
Nicholas, Richard
* From "Williamson's Liverpool Memorandum Book, 1753," in the possession
of Richard Cyril Lockett, Esq.
APPENDIX.
675
APPENDIX No. VII.
A LIST OF THE GUINEAMEN BELONGING
TO LIVERPOOL IN THE YEAR 1752, with their
Owners' and Commanders' names and the number of
slaves carried by each : — *
Ships.
Commanders.
Where Bound.
Owners.
No. of
Slaves.
Africa
Harrison
Benin
Jno. Welsh & Co.
250
African
John Newton
Win'd and Gold
Coast
J. Manesty & Co.
250
Annabella
Win. Harrison
Do.
W. Dobb & Co.
260
Antigua Mer-
chant
Robt. Thomas
Angola
Jas. Gildart & Co.
2OO
Anglesey
James Caruthers
Win'd and Gold
Coast
Tine,Farrar&Co.
1 80
Alice Galley
Rich. Jackson
Do.
R. Cheshyre & Co.
350
Ann Galley
Neh'm'h Holland
Calabar
Wm. Whalley &
Co.
340
Adlington
Tho. Perkin
Win'd and Gold
Coast
J. Manesty & Co.
320
Allen
Jas. Strangeways
Do.
J. Brooks & Co.
250
\ /%Vi i 11 t*t-
T*V»/-M-»-»1 C- T>ltv1/-«l-
TT T T f^,,,n v CV
y\cniiico
1 IlOIIlcls 1 diriCK.
XiCIl. -LI 3,1 Cl Well (X
Co.
450
Betty
Sm. Sacheverelle
John Robinson
IOO
Blake
Alex. Torbet
Calabar
Jo. Bird & Co.
46o
Barbadoes
Merchant
John Wilson
Angola
G. Campbell &Co.
500
Boyne
Wm. Wilkinson
Bonny
E. Forbes & Co.
400
Beverley
William Lowe
Angola
E. Lowndes&Co.
200
Brooke
Thomas Kewley
Old Calabar
Roger Brooks £
Compy.
4OO
Barclay
John Gadson
Do.
Jno. Welsh & Co.
450
Bulkeley
Chris. Baitson
Win'd and Gold
Coast
Foster Cunliffe,
Sons & Co.
350
Britannia
Jas. Pemberton
Do.
Thos. Leather-
barrow & Co.
300
Bridget
Anth'ny Grayson
(or Hayston)
Do.
Foster Cunliffe,
Sons & Co.
250
Clayton
Patrick
Cumberland
John Griffin
Gambia
E. Deane & Co.
26O
Chesterfield
Patrick Black
Old Calabar
W.Whalley&Co.
440
Charm'gNancy
Tho. Roberts
Win'd and Gold
Coast
W. Davenport
&Co.
170
* Compiled from a rare copy of Williamson's Liverpool Memorandum Book,
published in 1753, in the possession of Richard Cyril Lockett, Esq., and exhibited
on his behalf before the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, by J. Paul
Rylands, Esq., F.S.A., March, 1897.
676
THE LIVERPOOL S-LA VE TRADE.
APPENDIX NO. VII.— CONTINUED.
Ships. Commanders.
No. of
Where Bound. Owner.-. Slaves.
Cavendish Robert Jennings
Win'd and Gold Nicholas & Co. | 170
Coast
Cecilia Rd. Younge
Gambia Fr. Green & Co. 120
Duke of
Cumberland John Crosbie
Bonny ! J. Crosbie & Co. 450
Dolphin Joseph Pederick
Win'd and Gold
Coast Ed. Forbes & Co. 200
Elizabeth William Heys
Gambia Sam. Shaw & Co. 200
Elijah
Win'd and Gold
Coast E.Lowndes&Co. 200
Enterprise Sam. Greenhow
Gambia (miss'g) John Yates & Co. 130
EllisandRob't. Rich. Jackson
Win'd and Gold
,
Coast
F.Cunliffe&Sons 32 > ;
Eaton
John Hughes
Angola
John Okill & Co. .
(Wood & Teeth) i
550
Fanny
Win. Jenkinson
Win'd and Gold
Coast ]. Knight & Co. I2C
Ferret
Joseph Welch
Do.
Jno. Welch & Co. 50 •
Florimel
Samuel Linaker
Calabar
Rich. Townsend
& Co. 320
Frodsham
James Powell
Angola
Nich. Torr & Co. 450
Fortune
Hugh Williams
Bonny
Hy. Townsend
& Co. 480
Foster
Edward Cropper
Benin
Foster Cunliffe,
Sons & Co. 200
George
Charles Cooke
Angola G. Campbell &
Co. 250
Grace
Old Calabar ; Ed. Forbes & Co. \ 400
Greyhound Maurice Roach
Win'd and Gold !
Coast
Rd. Savage & Co. ' 120
Hesketh James Thompson
New Calabar
R. Nicholas & Co. 260
Hector ; Brook Kelsall
Do.
W.Gregson&Co. 480
Hardman : Joseph Yoward
Win'd and Gold
Coast
J.Hardman&Co. 300
Jenny
Thos. Darbyshire
Do.
Jno. Knight & Co. 450
Judith
Nich. Southworth
Bonny Jno. Welch & Co. 350
James
Jno. Sacherevelle
Win'd and Gold '
Coast
James Gildart 120
Knight
Wm. Boats
Do.
Jno. Knight & Co. 400
Lintott
Ralph Lowe
New Calabar
R. Nicholas & Co. 400
Lord Strange
Edward Smith
Benin
Wm. Halliday &
Co. 230
Lovely Betty
George Jackson
Win'd and Gold
Geo. Campbell
Coast
£ Co. 140
Little Billy
Thos. Dickenson
Do.
J. Knight & Co. 60
Mersey
John Gee
Benin
T.Kennion & Co. 300
Middleham
John Welch
Old Calabar R. Gildart & Sons 320
Methwen
John Coppell
Win'd and Gold
Coast J. Crosbie & Co. 280
Minerva
Thomas Jordan
Gambia
Jas. Pardoe & Co. 400
M ercury
John Walker
Win'd and Gold
Coast i Reunion & Holme 100
1 |
APPENDIX,
677
APPENDIX No. VII.— CONTINUED.
Ships. Commanders.
Where Bound.
Owners.
No. of
Slaves.
Molly Richard Rigby
Win'd and Gold
Coast
R.Golding&Co.
320
Neptune Tho. Thompson
Old Calabar
Joseph and Jona.
Brooks & Co.
450
Nelly Joseph Drape (or
Jno. Simmons)
Do.
Win. Williamson
&Co.
320
Nancy [ohn Honeyford '
Bonny
T. Kenclal & Co.
400
Nancy ! Robert 1 1 ewin
Do.
Pet. Holme & Co.
400
Nancy
Thos Midgeley
Gambia
Knight, Mairs,
& Co.
300
Orrel
James Griffin
Do.
W.Whalley&Co.
1 2O
Ormor.d
Success
Angola
Wm. Williamson
& Co.
300
•p. vflru1
\Vin'd and Gold
Coast
Jas. Parcloe & Co.
240
Priscilla
Wm. Parkinson
Angola
Jno. Welch & Co.
35°
Phoebe
Wm. Lawson
Win'd and Gold
Coast
Arthur and Ben.
Heywood & Co.
280
Prince \\illiam John Valentine
Angola
R.Gildart & Sons
200
Rider Michael Rush
Do.
R.Gildart & Sons
300
: Ranger
James Sanders
Win'd and Gold
W. Farington &
Coast
Co.
300
Sarah
Alex. Lawson
Bonny
T. Crowder & Co.
550
Salisbury
Thos. Marsden
Old Calabar
Robert Armitage
35°
Sterling Castle
Charles Gardner
Bonny
John Backhouse
& Co.
300
Samuel and
Nancy
James Lowe
Win'd and Gold
!
Coast
R. Savage & Co.
2 2O
Swan Peter Leay
Bonny
John Tarleton &
Compy.
4OO
Sam'y& Biddy Rob. Grayson
Win'd Coast
T. Blundell & Co.
120
Schemer Robt. Grimshaw
Do.
T. Chalmers & Co.
120
Stronge Thomas Cubbin
Bonny
Mat. and Jno.
Stronge & Co.
300
Tarlton Jas. Thompson
Do.
J. Tarlton & Co.
340
' Triton Chas Jenkinson
Do.
Levinus Uns-
1
worth it Co.
240
Thomas Jas. Hutchinson
: Gambia
G. Campbell &
Co.
200
True Blue : Benjamin Wade
Benin
J. Cheshyre & Co.
300
Thomas and
Martha
Tn. Gillman
Win'd and Gold
G. Campbell &
Coast
Co.
200
*Vigilant \ \Vm. Freeman
Do.
J. Bridge & Co.
1 60
Union Tim. Anyon
Do.
J. Pardoe & Co.
350
William and
Betty Thos. Barclay
1 Angola
S. Shawe & Co.
400
i
* Missing.
Total 88 Ships carrying upwards of 24,730 Slaves, and 550 wood and teeth.
678
THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
APPENDIX No. VIII.
The number of ships which cleared out from the port of
Liverpool to the coast of Africa, from the earliest date to
the time of the trade being abolished in May, 1807.* The
majority of these vessels were employed in the slave trade,
the rest carrying only wood and teeth. For instance,
during the period covered by Appendix IX., (1783-93) 43
ships carried wood and teeth, while 878 carried slaves.
Year.
Ships
Tons.
Year.
Ships.
Tons.
Year.
Ships.
Tons.
1709
I
30
1768
81
8,302
1789
66
",564
1730
15
IIII
1769
90
9,852
1790
9i
17,917
1737
33
2756
1770
96
9,818
1791
1 02
I9,6lO
1744
34
2698
1771
105
10,929
1792
132
22,4O2
1751
53
5334
1772
100
10,159
1793
52
10,544
1752
58
5437
1773
105
11,056
1794
1753
72
7547
1774
92
9,859
1795
59
1754
7i
5463
1775
81
9,200
1796
94
1755
4i
4052
1776
57
7,078
1797
90
20,415
1756
60
5!47
1777
3°
4,060
I798
149
34,937
1757
47
5050
1778
26
3,651
1799
134
34,966
1758
5i
5229
1779
ii
1,205
1800
1 20
33,774
1759
58
5892
1780
32
4,275
1801
122
28,429
1760
74
8178
1781
43
5,720
1802
122
30,796
1761
69
7309
1782
47
6,209
1803
83
15,534
1762
61
6752
1783
85
12,294
1804
126
27,322
1763
65
6650
1784
67
9,568
1805
117
26,536
1764
74
7978
1785
79
10,982
1806
III
25,949
1765
83
9382
1786
92
I3,97i
1807
74
17,806
1766
65
6650
1787
81
14,012
1767
83
8345
1788
73
13,394
N.B. — From the first day of January, 1806, to the first
day of May, 1807, there had sailed from the port of Liver-
pool 185 African ships, measuring 43,755 tons, which were
allowed to carry 49,213 slaves.
APPENDIX No. IX.
A list of the houses that annually imported upwards of
1000 slaves, the number of ships employed, and slaves by
them imported from 1783 to 1793, both inclusive, whereby
is seen the proportion which they held to all the slave-
* Troughton's "History of Liverpool,' p. 265.
APPENDIX.
679
vessels that annually sailed from the port of Liverpool
during that period : — *
Years. Houses. Ships. Houses. Ships. Slaves.
In 1783 there were 42 and 85 of which 13 employed 47 and imported 26,820
1784
33
59
IO
28
13,590
1785
37
73
9
36
18,020
1780
37
87
13
53
21,520
1787
27
72
8
39
17,13°
1788
28
7i
8
35
13,606
1789
29
62
6
32
10,752
1790
3°
89
IO
58
19,089
1791
38
101
10
56
19,027
1792
33
133
H
94
29,905
1793
25
46
6
24
7,325
359 878 107 502 196,784
APPENDIX No. X.
A list of the Company of Merchants trading to Africa
(established by an Act of 23 of George II., Cap. 31, entitled :
11 An Act for the extending and improving the trade to
Africa, 1750, for the port of Liverpool"), in 1807 :—
John Bridge Aspinall
James Aspinall
William Aspinall
Daniel Backhouse
John Backhouse, Wa-
vertree
John Barnes, London
Ralph Benson
Robert Bent, London
Patrick Black
Jonas Bold
John Bolton
P. W. Brancker
Thomas Brancker
Joseph Brooks
John Brown
George Brown, Wales
James Carruthers
George Case
Henry Clarke, Belmont,
Cheshire
Thomas Clarke
Samuel Clough
Edgar Corrie
William Crosbie
James Thompson Cukit
John Dawson
Edward Dickson
James Dickson
William Dickson
Thomas Earle
William Earle
William Forbes
James Gregson
James Gildart
Thomas Golightly
John Greenwood
William Harding
William Harper
B. A. Heywood
Thomas Hinde
Thomas Hodgson
John Hodgson
H. Blundell Hollinshead
Francis Ingram, Wake-
field
John Chambres Jones,
Wales
Peter Kennion, London
John Langton, Kirkham
Roger Leigh
George Lewis
William Neilson
Thomas Parke, High-
field
Thomas John Parke
Thomas Parr
Thomas Parr, Junr.
James Penny
Jonathan Ratcliffe
William Rigg
John Sanders
Christopher Shaw
John Shaw
Bryan Smith
George Spencer, London
Samuel Staniforth
Thomas Tarleton
John Tarleton
Thomas Moss Tate
William Thompson
James Watkinson
Richard Willis
William Watson
Richard Wilding
William Woodville, Ha-
vana
Richard Woodward
A General and Descriptive History of Liverpool " (1795).
680
THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
APPENDIX No. XL
Comparative Statement of Ships cleared out from the
Ports of London, Liverpool, and Bristol, to the Coast of
Africa, for ten years, from 1795 to 1804 inclusive.*
Each
London.
Bristol.
Liverpool.
Total.
Ship.
Slaves
Slaves
Slaves
M'dium
Year.
Ships.
Allowed.
Ships
Allowed.
Ships.
Allowed.
Ships.
Slaves.
Slaves.
1795
14
5>H9
6
2,4O2
59
17,647
79
25,198
317
1796
8
2,593
i
393
94
29,425
103
32,4"
315
1797
12
4,225
2
80 1
90
29,958
104
34,984
336
I798
8
2,650
3
1,433
149
53,051
1 60
57,104
356
1799
17
5,582
5
2,529
134
47,5J7
156
55,628
356
1800
IO
2,231
3
717
1 20
3!,844
133
34,722
26l
1801
23
6,347
2
586
122
30,913
147
37,846
259
1802
30
9,011
3
704
122
3i,37i
155
41,086
26b
1803
15
3,616
i
355
83
29,954
99
24,925
253
1804
18
5,001
3
798
126
31,090
147
36,899
244
IO years
46,405
10,718
323,770
380,893
Troughton's History of Liverpool, p. 266.
APPENDIX No. XII.
PAID FOR A NEGRO MAN AT BONNY, IN 1801 : —
One piece of Chintz, eighteen yards long.
One piece of Baft, eighteen yards long.
One piece of Chelloe, eighteen yards long.
One piece of Bandanoe, seven handkerchiefs.
One piece of Niccannee, fourteen yards long.
One piece of Cushtae, fourteen yards long.
One piece of Photae, fourteen yards long.
Three pieces of Romalls, forty-five handkerchiefs.
One large Brass Pan, two muskets.
Twenty-five kegs of powder, one hundred flints.
Two bags of shots, twenty knives.
Four iron pots, four hats, four caps.
Four cutlasses, six bunches of beads, fourteen gallons of brandy.
These articles cost about ^25.
APPENDIX.
APPENDIX No. XIII.
681
LIST OF GUINEAMEN BELONGING TO THE
PORT OF LIVERPOOL WHICH SAILED FOR
AFRICA, from the 5th of January, 1798, to the 5th of
January, 1799,* with owners' and commanders' names, and
the complement of slaves allowed to each: —
Ships.
Captains.
Destinations.
Owners.
•58
oJ3
fcw
Sailed.
Fair Peni-
tent
John Gardner Win'd Coast
S.McDowall&Co.
261
Jan. 8
Union
Robert Dovvie
Gabon
J . Rackham & Co. j 162
Mercury
John Mill
Win'd Coast
Wm.Begg&Co.
3?o
9
Pilgrim
Robert Pince
Do.
R. Leigh & Co.
425
18
Mary
P. Henshall
Angola
J. Rackham & Co. 285
Feb. 2
Favourite
II. Bennet
Bonny
Neilson& Heath- ,
cote 666
Kitly
George Walker
Old Calebar
J. & II. Clarke &
Co. 505
Lord Stanley
W. Murdock
Do.
Do. 394
James
Thomas
John Miller
G. Farquhar
New Calebar
Angola
W. Dickson & Sons
Neilson & Heath-
337
cote
442
Penelope
Luke Mann
Bonny
W. Thompson &
Co. 389
Prince
John Kendall
Angola
J. Smith & Co. 435
Parr
I). Christian
Bonny
Thos. Parr & Co. 700
5
Fame
Thomas Brade
New Calebar
A.Joseph&Mozelyl 250
18
Abigail
W. Williams
Angola
J. Tarleton, junr.
302
Amelia Elea-
nor
Edward Duncan
Do.
W.Brettargh&Co.
440
Triton
John Corran
Do.
W. Corran £ Co.
448
28
Anne
John Muir
Cameroons
W. Begg & Co.
300
John
N. Ireland
Do.
Tarleton &. Back-
house
265
Mar. I
Britannia
John Walker
Angola
Do.
238
Unity
E. i ovelace
Do.
Jos. Greaves & Co.
IOO
ii
Cecilia
1 ames Blake
Do.
W. Thompson &
Co.
285
12
Crescent
Thomas lluson
Do.
Do.
389
King George
S. Hensley
Do.
J. Bolton & Co.
55°
2O
Betsy
Edward Mosson
Do.
John Bolton
317
Lime
fames Taylor
Do.
Geo. Case & Co.
3*7
25
Sally and
Rebecca
Thomas Harold
Gold Coast
W. Begg & Co.
360
George
Alex. Hackney
Lagos
F. Ingram & Co.
275
Resource
Edward Clarke
Angola
Tarleton & Rigg
37o
Apr. 2
* Extracted from the books of the Custom-house at Liverpool for Elliot Arthy,
master mariner, and Surgeon in the African Slave Trade. 1 he orthography of the
original is followed.
684 THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
APPENDIX No. XIII.— CONTINUED.
Ships.
Captains.
Destinations.
Owners.
"c 2
6l
fc<75
Sailed.
King Pepple
James Phillips
Bonny
Neilson & Heath-
cote
476
Oct. 5
Ann
Thomas Lee
Do.
Timperon, Litt &
Co.
358
6
Friendship
Robt. Catterall
Angola
Bell,Gibb& Blake
337
21
George
Richard Kellsall
Gold Coast
Jos. Ward & Co.
271
Alexander
Wm. Cockrall
Angola
T. Sherington&Co.
5r7
23
Goodrich
H. Kennedy
Do.
T. & H. Clarke &
Co.
2IO
29
11 rriot
William Lace
Do.
Do.
313
Trelawney
James Lake
Do.
T. Parr & Co.
467
Neptune
James Williams
Old Calebar
Do.
35°
Otter
Alex. Grierson
Angola
W. Molyneux
417
Beaver
William Murray
Do.
Do.
396
Blanch
Rd. Andows
Benin
J. Gibbons & Co.
230
Gascoyne
Jenkin Evans
Angola
Thomas Parr
444
Perseverance
John Lawson
Benin
J. Gibbons & Co.
526
Hannah
Andrew Arnold
Angola
Thomas Clare
523
Bol ton
J. Boardman
Bonny
John Bolton
432
Nov 12
Elizabeth
E. Neale
Do.
Do.
461
Jack Park
John Little
Do.
J. &J. Aspinall&
Co.
416
13
Mary
James Herd
Do.
W. Forbes & Co.
419
20
May
P. Callum
Do.
Do.
3°4
Blanchard
Geo. Cormack
Do.
W. Thompson &
Co.
419
Sarah
R. Jones
Win'd Coast
T.& E.L.Hodgson
459
Princess
Amelia
J. Levingston
Bonny
J. Deare & Co.
464
21
Bird
J. Flint
Do.
Bailey, Taylor &
Co.
368
Tonyn
James Towers
Angola
Do.
326
Harlequin
J. Topping
Do. .
T. £ W. Earle
275
22
Mary Ann
R. Taylor
New Calebar
Neilson, Heath-
cote & Co.
329
23
Expedition
W. Murdoch
Do.
J.&H.Clarke&Co.
354
Dec. 6
Hector
W. Stringer
Bonny
Thomas Clare
59i
9
Fanny
Thos. Croaker
Gold Coast
Tarleton £ Back-
house
300
n
Favourite
N. Evans
Angola
Jas. Penny & Co.
275
13
Penny
H. Kesack
Do.
Do.
360
L'd. Duncan
John Hudson
Benin
S McDovvall&Co.
242
Cecilia
John Roach
Angola
Thompson & Co.
285
19
Mary
John Askeu
New Calebar
Pole & Gardner
200
21
Hind
Thomas Nuttal
Angola
Mullion, Lenox
&Co.
355
Adventure
Thomas Warren
Do.
Hardman, Wright
& Co.
3°7
Mercury
John Mills
Win'd Coast
Wm. Begg & Co.
376
24
Sarah
John Nerl
Angola
J. Ward & Co.
316
31
Ellis
James Soutar
Win'd Coast
T.& E. L. Hodgson
437
Jan. 2
L'pool Hero
Alex. Hackney
Gold Coast
F. Ingram & Co.
870
4
King George
Jas. Meckleghon
Do.
Do.
360
5
APPENDIX.
685
APPENDIX No. XIII.— CONTINUED.
On summing up the above account, the total of ships and of their complement of
slaves, together with the number of ships destined for each place of trade in Africa,
and the number of slaves supplied at those places respectively, stands thus : —
Places of Trade.
No. of
Ships.
No. of
Slaves.
Places of Trade.
No. of
Ships.
No. of
Slaves.
Angola
69
23,303
Amount brought up
140
49,696
Bonny
34
14,078
Benin
3
998
Gold Coast
ii
3,587
Gabon
3
727
Windward Coast
10
3,278
Cameroons
2
565
New Calebar
10
2,977
Whydah
I
296
Old Calebar
6
2,473
Lagos
I
275
Amount carried up
140
49,696
Total
150
52,557
NOTE. — At that time the Guineamen were allowed by Act of Parliament to
carry five slaves for every three tons of their burthen ; and required by law to
take a proportion of ten people for each hundred of slaves, according to which the
above number of slaves makes the total tonnage of the 150 ships 31,533 tons, and
the total of their complement of seamen, 5,255.
APPENDIX No. XIV.
Summary of the aggregate number of Liverpool ships
employed in the Guinea trade, together with the number
and value of the slaves imported to the West Indies from
1783 to 1793 :— *
Gross No.
Ships carry-
Number of
Years.
of Ships.
ing Wood
and Teetll.
Slave-Ships.
Slaves.
Sterling Value, t
1783
90
5
85
39,170
1,958,500
1784
64
5
59
25,320
1,266,000
1785
77
4
73
29,490 1,474,500
1786
92
5
87
31,690 1,584,500
I787
80
8
72
25,520 1,276,000
1788
74
3
7i
23,200 l,l6o,OOO
1789
66
4
62
17,631 881,550
1790
90
I
89
27,362 1,368,100
1791
105
4
101
3','11
1,555,550
1792
^36
3
133
38,920
1,946,000
1793
47
i
46
14,323
716,150
921
43
878
303,737
15,186,850
* " A General and Descriptive History of Liverpool," p. 222.
t The author of the calculations in arriving at the value of a slave, takes the
average price in the West India market for eleven years— ^"50 sterling a head.
686
THE LIVERPOOL SLA VE TRADE.
APPENDIX No. XV.
Extract from "A Log of the proceedings on board the
Brigg Mampookatij on a voyage to Ambrize, on the coast
of Angola," in the year 1787.
Year 1787.
Week Days.
Day.
Month.
Winds.
Remarks, &c., in Ambrize Road.
Saturday.
8th
Variable
Fresh breezes and clear sent the Long Boat
with Mr. Smith and Brown to Marsoola to
trade for slaves. Employed occasionally.
Received on board one woman and one boy
slave.
Sunday,
9th
Variable
Modrate breezes and clear weather. Em-
ployed starting Beens, &c. Received 3 woman
slaves and one child. No. on board 5.
Monday.
loth
Variable
Light airs & clear. Employed clearing the
fore Hould &c. Received on board 5 slaves,
viz. I man I woman I boy & 2 girls. No. 10.
Tuesday.
nth
Variable
Light breezes and clear. Employed with
sundries &c. Received on board 6 slaves, viz.
I man, 2 woman with childer 2 boys <fe I girl.
Total 1 6.
We'n'sday.
1 2th
Variable
Ditto weather. Employed occasionally. Re-
ceived on board 5 slaves, viz. i boy & 4 girls.
Total 21.
Thursday.
1 3th
Westward
Modrate and clear. Employd stowing casks
in the Fore Hould. Returned from Marsoola
the Long Boat without any slaves. Received
from the Factory 3 slaves, viz. I man boy & 2
girls. Total on board 24.
.Friday.
1 4th
Variable
Light breezes & cloudy. Employed laying
the men's platform. Received one woman
slave. No. on board 25.
Saturday.
15th
Variable
Ditto weather. Sent the boat for Marsoola
with Mr. Smith and Brown. The carpenter
employed making the Woman's room bulkhead.
Received one woman slave. No. on board 26.
Thursday.
20th
Variable
Modrate breezes & cloudy. Arrived in the
Road ye Union, Capt. Lawson from Burdux.
Employed wooding & watering. Received 6
slaves, viz. man 2 men boys, 2 boys, and I girl.
Total 39.
APPENDIX.
APPENDIX No. XV.— CONTINUED.
687
Year 1787.
Week Days.
Day.
Month.
Winds.
Remaiks, &c., in Ambrize Road.
Friday.
2ISt
Variable
Ditto weather. Employed as before. The
carpenter building the Barricade on the main
deck. Received two men boys slaves. No. on
board 41.
Monday.
24th
Variable
Ditto weather. Received one man boy
slave and one tooth weighs iialo. I two pieces
2510. Slaves on board 43-
Thursday.
Oct.
4th
Variable
Modrate and cloudy. Sailed a French ship,
Captain Granier, for Cape Francois with 250
slaves. Received i man and man boy. Total
on board 49, all well.
Monday.
Nov.
26th
Variable
Fresh breezes and cloudy with rain. Em-
ployed with sundries &c. Died one man boy
slave of the fever after a sickness of 6 days.
Slaves on board 153, all well.
H
K
F
Courses.
Wind.
Remarks, &c.
10
6
5
WSN
SSW
January 1st, 1788. Modrate breezes &
cloudy. Employed occasionally. Buried 2
inen slaves No. 3. Slaves on board 193.*
Lattd pr Obs" 5° 36" south.
8
7
3
WBN ^N
SEES
Sunday Jany 6th 1 788. Buried a man slave
of the flux and fever &c.
9
i
2
N by W
SSE
Light airs inclinable to calms. Washed
the rooms and slaves, &c. Jany nth 1788.
Sunday February 3rd, 1788, anchored in
Carlisle Bay in 8 fathom water. Slaves on
board 192 all well. Received a quantity of
vegetables on board for the slaves, &c.
Tuesday Feby 5th 1788. Got under way
and made sail.
6
Feby I3th. In Woodbridge Bay Domi-
nica several gentlemen came on board to
look at the slaves.
Feb 14th. Sold 1 88 slaves to Mr. Forbes
of St Christopher's. At loa.m. delivered 80
men & women on board a sloop. Remains
on board 112.
Saturday i6th. Delivered to Mr. Forbes
108 slaves, total, 188. Remains on board
4 viz. 2 men, I woman, & I boy.
* She left the coast on December, 2ist, 1787, with 195 slaves.
688 THE LIVERPOOL SLAVE TRADE.
APPENDIX No. XV.—
Having" taken in a cargo of sugar, cotton, coffee, and cocoa,
the ship sailed for England, and arrived in Liverpool on the
loth of April, 1788. The logbook is adorned with water-colour
drawings of the brig, and of the coast scenery, together with a
pencil sketch of a gentleman in a cocked hat and pigtail, forming
an exceptional specimen of maritime caligraphy. It is now in
the possession of T. H. Dixon, Esq., The Clappers, Gresford.
APPENDIX No. XVI.
CHARACTER OF THE SEAMEN IN THE SLAVE TRADE.*
" With respect to the mortality amongst the crews of
African ships, it must be taken into account that many of the
individuals composing them were the very dregs of the com-
munity. Some of them had escaped from jails : others were
undiscovered offenders, who sought to withdraw themselves
from their country, lest they should fall into the hands of the
officers of justice. These wretched beings used to flock to Liver-
pool when the ships were fitting out, and, after acquiring a few
sea phrases from some crimp or other, they were shipped as
ordinary seamen, though they had never been at sea in their
lives. If, when at sea, they became saucy and insubordinate,
which was generally the cas&, the officers were compelled to
treat them with severity ; and having never been in a warm
climate before, if they took ill, they seldom recovered, though
every attention was paid to them. Amongst these wretched
beings I have known many gentlemen's sons of desperate
character and abandoned habits, who had either fled for some
offence, or had so involved themselves in pecuniary embarrass-
ments, as to have become outcasts, unable to procure the
necessaries of life. For my own part I was always very lucky
in procuring good crews, and consequently the charge of great
mortality could not apply to my ships. The deaths in the
Kitty's Amelia were attributable to the culpable neglect of
others, the consequences of which we could neither foresee nor
control."
* Memoirs of Hugh Crow.
APPENDIX. 689
APPENDIX No. XVII.
FOOD OF THE SLAVES.*
. " It may not be uninteresting to the reader to learn with
what kind of provisions the negroes were supplied. We
frequently bought from the natives considerable quantities of
dried shrimps to make broth ; and a very excellent dish they
made, when mixed with flour and palm oil, and seasoned with
pepper and salt. Both whites and blacks were fond of this
mess. In addition to yams we gave them, for a change, fine
shelled beans and rice cooked together, and this was served up
to each individual with a plentiful proportion of the soup. On
other days their soup was mixed with peeled yams, cut up thin
and boiled, with a proportion of pounded biscuit. For the
sick we provided strong soups and middle messes, prepared
from mutton, goats' flesh, fowls, &c., to which were added
sago and lilipees, the whole mixed with port wine and sugar.
I am thus particular in describing the ingredients which com-
posed the food of the blacks, to show that no attention to their
health was spared in this respect. Their personal comfort
was also carefully studied. On their coming on deck, about 8
o'clock in the morning, water was provided to wash their
hands and faces, a mixture of lime juice to cleanse their
mouths, towels to wipe with, and chew sticks to clean their
teeth. These are generally pieces of young branches of the
common lime, or of the citron of sweet lime tree, the skin
of which is smooth, green, and pleasantly aromatic. They
are used about the thickness of a quill, and the end being
chewed, the white, fine fibre of the wood soons forms a brush,
with which the teeth may be effectually cleaned by rubbing them
up and down. These sticks impart an agreeable flavour to the
mouth, and are sold in the public markets of the West Indies,
in little bundles for a mere trifle. A dram of brandy bitters
was given to each of the men, and clean spoons being served
out, they breakfasted about nine o'clock. About eleven, if
the day were fine, they washed their bodies all over, and after
wiping themselves dry, were allowed to use palm oil, their
2X
690 THE LIVERPOOL SLAVE TRADE.
favourite cosmetic. Pipes and tobacco were then supplied to
the men, and beads and other articles were distributed amongst
the women to amuse them, after which they were permitted to
dance, and run about on deck to keep them in good spirits.
A middle mess of bread and cocoa nuts, was given them about
mid-day. The third meal was served out about three o'clock,
and after everything was cleaned out and arranged below, for
their accommodation, they were generally sent down about
four or five in the evening. Indeed I took great pains to
promote the health and comfort of all on board, by proper diet,
regularity, exercise, and cleanliness ; for I considered that on
keeping the ship clean and orderly, which was always my
hobby, the success of our voyage mainly depended. "
* From this gracious picture, drawn by Captain Crow, a model commander,
under the more humane regulations of the closing years of the trade, the reader
must not imagine that such paternal care was general.
INDEX TO NAMES OF PERSONS
MENTIONED IN THIS WORK.
A
Abberton, Lieut., 199
Accra, Prince, 494
Adams, Capt., 253, 257
Affleck, Capt. Lutwidge,
384 to 387
Affleck, Capt. Wm., 433,
435, 436
Aickin, Wm. , 376
Aikin, Dr., 184
Ainsworth, Capt. Jno., 373
Allanson, Capt., 207, 237,
253
Allen, Capt., W. H.,
446—448
Alexander, Capt. C., 199
Amery, Capt, 218, 254
Anderson, Alex., 66 j
Ansdell, John, 155
Archer, Capt., 284
Argyll, Earl of, 357
Armitage, R., 155
Arthy. tlliot, 608
Ash, Capt., 250, 251, 263,
291
Ashburn, Capt., 252
Ash burner, Capt., 210
Ashburner, Mr., 318
Ashton, Capt., 227, 278
Ashton & Co., 225, 227,
668
Ashlon, Jno., 155
Ashton, Nicholas, 225, 668
Aspinall, Wm., 634, 635,
637, 649
Aspinall, Thos. , 645
Aspinall, James, 662
Atherton, Mr., 82, 94, 311
B
Backhouse, Capt., 285
Backhouse, Daniel, 279,
668
Backhouse, John, 155
Backhouse, Thomas &
John, 82
Backhouse & Co. , J. , 203,
237, 669
Bailie, Capt., 481
Baines, Ed., 472
Baines, Capt. Dan., 126
Baker, Mr. (Mayor), 240
Baker & Dawson, 239,
240, 242, 663, 668, 669
Baldwin, Capt., 387, 401
Baldwin, Lieut., 199
Ball, Capt., 263
Banks, Capt., 493
Barber, Capt. Walter, 118,
119
Barley, Capt., 548
Barnard, Capt. Tristram,
331
Barnes, John, 613, 614
Barr, Henry, 31
Barton, Capt. Jas., 196, 198
Barton, John, 568, 569
Barton, Thos., 305, 306,
3", 366
Barton, Higginson & Co.,
602
Barry, Capt., 387, 423
Bassnett, Nathl., 82
Beard, Capt., 229
Beasley, Capt., 306
Beattie, Dr., 567
Beatty, James, 353
Beaver, Capt., 237, 252
Begg, Mr., 445
Bell, Capt., 255, 360
Benn, Capt., 113
Benson, Moses, 337
Bent, Capt. Theophilus,
368
Bentley, Capt., 199
Berry, Mr., 148, 149
Berry, Capt. lames, 533
Berry, Capt. John, 198
Bewsher, Capt,, 26g
Beynon, Capt., 244, 245,
280
Bibby, Capt., 417
Biddle, Capt. Nich., 198
Bier, James, 190
Hillinge, Thomas, 143
'Jinns, Dr. J., 570, 575,
578
l>irch, Capt., 156
Birch & Co., 236, 254, 668,
669
Birch, Thomas, 311, 562
Bird, Capt., 331, 362,
364
Bird, Henry, 145
Bird, Joseph, 82
Bishop, Capt, 543, 545
Black, Patrick, 543 to 547
Blackburne, Mr., 556
Blundell, Bryan, 136, 144,
264
Blundell, Lieut. -Col., 275,
327
Blundell, Henry, 327, 613
Blundell, Nicholas, 268
Blundell, Mr., 562
Blythe, Mr., 124
Boardman, Capt., 360
Boats & Gregson, 217,
257, 668
Boats & Seaman, 306
Boats (or Boates), William,
150, 484, 485, 628
Boates, H. E., 485
Bogle and Jopp, 600, 603
Bold, Jonas, 562
Bold & Co., Jonas, 270
Bold, Obadiah, 115
Bolden cS: Co. , 227, 668
Bolton, John, 388
Bompard, Citizen, 311
Bonsall, Capt, 231, 233,
286, 329
Bonaparte, 387, 388, 406
Borrowdale, Capt, 275,
276
Boscawen, Admiral, 131
Bostock, Robert, 234, 605,
606
692
INDEX TO NAMES.
Bosworth, Capt. , 332, 342,
418
Bourne, Peter, 559
Bower, Capt., 219, 314
Boyd, Capt., 358, 563
Boyd, & Co. W., 530
Bradley, Capt., 309
Brancker, Peter W., 389,
613, 614, 617
Brailsford, Capt., 329
Brelsford, Capt., 368
Brereton, Humphrey, 33
Brettargh & Co., 369
Brideson, Paul, 485
Bridge, John, 155
Briggs, Capt., 263, 293
Brighouse, Capt., 254, 553
Brison, Capt 190, 192
Brooke, Humfraye, 34
Brooke, Richard, 531, 580,
592
Brooks, Joseph £ Jonathan,
151, 152
Brooks, John, 82
Brooks, jr., Joseph, 562,
664
Brooks & Co., 248, 668
Brotherston and Begg, 445
Broughton & Smith, 531
Brown, Capt., 103, 244,
292, 339
Brown, Capt. James, 354
Brown, Mr. 562
Brown, James, 155
Brown & Jones, 669
Brown, William, 604
Buckland, Frank, 140
Buckley, Mr., 264
Buddecombe, Capt. Wm.,
200
Buddicome, Capt., 255
Bullin, R., 600, 604, 605
Bulkeley, 81
Burgess, Capt., 299
Burnaby, Sir Wm., 56
Burns, Sir Geo., 359
Burrows, Capt., 170, 294
Bushell, Capt., 333
Butler, Capt, 266, 282
Byng, Admiral, 55, 62
Byrne, Capt., 20 1, 250,
282, 315, 332
Byron, Lord, 35
Caine, Hall, 626
Caitcheon, Capt., 305
Calcraft, General, 224, 264
Calder, Sir Robt. , 400
Campo Florida, Prince of,
46
Campbell, Capt , 288, 359
Campbell, George, 88, 90,
92 to 94, 155
Campbell & Sons, Geo.,
155
Cannell, Capt., 316
Caruthers & Co. , 229, 669
Garuthers, Jas., 19, 562,
663
Carruthers, Capt., 126
Carver, J. , 664
Cams, Capt. Chr. , 491
Case, Geo., 562
Case & Co., J. D., 419
Case, Thomas, 562
Cash, Capt, 312
Cassedy, Capt. R. , 210
Catlett, Mary, 496 to 498,
502, 503, 505, 506
Catterall, Capt, 348
Cazneau & Marlin, 663
Chaffers, Capt., 19, 547,
550, 576
Chalmers, Capt. Thos. ,
493
Chambers, Capt., Tas. , 135
Chamley & Co., Edmund,
363
Champion, Capt., 157
Champlin, Capt, 445
Chapman, Capt, 272
Charlemont, Earl of, 68, 69
Cheshire, Robt, 155
Chorley & Co., 668
Christian, Capt, 331, 631,
634
Clare, Mr. 449
Clare, Capt, 359
Clarke, Capt. Joseph, 148,
149
Clarke, John, 620
Clarke, Thos., 351, 592
Clarkson, Hy. , 662
Clarkson, Rev. Thos.
(see general index)
Clatworthy, Capt., David,
104, 106, 210
Clay & Co., Robt, 104
Clayton family, 163
Clunie, Capt., 514, 515
Clegg, James, 155
Clement, Mr. 252, 669
Clemens, Jas., 1^5
Clough, Capt, 287. 293
Clowes i*- Co., Jno. 663
Coggleshall, Capt, 431,
433, 442
Cole& Co., J., 530
Coleman, Jno., 663
Colley, Capt, 245, 252
Collier, Sir George, 202,
452, 453
Collingwood, Capt., 568
Collins, Capt., 290
Collinson, Capt, 211, 212,
246
Collison, Capt., 195,
293
Colquitt, Scroop, 155
Coinyn, Capt, 49
Coppell, Capt J., 104
Corf, Wm., 663
Cork, Earl of, 171
Corran, Capt., 331
Corrie, Edgar, 19, 663
Cornwallis, Jas. , 353
Cotter, Mr. J., 27, 28, 30,
66 1
Coulthard, Capt., 272 to
275
Coupland, Mr., 576, 577
Cowell, Capt., 236
Cowell, Mr. Peter, 241
Cowper, Wm., 498, 518,
525, 554, 594
Cook, Capt., 199, 270
Cooke, Capt., Danl. , 492
Cooke, G. F., 594
Cooper, Capt, 252, 253,
295, 547, 548
Crabbe, Mr., 353
Creighton, Capt, 105
Creasey, James, 305
Creevey, Capt. Wm , 482,
483, 489, 490, 494
Creevey, M.P., T., 489
Cribb, Richd., 264
Croasdale, Capt, 371
Cropper, Edward, 82, 493
Crosbie, James, 82
Crosbie, Mr., 93
Crosbie, John, 155
Crosbie, J. & W., 550
Crosbie, Wm., 562
Crosbie & Greenwood, 246
248, 668, 669
Crosbies & Trafford, 488
Crosby, Wm. 155
Crosdale, Barrow & Co.,
261
Crowder, Thos., 554
Crowley, Capt., 448
Crow, Capt. (see general
index)
Cudd, Capt., 341
Cummins, Capt, 368
Cunard. Sir Samuel, 359
INDEX TO NAMES.
693
Cunliffe & Sons, Foster,
82, 676
Cunliffe, Robert, 155
Cunliffe, Stanton& Craven,
88
Cunningham, Capt., 379
Currie, Capt., 230, 231
Currie, Dr. Jas., 133, 568.
571 to 575
Currie, W. W., 572
Curwen, Samuel, 281
Curwin, Capt., 256
Cusack, Capt., 372, 373
Cuthbert & Beans, 487.
Cuthbert, Capt. Wm., 95
Cutler, Capt.", 369, 370
D
Dalzell, Archd., 611
Danks, Capt., 35
Dannett, Rev. Hy., 574
Darling, Capt., 215
Dartmouth, Lord, 527
Dashwood, Major, 172
Daulby, Daniel, 570
Davenport, Mr., 547
Davenport & Co,, 253,
254, 669
Davies, Capt., 206, 252,
328
Davies, Dale & Co., 386
Dawson, Capt., 199, 228,
239, 241, 242, 254,
285, 560
Dawson, Mr., 616, 628
Day, Capt. W., 90, 91,
92, 209
Dean, Capt., 201, 401
Deane, Edward, 119
Decatur, Commodore, 447,
452. 453
De la Motte, Capt., 105
Denison, Wm., 19
Denison & Co. Jos., 24, 25
Denny, Capt., 219, 272
Derby, Earl of, 32 to 34
Derrick, S., 171
Despart, Lieut., 264
D'Estaign, Count, 219
De Wolf, Jas., 448
Dick, Consul, 56, 57
Dickson, Capt,, 363
Digby, Admiral, 267
Dillon & Leyland, 19, 663
Dillwyn, Wm., 568
Dobson, Jno.. 562.
Dooling, Capt., 284, 285
Doran, Felix, 605
Douglas, Mr., 118, 353
Dowling, Pat., 291
Doyle, Capt., 257, 287,
.547
Drinkwater, Geo., 155
Drink water & Co., 231,
668
Drinkwater family, 559
Duck, Capt. Isaac, 376,
377
Dunbar, Thos., 264
Dunlop, Capt., 355
Dunn, Capt., 399
Durand, Felix, 427
Darning, Robt., 132
E
Eagles, Thos., 19
Earle, Thos., 19, 192, 609
Earle, Wm. , 19, 155, 389
Earle & Sons, Wm. , 279,
662
Earle & Co., 287, 668
Earle & Molyneux, 663
Earle, T. & W., 131, 342,
365- 547
Earle, Ralph, 15^
Eaton, Jno., 663
Edie, David, 82
Edmondson, Capt.. 39
Egerton, Capt., 308
Ellenborough, Lord, 415,
416
Elliott, Capt., 173
Entwistle, Jno., 82
Erskine, Capt., 368, 549
Erskine, of Alva, Sir John,
478
Evans, Capt., 219, 290
Evelyn, Jno., 43, 44
Every, Capt. S., 365, 366,
387
Ewarts, The, 241
Ewart & Litt, 93
Ewart & Rutson, 306
Fairweather, Capt., 227,
547, 548, 566
Falconbridge, Mr., 577,
578, 579
Farmer, Capt. Jas., 337
Farquhar, Capt., 314, 335,
3.36
Farrington, Capt., 313
Fayrer, Capt., 229, 286,
315
Fell, Capt., 247, 287
Field, Capt., 190
Finlayson, Capt. Jas., 384
Fisher, Capt., 247, 282
Fisher, Capt. Ralph, 230,
231
Fitzroy, Lady Anne, 330,
629
Forbes, Capt. Edward,
210, 211
Ford, Capt., 197, 332
Ford, Lieut., 333
Forrest, Capt., 313
Forsyth, Capt. John, 279
Fortescue, Capt., 170
Foster, Capt. Geo., 123
Fowden & Berry, 246,257,
667, 669
Fowler, Capt., 40, 63, 89
Fox, Capt., 337
Fox, Mr. 612, 616, 619,
Foxcroft & Co., Thos.,
605-607
Flanagan, Capt., 308, 344,
345
Fletcher, Capt., 246, 329,
338
Fleetwood, Robt., 17
Fleetwood, Wm., 155
Fleming Capt., 310
Floyd, Capt., 536, 542
France & Co., 247, 254,
668, 669
France, Fletcher & Co.,
393
France, James, 668
France & Nephew, 264
Frankland, >ir Thos., 143
Franklin, Dr., 193, 456,
457
Franklin, Capt., 449
Fraser, Mr., 393
Frears, Capt., 407, 409
Freeland Peter, 19, 668
Frierson, Capt., 156
Frith, Capt., 195. 196
Fryer, Capt. E., 88, 89
Galley, Jno., 280
Gardner, Capt., 218, 244
Garnett, Capt. Wm., 270
271
Gascoyn, Mr., 29
Gascoyne, Bamber, 612
694
INDEX TO NAMES.
Gascoyne, General. 613,
618
Gawith, Capt., 122
Genet, Citizen, 312
Gibbons, Capt., 219
Gibson. Capt., 330, 420
Gibson, Capt. Peter, 102
Gibson, Capt. Wm. , 628
629
Gilhody, Capt., 267, 293,
316
Gildart, Francis, 562
Gildart, Jas., 155.
Gill, Capt, 480, 481
Gill, Capt. Wm., 278, 279
Gill, Dr., 1 10
Given, Mr., 271, 272
Gladhill, J., 664
Gladstone, Sir John, 339,
364, 385, 386, 449
Gladstone, Rt. Hon. W. E.
364, 570, 656
Gladstone, Capt., 360
Glover, J., 664
Godsall, Geo., 151
Goldsworthy, Consul, 46
-48
Golightly, Richd., 82
Goodall, Capt., 398
Goodwin, Wm. (Mayor),
161
Goore, Chas., 82, 155,
488
Goore & Bulkeley, 81
Gordon, Capt., 168
Gordon, Jas., 82
Gordon, Lieut. -Col., 223
Gorrell, Jno., 155, 674
Gore, Jno., 17, 18
Granby, Marchioness of,
225, 226
Granby, Marquis of, 225,
265, 668
Grandy King George, 542
to 547
Graham, Capt., 201, 263,
36i
Grahme, Capt. \\., 379)
38o
Graves, Admiral, 276, 277
Graves, Chr., 264
Grayson, Edward, 354,
663
Grayson & Ross, 663
Greaves, Capt., 300
Greaves, Wm., 264
Green, Capt., 472
Green, Robt. , 488
Green, Saml., 613, 614
Greenwood, Mr., 562
Gregson, Wm., i55> 554>
562
Gregson & Co., 234, 567,
668
Gregson, Bridge & Parke,
^ 93, 127, 669
Grierson, Capt., 334, 335,
368
Grimshaw, Capt., 120,
121, 251
Grimshaw, Mr., 562
Grubb, Capt., 148, 149
Gudgeon & Co., Thos.,
342
Guinall, Capt., Thos., 198
Gullin, Capt., 308, 353
Gurley, Capt., 269
Gwyn, Capt. Augustine,
103
Gwyn & Case, 487
Gyles, Capt. John, 96 to
100
H
Hackney, Capt., 367
Hadwen, Isaac, 575
Haffey, Capt., 124
Halifax, Marquis of, 624
Hall, Capt., 317, 318, 331,
Hall& Co., 251, 668
Halley, Dr., 137
Halliday & Dunbar, 122,
155
Hallock. Capt. J., 199
Halsall family, 92
Hamilton, Capt.. 317
Hammer, Jno., 155
Hammond, Capt., 257
Handyside, Capt,. 340
Hanna, Capt , 328
Harden, Capt., 105, 106
Harding, Capt., 255
Hardman, John, 82
Hardware, Henry, 127
134, 155
Hard war & Co. , Hy. , 95
Harley, Miss M., 375, 376
Harman, Capt. Abraham,
105
Harper, W., 628
Harris, Capt., 199
Harris, Rev. Raymond,
572—575. 620
Harrison, Capt., 252, 254,
360, 488
Harrison, Geo., 568
Harrison, Henry, 492
Hart, Capt., 336
Hartley, M. P., David, 567
Hartley, Mr., 231
Hartley & Co., 230, 237,
252, 668, 669
Hasseldine, Capt., 267
Haslam, Capt, Jas., 18, 21,
24, 26, 30, 31, 178,
249, 66 1, 663
Hawke, Sir Edward, 41,
55. 56, 87, 131
Hawkesbury, Lord, 573>
611
Hawkins, Capt., 84, 398
Hawkins, Sir John, 465,
466
Hayward, Capt., 359
Headlam, Geo., 264
Heavysides, Capt., 312
Heinsen, Capt., 396
Hemans, Mrs., 252, 668
Henderson & Sellar, 362
Hesketh, Robt., 155
He wan, Capt., 294
Hewin, Capt., 236
Hewitt, Capt., 313
Hewston, Capt., 91
Heywood, Benson, & Co.,
82
Heywood & Co. , 254, 565
Heywood, A. & B., 155,
562
Hibberts, Messrs., 487
Hicks, Capt. John, 199
Higgin, Capt., 343
Higgins, Capt., 403
Hk'ginson, Capt., 562
Hill, Capt. Hugh, 248
Hill, Capt. Wm. , 442-444
Hindley, Leigh, & Co.,
235, 244, 668, 669
Hinman, Capt. Elisha,
190, 191, 192, 199
Hird, Capt., 362
Hoare, Samuel, 568
Hobson & Co., 413
Hodge, Capt. Jno., 199
Hodgett, Bartley, 476
Hodgson, Mr., 375, 562
Hodson, " Count," 635
Holland, Capt, 216, 228,
229, 267
Holland, Capt, Benj. 169
Holland, Capt. Nehemiah,
79, 80, 205, 240
Holland, Samuel, 240
Holland, Viscount, 240
Holland, Walter, 240
Hollinshead, Lieut-Col. ,
389
INDEX TO NAMES.
695
Holden, Richd., 137, 141,
142
Holme, Peter, 160
Holme, Capt., 170
Holme & Co., 669
Holme, Bowyer, & Ken-
nion, 229, 669
Holt, Chief Justice, 553
Holt, Geo., 132
Holt \- Co., F., 663
Holt family, 132
Holt, James, 132
Hollywood, Capt., 317
Hood, Commodore, 395
Hooper, Joseph, 568
Hooton, Capt., 198
Hope, Capt., 480
Hope, Samuel, 132
Hopkins, Admiral, Ezek.,
191, 192
Horn & Sill, 24
Houghton, Capt. Seth,
155, 156, 219
Howard, Capt. G., 436,
438
Howard, John, 164
Howe, Lord, 327
Hoysted, Capt. Hacker,
199
Hue, Capt., 377
Hughes, Rev. Mr., 574
Hughes, John, 155
Hughes & Co., 669
Hughes & Tobins, 436,
442
Hulton & Co. , Jno. , 98
Hulton & Foxcroft, 662
Humphrey, Capt., 253
Hunter, Capt. Jas., 361
Hurst, Win., 82
Huskisson, Win., 356
Huston, Capt., 306
Hutchinson, Capt., 272,
310, 312
Hutchinson, Capt. Win.,
(see general index)
Hyatt, Capt., 255
Hymers, Capt. W., 418
I
Ingram k Co., Francis, 21,
' 25, 30, 31, 249, 668
Ingram, Francis, 19, 23,
26, 30, 178, 562
Ingram, Capt. Wm., 172
Irlam, Capt. Jno., 440
Jackson, Capt, 235, 266,
482, 483, 543, 545
Jackson, Joseph, 82
James & Co., Gabriel, 397,
557
James, Capt, 311, 359,
412
James, Capt. Josiah, 199
James, Wm., 557, 558
Jefferson, 193, 458, 459
Jenkins, Capt, 479
Jenkinson, Capt. , 480, 494
Johnson, Capt., 40, 102,
172, 565, 566
Johnson, Jas., 663
Johnston, Capt, 359
Jolly, Capt., 2 1 6, 217,257,
547
Jones, Capt , 202, 239,
313, 328, 332, 337,
347, 493
Jones, Henry, 35
Jones, Commodore J. Paul,
199, 223, 248, 262, 263
Jones, Capt. Reeves, 116
Jones, Thos., 541
Jordan, Capt., 295
Joynson, Capt. Moses, 392
K
Kaye, Jno., 663, 664
Keene, Capt, 413
Kelsall. Capt., 313
Kelsick, Capt., 364
Kelly, Capt., 152, 295,
313
Kelly, Thos., 488
Kendall, Capt., 233, 234,
331, 448, 668
Kennan, Capt., 438, 439,
440
Kennion & Co., 250, 669
Kennion, Jno. , 667
Kent, Mrs. Eliz., 240
Kent, Richd., 669
Kenyon, David, 171, 476
Kenyon, James, 318
Keppel, Admiral, 239
Kershaw, Nathan, 84
Kevish, Capt., 157
Kewley, Mr., 393
King Holiday, 650
King Pepple, 638, 657
Labbar, Capt., 549
Lace. Capt. Ambrose,
486, 542 to 550, 615
Lace, Joshua, 549, 615
Lace, Capt. William, 362,
614 615
Lady Bessie, 33
Lake & Brown, 401
Lamb, Chas. , 572
Langshaw, Ed., 151
Latham, Capt., 299
Lathom, Isabel of, 33
Laughton, Capt. Jno., 445,
446
Laughton Prof., 42, 43,
45, 48
Lawrence
Lawrence
Lawrence
56, 275, 276
Chas., 241
G. H., 241
W. F., 241
Lawson, Capt., 482 to
484, 603
Leavy, Capt., 393, 395
Lee, Capt., 218, 257, 616
Leece, Win., 559
Leece, Miss, 559
Leigh, Capt, 199, 278,
359
Leigh, Geo., 264
Leigh, James, 662, 664
Leigh, Thomas, 264
Leighs of Oughtrington.
148
Lethwayte, Capt. W., 156
Lewis, Capt, 395, 412,
420
Lewtas, Capt., 224, 254,
398
Leyland, Thos., 592, 599
to 608, 617, 620
Leyland & Co., Thos.,
600, 603 to 605, 607
Leyland, Clarke & Roscoe,
620
Lievsey, Capt, 491
Ligoe, M., 663
Linnecar, Capt., 492
l.iversley & Co., 668
Lloyd, Capt, 297
Lloyd, John, 568
Lok, John, 465
Lovell, Morson & Co., 550
Lowndes, Capt, 123, 494
Lowndes, Edward, 31, 82
Lowndes, Chas., 82, 488
Loy. Capt, 123
Lutwidge, Chas., 26g
Lyon, Capt., 219
Lyons, Mr. & Mrs., 165
696
INDEX TO NAMES.
M
M' Arthur, Capt., 266
M 'Bride, Capt., 284
Maccaffee, Capt., 64
McCallum, Capt., 355,
366
McCallum, Governor, 624,
625
Macartney, Capt. E., 278
M'Cullough, John, 124
M 'Daniel, Capt. A., 192
Macdonald, Capt., 591
Macdonalds of the Isles,
174
M'Dougall, Lieut., 404,
405
Mcdowall, Saml., 355,
67l
Macdowall, Mrs., 375, 376
M 'Gauley, Capt. , 334,
362
M'Gee, Capt. Jas., 254
M'Ghie, Capt., 331
McGill, Capt. Ed., 171
Macgregor, Mr., 94
M'llroy, Capt., 319
Maciver, Capt. John, 318,
3S5» 356, 671, 672
Maciver, Capt. David, 358
Maciver, Iver, 355, 671
Maciver, Peter, 355, 671
Maciver, D. & C., 356,
359
Maciver family and clan,
355 to 359
Maciver, Rev. William,
358
M'lver, M'Viccar, &
M'Corquodale, 403
Mackaffee, Commodore,
96, 97, 110, in, 113
Mackay, Capt. Jno., 128
McKee, Capt., 120, 122
M'Kennon, Mr., 375
Mackenzie, Capt., 365
M'Kown, Capt, 297
M 'Neal, Capt. Hector, 198
M'Quay, Capt, 336
M'Quie, Capt Peter, 350
to 354- 592, 593
M'Quie, P. R., 592
MacQuoid, Capt. Hugh,
122
MacRitchie, Rev. Wm.,
622, 623
Madison, President, 430,
431
Madclock, Capt, 205, 206,
216
Maginnis, Capt., 396
Maine, Jno,, 155
Maine, Capt, 261
Maisterton, Woolley, 151
Manesty, Joseph, 82, 149,
150,495,496,502,505,
506, 516, 518
Manly, Capt , 198
Mann, Horace, 43, 53, 60
to 62, 67, 136
Mansfield, Earl, 553, 554,
563
Marshall, Capt., 116
Martin, Capt, 366
Marryat, Capt, 276
Masheter, Capt., 409
Mason & Co., 668
Mason, Stanhope, no
Matthews, Mr., 88, 6ll,
663
May, Capt., 340
Mears, Thos., 82, 155
Mellamby, Capt., 317
Mends, Sir R., 656
Metcalf, Capt., 80, 83
Meyer, Wilckens & Co.,
068
Miles, Richd., 613
Miller, Capt, 57, 58, 362
Mills, Capt. J., 346
Mitton & Co., 246, 669
Mollineux, Capt., 309
Mollineux, A., 663
Molyneux. Capt., 294,
313, 366
Molyneux, Thomas, 600,
604, 605
Molyneux, Lord, 34
Montague, Admiral, 217
Montgomery, Jas., 658
More, Hannah, 520, 527
Moore, Capt., 216, 222,
263,285, 313
Moore, Col. John, 35
Morgan, Capt, 245, 311
Morgan, Capt, I.H., 364
Morris, Hugh, 377
Mortimer, M. le. Viscount,
277
Morton, Capt D., 531
Moss & Co., Thos., 668
"Mother Redcap," 323,
324
Mottley, Midshipman, 404
Mount, Capt, 332
Muddle, Capt., 444
Mullion, Capt, 360
Munro, Capt., 190
Murphy, Capt, 444
Murray, Capt., 368
N
Naylor, Capt., 200
Naylor, Thos., 617
Neale, Wm., 662
Needham, Capt, 341
Neild, Mr., 164
Neilson & Heathcote, 342,
392
Nelson, Capt , 257
Nelson, Lord, 311, 400,
401, 411
Nelson & Co., 667, 669
Newby & Co., 255, 667
Newby, Capt., 449
Newman, Capt Wingaze,
233
Newton, John (see general
index)
Nicholas, Richd., 82
Nicholson, Capt. , 273,
274, 316
Nicholson, Capt. Jas., 198
Nicholson, Capt. Thos.,
389, 390
Nicholson & Co., Jno., 82
Niven, Capt., 248
Noble, Capt, 560, 561,
585
Nobler, Capt., 481, 482
Norris, Robt, 575, 576,
611, 612, 613
North, Mr. Ford, 389
Nottingham, Alex., 562
Nottingham & Co., 251,
669
o
O'Brien, Capt., 336
Ogden, Samuel, 82
Ogden, Capt. , 294
Okill, John, 82
Okill&Co., John, 83,472
Olney, Capt. Joshua, 199
Onslow, Capt. Thos., 124,
494
Ormonde, Marquis of, 34,
35
Osborne, Admiral, 68
Pagan, Capt., 287
Page, Mr., 664
Paley, Dr., 567
Pardoe, Jas., 82
Parke, Mrs. Dorothy, 113
INDEX TO NAMES
697
Parke, Capt, 113, 159
Parke, John, 82, 114
Parke, James, 204
Parke, Harry, 165
Parke, Thos., no, 114
Parker, Admiral, 217
Parker, G., 169
Parker, Capt., 329
Parker, Jas., 475
Parkinson, Capt., 491
Parr, Edward, 82, 155
Parr, John, 155, 662
Parr, Thomas, 362
Parrey, Capt., 585
Parry, ]. &. H., 389
Part, Capt. W., 153
Patrick, Capt., 479
Patrick, Wm., 554
Pearce, Capt., 248
Peddar & Co., 24, 25
Peel, Sir R., 241
Pemberton, Capt. Geo. ,
337
Pennant, Capt., 318
Pennant, Madam, 664
Penny, James, 6n to 613
Penrhyn, Lord, 612
Perry, Capt., 238, 250,
285, 286
Perrin, Capt., 307
Pettigrew, Capt., 397, 398
Phillips. Capt., 368, 391
to 393, 416
Phillips, James, 568, 575
Phillips, Richard, 568
Phipps, Capt., 29
Picton, Sir Jas., 175, 176,
184, 566, 581, 619, 620
Pierce, Capt., 119, 300,
301
Pigot, Lieut., 264
Pince. Capt., 309. 338,
367, 422
Finder, Capt., 307
Pitt, Mr, 37, 60, 87, 303,
304, 612, 619
Plimsoll, Mr., 138
Pole, Major, 264
Pole, Wm. (Mayor), 238
Potter, Capt., 235, 285,
492
Powditch, Capt. Geo.,
425
Powell, Capt., 216, 224,
225
Prance, Capt., 315
Preble, Mr., 442
Preston, Capt., 282
Price, R. P., 213
Priestman, Capt., 216, 229
2Y
Prince of Campo Florida,
46
Prince William of Glouces-
ter, 93> 94
Pringle & Co., 234, 257,
669
Pritchard, Owen, 82
Puleston, Richd., 485
Purvis, Capt., 316
Q
Queen Elizabeth, 32, 465,
466
Queen Victoria, 461
Quickly, Mistress, 323
Quirk, Capt., 159
R
Radcliffe & Co., 234, 668
Ralph, Capt., T., 554
Raphel Capt., 313, 329
Ralcliffe, Thos., 557
Rathbone, Wm., 570, 575,
579, 58o
Rathbone family, 570, 580
Rathbone, Joseph, 663
Rawlinson, Chorley, &
Grierson, 228,250,254,
257, 263, 668, 669
Rawlinson, M.P., Henry,
287
Rawson, Capt., 278
Redcap, Mother, 323, 324
Reed. Capt., 198, 244
396, 398
Reid, Capt., 246
Reid, Wm., 155
Resche, Mr. H. Le, 422
Reynolds, Capt., 299
Rice, Wm., 605
Roberts & Co., 230, 669
Robertson, Capt., 339
Robinson, Capt., 79, 105,
257, 3l6
Robinson, Capt. Isaiah,
199
Robinson Capt. James, 199
Robinson, Lieut., 330
Richardson, Capt., 193
Richmond, Capt., 101
<igby, Capt., 313, 315
\igby & Sons, Peter, 663
ligby&Sons, Edmund, 87
•iigby, Phebe, 274, 275
•vimmer, (Japt. , 122
Rigmaiden Capt., 235
Rockliffe, Capt., 348
Rodney, Lord, 293
Rogers, Capt., 225, 360,
36l
Rogers, Capt. Wm., 409
to 412
Roper, Capt, 312
Roper, Mr., 150
Roscoe, Wm. (see general
index)
Ross, Capt. John, 127
Ross, Capt. Geo., 200
Roughsedge, Edward, 82
Rowe, Wm., 488
Rumbold, Thos. ,155, 562
Rumbold, & Co. , 488
Rupert, Prince, 34
Rushton, Edward, 297,
57i, 575
Russel, Admiral, 656
Rutland, Duke of, 265
Ryan, T., 663
Ryder, Capt., 285
Sadler, Mr., 17
Salisbury, Capt., 123
Salisbury & Co. , 246, 668
Saltonstall, Capt. Dudley.
198
Sansom, Philip, 568
Saunders, Admiral, ill
Savage, Richard, 82, 92,
155, 562
Saville, Sir Geo., 265
Scallon, James, 329, 330
Scarborough, Lord, 172
Scott, Alex., 152
Scott, Capt-, 107
Scott, Thos., 498
Scott, Pringle & Scott,
24, 25
Seddon, Capt., 260, 261
Seddon. John, 82
Seel, Thos., 82
Sefton, Capt., 152
Sellers, Capt., 387
Settle, Capt. Jas., 162
Seyers, T., 664
Shaler, Capt., 440
Shannon, David, 663
Sharp, Capt., 39, 543.
544, 547, 548
Sharp, Granville, 553, 567
Shaw, Sam., 82
Shaw, Thos., 82
Shaw& Co., S., 668
Sheffield, Capt. J., 197
698
INDEX TO NAMES.
Sherrat, Capt., R., 390
Sherwood, Capt., 280
Shepley, Mr., 393
Shipley, Williams & Co.,
402
Shimmins, Capt. Ratcliff,
349
Siddal, Lieut., 102
Sill, Edmund, 476
Simmons, Capt., 529
Simmons, John, 558
Simpson, David. 173
Sinclair, Capt. John, 441
Skinner, Capt. Joseph 440
Slater & Co., 238, 668
Slater, Gill, 562, 663, 668
Slazer, Capt., 157
Slinger, J. & R., 669
Smale, Capt., 280
Smeaton, Mr., 142, 144
Smerdon, Capt., 344, 366
Smith, Adam, 567
Smith, Egerton, 19, 663
Smith, Capt., 122, 219,
329, 331, 363, 448
Smith, James, 264
Solomon, Dr., 109
Somerset, the negro, 553,
554, 567
Souter, Capt., 347
Sparling & Co., 668
Sparling. John, 93, 210,
562, 663, 668, 669
Spear, Capt. Joseph, 644
Spears, Capt., 152
Speers, Capt, Alex., 369
Speers, Capt. Gersham,
63,89
Speke Hall, 296
Spellin, Capt., 314
Spence, Capt., 421, 422
Spencer, Col., 172
Spencer, Lawrence, 82
Staniforth, Sam., 82, 83
Staniforth, Thos., 83, 84,
146. 562, 617, 662
Staniforth & Sons, T., 83
Stanleys of Knowsley, 163
Stanley, Sir John, 33
Stanley, Sir Thos., 32
Stanley, Lord, 33
Stanley, Hon. Major, 264
Stanton, Capt., 215
Stanton, John, 88, 155, 664
Starkey, John, 305
Statham, Mr., 609
Stevenson, Capt., 564, 565
Stewart, Capt., 441
Stringfellow, Miss, 335
Stronge, John, 155
Stronge, Matthew, 155
Stuart, Mr., 554
Sturrock, Capt. Jas., 378
Sulgar, Hy., 536
Sullivan, Capt., 245
Sullivan, General, 221
Syers, Capt., 476, 563
Syers & Co.. 247, 669
Tate, Capt., 349
Tate, Mr., 275
Tatem, Consul, 60
Talhot, Lord, 553
Tarleton, Capt. Jno. , 172
Tarleton, Clayton, 613
Tarleton, John, 82, 155,
611. 617
Tarleton & Co., Jno., 103,
668
Tarleton, General, 264,
280, 281
Tarleton & Rigg, 349
Taubman, Capt., 564
Taylor, Capt., 252, 277,
331.435, 436
Taylor & Kerr, 606
Tearsheet, Doll, 323
Teed, Capt., 417
Terry, S., 17
Thiballier, M., 3^7
Thomas, Capt. Joseph, 125
Thomson, Capt., 261
Thompson, Capt., 83, 157,
158,198,254,284,307,
3°9, 343, 344, 364, 374
Thurot, Mons., 86, 104,
134, 141, 171 to 175,
223
Tobin, Capt., 307, 360, 650
Tobin, Sir John, 152
Toole, Capt., 448, 651
Topping, Capt., 342, 343
Townshend, Capt., 247
Townshend, Col., 99
Townsend, Capt., 267, 268
Trader, Capt. Thos., 530
Trafford, Edward, 82, 148
Traflbrd & Sons, Ed., 148
Trafford & Bird, 135
Trafford, Mr., 131
Trafford, Wm., 148, 155
Trafford. Rich., 148
Trafford, Henry, 148
Tristram, Capt., 472
Tue, Capt., 215
Twemlow, Thos., 355, 671
Tyrer, Robert, 367, 662
u
Urria, Joaquin Perez de
603
V
Valens, Mr., 105
Venables, Capt. Richd. ,
126
Vickers, Lieut., 295
Villeneuve, Admiral, 403
w
Wade, Capt., 270
Wagner, B. P., 252
Wagner & Co., 252, 668
Wakefield, Rev. Gilbert,
20, 177, 283, 284
Walker, Capt., 268, 278,
279, 289, 333
Walker, Edward, 97, 98
Walker, Richd., 296, 354
Walker, Mr., 271, 272
Walpole, Horace, 43, 62
Wall, Lieut., 333
Wallace, Wm., 570
Wallace, Sir Jas. , 245
Walls, Capt. Jno., 349
Ward, Capt., 123, 134,
140, 174, 315
Wardlaw, Capt, 218
Wardley, Capt, 201
Warren & Co., 243, 668,
669
Warren, Capt, 334
Warner, Capt, Elisha, 199
Washington, Capt, 149,
217'
Watkins, Capt, 207, 219
\Vatmough, Capt, 246
Watson, Capt., 107 — 109,
384
Walt, Miss Adelaide, 296
Watt, Richard, 150. 296
Watt, Capt. C.. 604, 605
Watt * Gregson, 571
WTatt & Walker, 296
Watts & Rawson, 254, 669
Watts. Capt, 265, 374
Webb, Capt, 268
Webster, Capt, 294
Weeks, Capt. Lambert
193, 199
Welch, Geo., 605
Welch, Jno., 155
Wellesley, Hon. H., 629
INDEX TO NAMES.
699
Welsh, Jas., 605
Wesley, John, 520, 527,
567
Whalley & Co., Win., So
Wharton, A., 605
Wheelwright, Capt. Tim.,
491
Whipple, Capt. Abram,
199
Whitaker& Co., 668. 669
White, Capt., 200, 367
White, John, 155, 402
White, Capt. Thos., 218
Whiteside, Capt. Jno., 242,
243
Whitney, Capt. J. C.,
34i
Whitney, Capt. S. A., 380
—3^3
Whittle, Capt., 592, 599
Whytell, Capt. C. L., 257,
258, 277
Wilberforce, 521, 527, 581,
611, 612, 613, 618, 619
Wilcox, Capt., 266
Wilding, Richd., 30
Wilson, Capt., 189, 235,
262,282,336,338,402,
448
Wilson, Capt. Josiah. 153
\Vilson, Capt. Wm., 204,
205. 280
Wilson, Savil, 97, 98
Williams, Capt., 259, 314,
341, 363, 368, 549
Williams, Lt.-Col., 389
Williamson, Wm., 155
Williamson, Robert, 16,
17, 18, 95, 97, 155,
474, 475
Wignall, Capt., 209, 219,
268
Windham, Thos., 465
Winn, Capt. Isaac, n6to
118
Wise, Capt., 197
Wiseman, Capt., 213, 214,
215, 333
Wood & Nicholas, 487
Wood, H. & J., 604
Woods, Capt., 250, 255,
256, 332
Woods, Joseph, 568
Woodhouse, Mr., 311
Woodville, Capt., 200
Woodward, Saml., 155
Worrall, Geo., 662
Wotherspoon, Capt., 207
Worthington, Capt., 306
Wrigglesworth, Capt., 316
Wright, Capt, 285, 341,
360
Wright, Capt. Fortunatus
(see general index)
Wright, FortunatusEvelyn,
.43
Wright, John Ellworthy
Fortunatus. 43
Wright, Sydney Evelyn, 43
Wright, Capt. John. 43
Wright, Capt. Reuben,
631
Wright, W. N., 617
Wyatt, Capt., 482, 483
Yates, Capt., 555
Yates, John, 570
Yates, Joseph, 663
Yates, Thos., 475, 558
Young Capt , 193, 199,
331
Younghusband, Capt., 199
Zuill & Co., J., 235, 255,
669
(SEE ALSO LISTS OF NAMES IN THE APPENDIX.)
INDEX TO SUBJECTS.
Abolition Society, 522, 568, 570, 574 ;
Movement, 566, 567 to 581 ; Bill,
614, 616, 618, 619, 620, ; Effects in
Liverpool, 620, 621 ; Captain Crow
on abolition, 649, 651, 655, 656 ;
King Holiday on ditto, 650 ; Aboli-
tionists in danger, 577 to 579
Account Sales of Negroes, 530, 606
Acts of Parliament, TV? American Captures,
207, 208 ; Armed merchantmen,
340 ; Greenland fishery and im-
pressment, 84 ; Slave Trade, 466,
468, 469, 470 ; 473, 553, 554, 608,
616, 619, 620, 625
Actions at Law, 170, 287, 413 to 416,
554, 563, 564
Admiralty, Droit of, 203 ; Courts and
prizes, 46, 48, 207, 208, 260, 670 to
673 ; Suits, 286, 287
Advertisements, Curious Privateering,
18, 104, no, 119, 134, 160, 161, 169,
279 ; Slave Trade, 474 to 479, 554
Africa, Future of, 528, 624, 625
African Company, 469, 473 ; List of
members (in 1752), 674 ; (in 1806),
679 ; List of ships trading to Africa,
names of owners and commanders,
and number of slaves carried (in
1752), 675 to 677 ; Ditto (in 1798-
99) 68 1 to 685; Number of African
ships cleared (1709 to 1807), 678 ;
Number of slaves imported by 10
leading houses (1783-93), 679;
Comparative number of African
ships cleared out of London, Liver-
pool, and Bristol (1795 to 1804), 680;
African trade of Liverpool, 465 to
658 ; Slave trade at a stand, 181,
555 ; In full prosperity, 495 ; African
Princes sold as slaves, 372, 373 ;
African Freemen's meeting, 562 ;
Man-stealers, 582, 583, 584 ; King's
palace and stockade 616 (also illus-
tration) ; "Blackbirds," 525 ; Chiefs
kidnapped, 541, 542, 544, 545 ;
Kings and chiefs, their correspon-
dence, habits, orders, &c. , 481, 533
536 to 553, 633, 638, 650, 657;
Their debts, 539, 540, 541 ; Early
explorer, 615 ; African merchants'
houses attacked by sailors, 557 to
560
Aikin, Dr., on privateering, 184
" Aim at the Goose," 556
Alarm in Liverpool, 194, 195, 557 to
559, 621 ; In the common council,
609 ; Gun signals, 421
Alarming dispatch, 288
America, Distress in, 236
American independence declared, 180;
Privateers fitted out, 181 ; Privateers
of the First War, 1 79 to 302 ; Lesson
of the First War, 179, 180 ; Ransom-
ing of vessels, 152 ; Commission,
Copy of, 191, 192; List of naval
force and commanders, 198, 199 ;
Boldness and activity of American
privateers, 181, 198, 200, 555 ; In
the Channel, 107, 198, 207, 209,
210, 223, 433, 450, 451 ; Privateers
with forged commissions, 300 ; Under
French colours, 311, 315,; Encour-
aged by the French, 201 ; Tobacco
ships, 272, Refugee in Liverpool,
281 ; View of privateering, 193, 455
to 459 ; Alleged cruelty and bar-
barity, 201, 202, 210, 447 ; Cowards,
349 ; Prize money, 182 ; Prize
bounty, 440 ; Privateer captured,
219 ; Seamen tempted by British
Government, 202 ; A generous skip-
per, 331 ; Seamen rewarded, 203,
204 ; Seamen and the press gang,
423 ; Plantations, 472 ; Vessels cap-
tured, 170, r8i, 202 to 207, 431 ;
Vessels seized, 406, 430; Prisoners in
Liverpool, 219; Embargo on ship-
ping, 407 ; Second American war, 430
to 462 ; System of destroying ships,
450 ; Funeral of American hero in
England, 446 to 448 ; Address to the
Throne complaining of depredations
by American privateers, 450 to 452 ;
Audacity of American privateersmen
in Ireland, 441 ; Success of the True
Blooded Yankee, 442 ; of the Yankee,
INDEX TO SUBJECTS.
701
448 ; of the Mammoth, 449 ; Brig
captured by negroes, 593 ; American
and British Shipping compared, 460,
461 ; American Navy, 431. 432
American Privateers and Cruisers —
Alfred, 192, 436, 438 ; Alliance, 248;
Argus, 446, 447 ; Blinker Hill, 442 ;
Cabot, 190 ; Enterprise, 193 ; Fair
American, 245 ; Fox, 441 ; General
Armstrong, 440, 445, 446 ; General
Arnold, 244, 245, 254 ; General
Mifflin, 107, 209, 210 ; General
Moutrey, 245 ; General Sullivan,
215, 252 ; Governor Tomkins, 440 ;
Holker, 297; Independence, 193, 198;
Lexington, 199, 201 ; Macedonian,
441, 447, 453! Mammoth, 449;
Pallas, 253 ; Perry, 452 ; President,
452 ; Pilgrim, 248 ; Portsmouth,
441 ; Ranger, 223 ; Revenge, 197 ;
Shadow, 435, 436; Sprye, 115 ;
-S«a/ Dragon, 442; Tartar, 206;
Thomas, 441 ; Trwe Blooded Yankee,
441, 442 ; Trumbull, 198, 273, 274 ;
Tyrannicide, 196 ; Vengeance, 233 ;
Yankee, 448.
(See also list at 198, 199.)
Americans, Feeling in England towards
the, 297 to 299 ; Killed by Lt.-Col.
Tarleton, 281 ; Drubbed by Liver-
pool men, 215. 563
Amissa redeemed from slavery, 563,
564
Ammunition. 2, 88, 104, 209, 373
Amusing Incidents: — A terrible English-
man, 44 ; The Charge of the Blues,
94, 95 ; The privateersman and the
baby, 186-187; "A wee Coggie,"
283 ; A race for life, 322, 323 ;
The high-blooded Yankee, 452, 453 ;
The saline Bucephalus, 556 ; " Two
mouth tacken," 628: " Va — t en,
Coquin," 630; "Poor boy! you
can't havey King," 638 ; The fight
for the trumpet, 647 ; " Me have too
much wife," 650.
Amusing correspondence of Grandy
King George, 543 to 547-
" Angel Gabriel" in Liverpool, 557
Ancient Britons, Society of, and priva-
teering, 116
Animal sagacity and affection, 654
" An Old Stager " on privateersmen and
press-gangs, 4, 5, 6, 319 ; on Patrick
Black and his megatherium wig, 543,
544
Antelope, man-of-war, fires into the
Liverpool, 131
Argyll, House of, 357
Armada, Liverpool and the, 33, 34
Armament of Liverpool Privateers and
Letters of Marque, 2, 183, 279, 667
to 669
Armed merchantmen (1760), Typical, 171
Armenian, Strange adventures of an, 70
to 78
Assiento Company, 466 to 468
Atheist, Awful death of an, 513,
514; Character of an, by himself,
519
Auction Sales, 133, 171, 473 to 479,591,
592, 605, 648, 655
Aurora prize money, 203, 204
B
Baines, Ed., Correction of, 472
Bairn of Gilead, 109
Bath coffee-house. 128
Battle between the Ellen and the Santa
Anna, 275, 276
Batteries, 223, 262, 281, 389
Beaumaris privateer, A, 115, 116
Beautiful end of the "Old African
Blasphemer," 524 to 526
" Best contested battle," 272 to 275
Bible and slavery, 572 to 575
Bidston lighthouse, 141
Bill of lading for slaves, 531
Black servants in Liverpool, 554 ; Black
slaves in England, 474 to 479 ; Black
privateersmen, 196, 396, 397 ; Black
woman's cruelty to John Newton,
499, 5°°
Blackwood, Hon. Capt. action against,
413 10416
Blockade of Dublin, 35 ; of Liverpool,
86. 1 54 ; of Continental ports, 406 ;
blockade running, 204
Bloody engagements, 52, 125, 315, 330,
333, 373 to 375, 379, 380, 391 to 393,
408 to 411 ; Hoisting the bloody flag,
340, 349, 350, 352, 369, 375, 395.
443; In the streets of Liverpool, 556
Bloom slave-ship, profits of, 605 to 607
Blind poet and slavery, 571
Blue Coat Hospital, 144, 154, 426, 484
Boatmen of the Mersey, patriotic, 389
" Bootle Organs," 621
" Born a beggar — die a lord," 485
Boswell on slavery, 609
Botanic Gardens, 615
Bounty, 634, 637
Branding the slaves, &c., 531, 532, 584
Brandy, 130, 224, 225, 229, 234, 249,
267, 279, 309, 316
Brave defence of the Queen, 440 ; Brave
boys, 265, 268, 392 ; Brave women,
375, 376) 559 (see also passengers)
702
INDEX TO SUBJECTS.
Brilliant action, 385 ; Stratagem, 50, 5 1,55
British influence in the Mediterranean,
41, 49, 50, 53, 62, 67, 68; Power
and reputation of Great Britain, 154 ;
British privateers (in 1745) 49 5
British gains and losses, 115 ; British
merchant-men (in 1793) 316 ; British
tonnage, 303 ; British ships captured
by the Americans, 431, 450 to 452 ;
British indignation at American suc-
cesses, 450 to 452 ; British cruisers,
207, 216, 223, 224, 269, 290, 291,
295 1 311. 32°. 338 388; British
cruisers at fault, 433, 441. 449 to 452;
British maritime rights, 457, 458 ;
British and American snipping com-
pared, 460, 461 ; British naval
strength, 432, 459 to 462 ; British
Admiralty censured, 450 ; British
commerce, damage to, 290, 291
Bristol Corporation and the war. 292 ;
Bristol ousted from its position by
Liverpool, 495 ; Bristol privateers,
133, 258, 259, 286, 309 ; Bristol slave-
ships, 307, 481, 494, 495, 618 ;
Terrible slaughter by them, 536 to
538 ; Bristol slave trade, 466, 467,
469, 473 ; Comparative statement of
Guineamen cleared out of Bristol,
Liverpool, and London (1795 to 1804)
680 ; Bristol slave captains and
African king, 543, 544 ; curious reply
to a Bristol slave-merchant, 541 ;
Clerk of the merchants' hall, 469
"Brooks" the slave ship, 560, 56 1,585, 586
Bromfield's black, My lady. 477
Bronte estate, 311
Biown's estimate, 115 ; Library, 240,
241 ; William Brown's slave trading,
604
Cabess, 551* 553
Campania, 461
Cannonading in Castle Street, 556
Captains (see Slave-Captains and Priva-
teer Commanders)
Carnatic, East Indiaman, captured, 239,
241
Carnatic-hall, history of, 240, 241, 310
Carolina ships, 114
Carronades, 276, 395, 398, 408, 639
Cartel ships, 268, 428, 565
Cartridges, 1 6, 267, 268; "The last
two," 345
Catastrophes, terrible, loss of the Peli-
can, 304, 305 ; Explosion on the
Joseph, 315 ; Mutiny of slaves on the
Thomas, 592, 593 ; Sinking of the
Ogden, 472 ; Cutting oft of the Per-
fect, 492 ; Blowing up of the Ogden,
484 ; of the Othello, 631, 634
Catching a tartar, 337, 338
Charities, 153, 154, 265, 268, 274, 275
301, 664
Charleston, price of negroes at, 529
Chasing a press-gang man into the dock,
323> 324
Cheshire wreckers, 232, 233
Chester Privateer, a, 32 ; Slave-ship, 482
to 484
Children and Privateering, 186, 188,
189
Childwall Grammar School, 154 ; John
Newton at Childwall Church, 517
Christians burned, 565
Cigars first introduced into Liverpool,
278
Civil War, the, 34
Clan Iver, history of the. 355 to 359
Clarkson, Rev. Thomas, 177, 521 ; On
irons and torture instruments, 532>
533 ; Details of massacre supplied to
him, 536 ; Joins the Abolition Society,
568 ; His map of pioneers, 571 ; His
visit to Liverpool, 575 ; Denounces
the Captain of the Edgar, 576 ;
Experiences at the ' ' King's Arms, "
577 ; Attempt upon his life, 578 ; His
panegyric on William Rathbone, 579 >
His labours, 580.
Clarence, Duke of (William IV.), his
defence of the slave-traffic, 613, 618
" Clothed with Scarlet," 479
Coalition against Great Britain, 264
Cobbler's Close, 311
Cocoa, 123, 218, 232, 243, 247 to 249,
251, 253, 285, 293, 398, 401, 414
Cod smacks, 140, 141, 174, 175
Coffee, 39, 89, 92, 97, 103, 121 to 123,
128, 217, 218, 224, 227, 231 to 236,
238, 243, 244, 246 to 253, 285, 286
293, 305, 307, 342, 487
Columbus, bones of, 336
Combined fleets, 288, 399
Commerce of Europe, 388 ; Damage to
British commerce, 290, 291 ; Com-
merce a lottery, 429 ; Commerce of
Liverpool, 40, 620, 622 ; Commerce
. with France and America renewed,
454-
Company of Royal Adventurers of Eng-
land to Africa, 466 ; Royal African
Assiento Company, 466 ; Company
of Merchants trading to Africa from
Liverpool, 674, 679
Confederate Government and Letters of
Marque, 459
Contraband trade, 468
" Conquer or die," 413
Conversion of John Newton, 503, 505
Convicts, ship captured by. 85, 86
INDEX TO SUBJECTS.
703
Convoy duty and regulations, 50, 52, 116
to 118, 189, 200, 230, 287, 291, 364,
366, 374, 378, 451, 489, 490, 637
Coomey, 543 to 547
Corporation of Liverpool, subsidy to the
live fish scheme, 141 ; Compliment to
the "Practical Seaman," 143; Bounty
to naval volunteers, 189, 236, 237,
256; Loyal address, 181, 256 ; Pur-
chase of Tower gaol, 164 ; John the
Painter scare, 194, 195 ; Sale of the
manor of Garston, 240 : Defences of
the town, 172, 173, 262, 264, 265 ;
regiments raised, 389 ; Petition for
leave to sell East India prize cargoes,
391 j Corporation and the slave trade,
184; Gratuity to Rev. R. Harris, 573;
petitions against abolition, 609, 611
to 613. 617; Rewards for the cham-
pions of the slave traffic, 609 to 618 ;
Prayer for compensation, 619.
Cost of Commissions or Letters of Marque,
19; Cost of privateer outfit, 661 to
664 : Cost of slave-ship outfits and
cargoes, 600, 603 to 607 ; Prime cost
of negroes on the Coast, 539, 547,
548, 551, 597, 680; Cost of the war
with France, 304 ; Cost of a deck-
house for slaves, 634.
Cotton, 58, 89, 100, in, 121, 217, 224,
231 10236, 243, 244, 246, 247, 251
u> 253, 285, 286, 293, 305, 307, 342,
487 ; Price of, 432, 433
Cowries, 539, 551 to 553
" Cross Keys " Inn, 622
CROW, CAPTAIN HUGH, 319, 367 ; His
character, Early life, 626 ; Thrown
into prison, Sails to Jamaica, Cheers
the crew with songs, 627 ; Early pre-
judice against the slave trade, " Massa
Crow, something bite me too much,"
628 ; Becomes mate of a slave-ship
and is captured by the Erench ; Suf-
ferings in a Erench prison, 629 ;
Makeshis escape, Stopped by soldiers,
A volley of Manx, 630 ; Arrival in
Liverpool, The Othello blown up,
Romantic episode on board the Anne,
631 ; Action with a French privateer,
632 ; Voyage of the James, Slaver
plundered by natives, Desperate
defence by Crow, 633 ; Visits Kings
Peppleand Holiday, A great sacrifice.
633 ; Appointed commander of the
Will,, Voyage to Bonny for slaves,
634 ; " Crow, mind your eye," 635 ;
A brush with the French, Slaving at
Bonny, 635 ; Severe engagement
with a French privateer on the middle
passage Scene with black women,
636 ; Seamen impressed, Arrival in
Liverpool, 637 ; Another voyage to
Africa, A pennant for the Will, Sav-
ing the crew of the Hector, 637 ; An
ungrateful Swede, 638 ; Rewarded by
the underwriters and merchants, Ap-
pointed commander of the Ceres,
Voyage to Bonny, Ludicrous scene
with King Pepple, 638 ; Commands
the Mary, Negro shooting competi-
tion, 639 ; Preparing for the enemy,
A deadly contrivance. 640 ; Speech
to the crew, 641 ; Desperate night
engagement between the Alary and
two strange cruisers, 642 ; Crow's
Viking spirit, His phrenzy at discover-
ing that he had been fighting two
British men of war, 643 ; Certificate
of valour, Touching conduct of the
slaves, 644 ; Arrival at Jamaica, Crow
interviewed by the blacks, 645 ; Their
song in his honour. 646 ; The cap-
tain's monkey attempts to take the
command, 647 ; Fight for the trum-
pet, " Fine Bone " sent to the auction
room, 648 ; The Mary arrives in
Liverpool "a day after the fair,"
649 ; Crow's opinion of the abolition,
649 ; Takes command of the last
slaver cleared out of Liverpool, 649 ;
Complimented by the underwriters,
650 ; Arrival at Bonny, Curious
palaver with King Holiday, 650 ;
Rotten goods and fever, Terrible
storms, ALirming mortality, Horrors
of the middle passage, 651 ; Ship on
fire. Heroic behaviour of Captain
('row, 652 ; Gratitude of the slaves,
653 ; The captain and the sick
monkey, Arrival at Kingston, A long
death roll, The market glutted, 654 ;
A good puff, Result of the voyage,
The captain congratulated by his black
friends, Ne«ro humour, 655 ; Crow
retires to the Isle of Man, declines a
seat in the Keys, Sad end of his gal-
lant son, 656 ; Crow returns to Liver-
pool, African veterans and their
habits, Memoir writing at Preston,
His patriotism and death, 657
Cruise of the dredgers. 624
Cunard Line, 359
Customs Revenue, 187, 301 ; Custom
house, 158, 187, 474, 608
D
Dahomey, King of, Customs paid to him,
550 to 553 ; Sells his subjects into
slavery, 576
704
INDEX TO SUBJECTS.
Danish ships seized, 86
Declaration of Paris, 455
Decoy-women, African, 582, 583
Decrees. Berlin and Milan, 406
Defenceless vessels, 157,218
Derrick, .Samuel, his visit to Liverpool,
171
Depredations of American Privateers,
sensation caused by the, 433, 440,
44i, 449, 45°, 45 *
Desperate action between the Dick
Guineaman and a French privateer,
379, 38o
Desperate night battle between the Mary
Guineaman and two British men-of-
war, 642, 643, 644
Descriptions of runaway slaves, 476, 477,
554; Of runaway privateersmen, 160,
161 ; Of slaves for sale, 474, 475, 476,
478, 479
De Wolf, James, success of his Yankee
privateer, 448
Diamonds, discovery of prize, 239
Divine Worship on board slave-ships and
privateers, 147, 507, 509, 512
Docks, 93, 146, 185, 188, 194, 195, 281,
389 407, 556, 609, 610, 621, 622;
Dock estate, magnitude of, 622 to
624 ; Dock masters, 42, 43, 135, 146;
Dock trustees and the slave trade, 619
Doctors' head money, etc. (see surgeons)
Dollars, 193, 238, 253, 289, 301, 318,
389, 401, 414, 448, 607
Drawn battle between the Watt and the
Trumbull, 272 to 274
Dress, of old merchants, 93. 543. 544 5
Of volunteers, 172; Of African King,
545, 546 ; Of privateersmen, 160,
161 ; Of Captain Crow's monkey,
648 ; Of slaves, 554, 565, 628, 639,
645
Drunken actors taunt, 594 ; Drunken
king's, 638
Dublin blockaded by Liverpool cruisers,
35
Ducking a woman, 194
Durand Felix, romantic adventure of,
427
Durbar at Lagos, 624, 625
Dutch contraband trading, 103, 104 ;
Fleet captured, 342
Earthenware trade, 38
East India Company's ships, 138, 147,
339 ; East India prize goods, diffi-
culty about, 391
Edgar, slave-ship and the massacre at
Old Calabar, 536 to 538
Editorial hint, strange, 246
Electioneering and slave trading, 612,
613, 618, 619
Ellenborough, Lord, and impressment,
415, 4i6
Elopement, romantic, 76
Embargo on shipping, 256, 304, 399,
407
Rinilie St. Pierre, 204, 205
England's enemies outwitted, 5°, 51
Escapes, from the Tower prison, 162,
165, 427 ; From French prisons, 148,
149, 312, 329 to 331, 404, 405, 493,
629, 630, 656
Exchange attacked by rioters, 556
Execution of Louis XVi. — mourning in
Liverpool, 304
Exeter privateer, an, 234, 235
Explosions, terrible, 258, 259, 416, 448,
491
Exports; 172, 622
Everton Beacon, 127, 173
Factor captured, 318; Factors' Commis-
sions, &c., 470, 591, 596, 597, 605,
606 ; Factories on the Slave Coast,
469
Fame, Privatee-", 45, 46, 48 to 50
Fight in the river Mersey, 157 ; in the
Custom House, 157
First Slaver out of Liverpool, 469
Fishing Industry, 133, 134, 140, 141,
157, 158
Fitzroy, Lady Anne, her imprisonment,
330, 629
" For the Honour of Liverpool," 339
Fortifying the Quarter-deck, 12, 13
Fortune, slave-ship, profits of, 604, 607
A Fortunes made in the slave trade, 485,
594 to 608
Foundering of the King George, 63
Flour, 130, 249, 267, 316
Fleets arrive safe, 230
Florentine hatred of England, 53, 54, 56,
60
France declares war, 37
Franklin (Dr.) on privateering, 193, 456,
457
Freedom of the African Company, 469 ;
Of Liverpool, 164, 611, 618
Freemasonry at sea, 340
Free black, damages for selling a, 563
French ships fitted out to take Fortunatus
Wright, 59 ; Orders to burn him, 59 ;
Great rewards for his capture, 51 to
53 ; French privateers in the Medi-
terranean, 41, 50, 52 to 54, 58 to 60,
INDEX TO SUBJECTS.
705
62, 67, 69, 75 to 77 ; French priva-
teers blockading Liverpool, 86, 154 ;
Their number and superiority, 87, 88 ;
Their alarming successes, they swarm
in every sea, 114. 156, 312; Depre-
dations in the Channel, 278, 290, 291,
421 ; French property in Dutch bot-
toms, 152 ; French privateers captured
by the Liverpool, 133 ; French gains
and losses, 114, 115, 230, 297, 316;
Threat of invasion, 288 ; Revolution,
303, 304 ; Cruisers, 328, 639, 641 ;
East Indiamen captured, 230, 235,
239, 289, 314, 387 ; French humanity
and politeness, 139, 152, 153. 156,
311, 380, 385, 428, 429 ; Commerce
destroyed, 315, 316 ; Defeats, 327 ;
French slave-ships captured, 90, 229,
237, 307, 313, 314, 31 7 ; Capture of
French West Indian Colonies, 618 ;
Depredations of the French squadron
on the coast of Africa, 332, 333, 346
to 348, 482 to 484 ; French prisons,
Horrors of, 30, 162, 166 to 169, 425,
426, 629, 630, 641, 657 ; French
prisoners of war in Liverpool, 162 to
165, 173, 283, 284, 426, 427 ; Ex-
penses on ditto, 664 ; Their skill,
426 ; Astonishing voracity of a French
prisoner, 427 ; Romantic adventure
of a prisoner, 427 ; Ruse of a French
privateer, 378 ; Monsieur Renaud's
squadron destroyed by Liverpool
ships, 346 to 348 ; French merchants
ruined, 250 ; Dunkirk privateers, 114,
261, 265 ; Martinique, 201 : French
privateer blown up, 337 ; Dastardly
French action, 484
Frenchmen, Enraged, 69, 124; Inhuman
Frenchmen, 318
French Privateers and Cruisers, &c : —
LAgricole, 328 ; L? Ambuscade, 311 ;
L? Amelie, 428 ; L? Aventure, 343 ;
Black Prince, 261, 265 ; Black Prin-
cess, 278 ; Bristol, 99 ; Bucentaure,
400, 403 ; Bougainville, 309 ; Le
Cupidon, 425 ; Convention, 348 ;
Count de Guichen, 290 ; Curieuse,
381 ; Countess de Maurepas, 291 ;
Diligente, 425 ; Etourdie, 270 ; Fri-
pon, 285 ; Ferret, 360 ; Fortune, 490 ;
La Gironde, 384 ; Le Grand Decide,
379, 380, 391; Gronyard, 119; Le
Guerrier, 316 ; General Augereau,
392 ; General Erneuf, 393, 395 ;
Hirondelle, 60, 70 ; Le 'Jeune Richard,
409, 411 ; Jupiter, 152, 153 ; Lange-
sant, 219 ; Languedoc, 220 ; Levia-
than, 482, 483 ; Magician, 270 ;
Mauchault, 122, 150; Marshal Belle-
2Z
isle, 104, 134, 174, 175 ; Marqttis de
Jarvis, 493 ; Le Mars, 289, 343, 384,
493 ; Minerva, 222 ; La Modeste, 243,
339; Morgan Rattler, 341 ; Montague,
330; Monsieur, 252, 26$; Mutiny,
1 19 ; Paulina, 248 ; La Parkin, 306;
Poursuivant, 384, 385 ;• President
Parker, 367 ; Sans Culottes, 318,
328; St. Michael, 482, 483; St.
Louis, 149 ; Semillante,y.^\ Terror
of England, 295 ; Vengeance, 246,
412 ; Zenily, 363
Funeral of a captain, Curious, 153 ; Of
an American commander, 447 ; Of
husbind and wife, 165
Furniture and clothes for Grandy King
George, 545, 546
Gallant defence of the William Heath-
cote, 391 to 393
Gallant fights, 149, 196, 245, 271, 288,
289, 310, 334, 335, 338, 343 to 346,
354, 366, 368, 369, 373, 384, 385,
394; 419, 421, 434, 437," 439, 443,
445
Gallantry of slaves, 560, 561, 564, 565
" General Gage," 558
Gallinas, 551, 553
Gaol in Great Howard St., 426
Garston, Manor of, 240
Generous privateer owners, 19, 401
Gibraltar relieved, 297, 298
Ginger, 100, 129, 251, 293, 487
Glasgow's protest against Admiralty
neglect, 450 to 452
Gold dust, 172, 314, 448, 494
Gold and silver, 39, 97, 122, 258, 485
Golden Fleece, The, 113
Golden Lion, Shareholders in the, 80
81,83
Golden Lyon, Whaler's crew resist im-
pressment, 157
Gong-gong Captain, 550, 553 _
Goods ordered by African kings, 539
545 to 547
Government and invasion, 262
Gorilla, First account of, 615
Grahme, Capt. W., His heroic conduct,
379, 38o
Granby, Marchioness of, her patriotic
plan, 225 ; Verses in her honour, 226 ;
Marquis of, his interest in Liverpool
privateers, 225, 265, 668
Greenland ships armed, 304 ; Their
crews resist the press-gangs, 83, 84,
157 ; Whale fishery, 80, Si
Grenville ministry and abolition 619
706
INDEX TO SUBJECTS.
Greyhounds of the ocean, 119, 122, 144,
333. 352
Guillotined, A bishop, 330 ; Women, 629
Guinea voyages, Crimps and, 323 ;
Dangers of, 488, 520 ; Guinea cargoes,
473. 539, 540. 555 5 Guinea mer-
chants and the sailors, 557 to 560 ;
Lists of Gumeam^n cleared out of
Liverpool, 675 to 677, 68 1 to 685 ;
Darby Guineaman unrigged by
sailors, 555
Gumbo, a type, 477
Gunpowder, 88, 104 ; Exportation pro-
hibited, 555
Guns carried by Liverpool ships, 2 to 17,
87, 88, 134, 170, 183, 279, 667 to 669
H
Hail of grape shot, 420
Hand to hand conflict, 381, 382
Harriet, remarkable success of the,
3°5, 306
" Hawks abroad, 321.322
Heavy affliction, 305
Heroic recapture of the Hiram, 380 to
383
Hides, 121, 123, 128, 218, 248, 250, 253
Highwaymen, 279
Horrible carnage, 107 to no, 400
Horrors of impressment, 320 to 326 ; Of
the middle passage, 480, 481, 568,
582 to 593, 641 to 644, 651 to 654;
Of French prisons, 30, 162, 166 to
169, 425, 426, 629, 630, 6di, 657
How a waif became a merchant prince,
484, 485
Hoylake, 258, 259, 292, 307
Humane society, 305
Humanity to prisoners enjoined, 24, 27,
29 ; To slaves, 601, 602
Hutchinson, Capt. William, his method
of arming and manoeuvring privateers,
i — 1 6 ; Connection with Fortunatus
Wright, 42, 45, 48, 49 ; Commands
the Liverpool privateer and captures
several rich prizes, 127 — 130 ; Hails
British man-of-war in French, terrible
result, 131 — 2 ; Cruising in the
Mediterranean, French prizes, narrow
escape from de la Clue's squadron,
captures French privateers and other
prizes, relinquishes the command in
order to carry out his scheme for
supplying Liverpool with live fish,
133 ; Offers to resume the command
and to curb the insolence of Thurot,
134 ; The cruise dropped, he is
appointed principal water bailiff and
dockmaster of Liverpool, attempt on
his life, 135 ; His work on seaman-
ship and naval architecture, early life,
cook on a small collier, 136 ; New-
castle colliers and East India ships,
ship club, voyage to China, 138 ; His
method of brewing tea, 139 ; Serves
in the Mediterranean, danger from
French prisoners, over- polite French
captain, 139 ; Partnership with
Fortunatus Wright, a strange cure,
his live fish scheme, Corporation
subsidy, curious prejudice in Liver-
pool against cod-smacks, 140 ; His
daring spirit, raises volunteers against
Thurot, invents reflecting mirrors,
improves the approaches to the
harbour, 141 ; His observations on
the tides, etc., 142 ; Present from the
Corporation for his ' ' Practical Sea-
man," tribute from Sir T. Frankland,
143 ; Catastrophes caused by the
ignorance of shipbuilders in the eight-
eenth century, anecdote of Bryan
Blundell, 144 ; Hutchinson's fondness
for scientific experiments, 145 ; He
founds the Liverpool Marine Society,
his benevolence, patriotism and piety,
146 — 148; His cod-smack sent ex-
press, 174; Commands the Queen's
battery, 223 ; His death, 383
I
Illegal seizure, 312
Imports, 622
Impress service (see press-gangs. )
Indigo, 39, 89, 92, 103, 114, 121, 122,
123, 128, 171, 205, 217, 218, 224, 227,
232, 233,234, 235, 236, 244, 246, 247,
248, 250, 251, 252, 253, 293, 305, 414
Infernal bombs, 640
Insignia of the men-stealers, 473
Insurance, 87, 99, 154, 172, 173, 230,
43.2. 433. 45', 649, 650
Invasion, threat of, 388
Ireland, Captain Crow on, 656 ; Irish
provisions, 1 70 ; Irish character, 23 ;
Inhuman Irishmen, 278, 295, 296 ;
Irishmen in the French service, 265,
278, 291, 295, 296, 336
Islay, Thurot's descent on, 173 to 175
Isles de Los, 332. 346
Isle of Man, 263, 485, 559, 626, 656 657,
638
Iver, the clan, 355 to 359
Ivory, 172, 224, 229, 246, 250, 294, 301,
307, 312, 448, 480, 486, 489, 493, 494
INDEX TO SUBJECTS,
707
J
Jacobites, 79, 94, 165
Jefferson on privateering, 193, 458
Jesuit defender of slave trading, 572 to 575
John the Painter, scare, 194, 195
"Jonah on board," A, 503, 504
Jones, Paul, 199, 223, 262
Jamaica fleet, 287
K
Kidnapping, 538, 541, 544, 545, 563,
578, 583, 584
"King's Arms," Scenes at the, 577 to
579 ; Toast at, 617
King George, Letter of Marque, 59, 60 ;
King Holiday on abolition, 650;
King Pepple on Manxmen, 638, 657 ;
King William's slave, 477
Kirby, Capt., 151
Kirke, Col., 477
Kirkpatrick, Capt. Walter, 150, 161
Kitchingman, Joseph, 323, 324
Kneal, Capt. C., 600
Knighthood, etc., offered for the capture
of a Liverpool hero, 51, 52, 54, 58
Knights of M alta, Chagrin of, 69
Knight, John, 82
Knubley, Capt. Geo., 428
L
" Laced Hat Gentry," 113
Ladies and Privateering, 122, 225
Lancaster, ships, 337," 338. 343. 344 ;
Slave trade of, 578 ; Mr. Clarkson's
visit to, 578
Launch, 354 ; Of a privateer and slaver,
184, 185
Law Society, 615 ; Suits, 413, 563, 567,
568
Leander, Laughable scene on board the,
452
Legal opinion on slavery, 553, 554 ;
Legal complement of slaves and
seamen, 608
Legislation and slavery, 468, 469, 470,
473
Leghorn authorities and British priva-
teering, 41, 46, 47, 50, 52, 54, 55,
6 1 ; British residents of Leghorn,
44 to 47, 49, 51, 52, 54, 59, 62, 63,
68 ; Leghorn packets, 192 ; Trade
decaying, 60, 62, 67
Letters from African Kings and Chiefs,
543 to 549, 553 ; From slave-captains,
489. 533» 54 * 5 From Roscoe to a
slave-captain, 614 ; From prisoners
of war, 151, 219 to 221, 255, 260,
270, 271, 283, 314, 318, 319;
Curious letter of a Scotch sailor, 283
Letters of Marque and Reprisals : — Cost
of, 19, 663 ; Against the Spaniards,
37 ; Advertised, 169 ; Against the
Americans, 182 ; Against the Span-
iards, &c. , 226, 256 ; Against the
French, 304 ; Terms of the Eliza's
letter of Marque disputed, 414, 415 ;
Against the French, 388 ; The last
granted, 455 ; Leyland & Co.'s, 602;
Captain Crow's, 650 ; Swallow's,
670 to 673 ; The Castor's (see
illustration) ; Confederate Govern-
ment and Letters of Marque, 459 ;
United States Congress and Letters
of Marque, 459
Leyland, Thomas, his slave trading and
privateering ventures, 592, 599 to
608, 617, 620
Licenses for armed vessels, 340
Linen ships, 248, 291, 441
" Linguisters," 18, 352, 489
Lippincott case, 536
Liverpool, its frigates in the Civil War,
35 ; Blockade of, 86, 154 ; Its patri-
otism, 215, 216, 388, 389 ; The
" Blues," 79, 94, 95, 223, 264, 293 ;
Preparing to receive Monsieur
Thurot, 171 to 173 ; To receive Paul
Jones, 223, 262 ; A Liverpool hero,
40, 280 ; Liverpool estates and priva-
teering, 92, 310, 311; The Custom-
house, 158, 187, 474, 608 ; Liverpool
in war time, 171 to 173, 388, 389 ;
Rivalry with Bristol, 171, 467, 469,
494 ; Liverpool as a bathing resort,
302; Its streets, 187, 188, 281, 323;
Coffee-houses and taverns, 96, 100,
113, 121, 128, 130, 133, 135, 163,
476 ; Liverpool Library, 141 ;
Marine Society, 146 ; Liverpool in
the eighteenth century, 184 to 189 ;
(in 1780), 281 ; (in 1795), 622, 623 ;
Its newspapers of that period, 17,
64 ; Its seven lean years, 301 ;
Twelve fat years, 179; Ship build-
ing, 473 ; Sowing its wild oats, 595 ;
Liverpool pirates, 479 ; Merchants
and the Government, 209, 304 ;
Sailors' riots, 319, 433, 555 to 560 :
Bravery of Liverpool men, 184, 247,
261, 264, 265, 270, 271, 274, 304,
353. 363, 370, 394, 4o8, 413 J Liver-
pool morals and manners, 176, 177,
1 88, 189, 194, 301, 302, 324, 622,
623 ; Lyceum Newsroom, 657 ;
708
INDEX TO SUBJECTS
Marvellous progress and greatness of
Liverpool, 38, 39, 303, 609, 610,
621 to 624 ; Its armed merchant
cruisers, 461, 462 ; Deterioration of
the inhabitants, 301, 302 ; Effect of
the American War on the progress
of Liverpool, 301, 302. Effect of
abolition, 620, 621 ; Panic in Liver-
pool, 559 ; Joy in, 293, 327 ;
Mourning, 304 ; Liverpool, Earl of,
supports the slave trade, 573, 611
Liverpool privateers and Letters of
Marque, in the war with Spain, 39 ;
Guns and men (1744), 39; In the
Seven Years' War, 79 to 178 ; Their
activity, 176 ; Result of privateering
in that war, 175, 176 ; In the war of
American Independence, 179 to 302 ;
Tonnage, guns and men (1779), 20;
In the wars of the French Revolution,
303 to 429 ; Their number (in 1793),
315 ; In the second war with America,
430 to 462 ; List of the principal
Liverpool privateers and Letters of
Marque in the war with America,
France, Spain, and Holland (i775 —
83), 667 to 669 ; Liverpool cruisers
in American waters, 216, 224; Share-
holders in a Liverpool privateer, 19,
31 ; List of officers, crew, etc., 18,
661, 662 (see also illustration) ;
Cost of fitting out the Enterprize, 18,
66 1 to 664 ; Effect of a sermon on
privateering, 284 ; Moral effect of
privateerinsr, 176 to 178, 184;
Privateers and Divine worship, 147 ;
The Liverpool's mistake, 131; Adver-
tisements of Liverpool privateers,
134, 160, 161, 169, 171 ; Marquis of
Granby and Liverpool privateers,
225, 265; Did privateering pay?
175, 176, 184; Children and priva-
teering, 1 86, 1 88, 189 ; Capture of
the Anson privateer, 95, 96
Liverpool ships captured by the enemy,
101, 102, 114, 116, 117, 119, 125,
148 to 153, 155, 157, 169, 170, 171,
i75> J76> i93> 2O° to 2O2> 2O7> 2I7>
219, 222, 225, 233, 236, 244 to 248,
- 250, 252, 254, 255, 261, 262, 265 to
267, 270 to 272, 277, 279, 280, 282,
284, 294, 295, 297, 299, 300, 308,
309,. 312 to 318, 328 to 330, 332, 338,
340, 341, 343, 348, 360, 366, 367,
374, 379, 381, 384, 39i, 392, 39^,
400, 402, 403, 408, 409, 416, 420,
425, 428, 440, 441, 445, 448, 449,
452, 565, 659 to 661, 665 to 667
Liverpool Privateers and Letters of
Marque : —
Active, 216, 224, 314, 417; Admiral
Blake, 39 ; Adventure, 149, 255 ;
Agnes, 329 ; Agreeable, 355, 362,
366 ; Ainsley, 387 ; Albion, 272 ;
Allanson, 315, 332; Alder, 448;
Alert, 272, 284, 317; Alexander, 127,
291, 449 ; Alexander Lindo, 422,
423 ; Amazon. 257 — 259 ; Amity,
314; Ann, 306, 308, 3C9, 341, 448;
Ann and Jane, 308 ; Anna and Ellen,
389 ; Anson, 63, 87, 88, 89, 95, 96,
112; Ann Parr, 387; Antigallican,
266, 299 ; Arethusa, 239 ; Ashton,
254; Atalanta, 246; Aurora, 153;
Austin, 170; Backhouse, 344, 345,
361 ; Balgrove, 284 ; Baltimore, 123;
Barbadoes, 395 ; Barbara, 285, 286,
363; Barton, 331, 355, 369, 370;
Bella, 299 ; Belcour, 216, 222 ; Bel-
lona, 227, 401, 402 ; Benson, 263,
371, 372; Bess, 238, 250, 268;
Betty, 122, 160, 282 ; Betsey, 247,
331 ; Betsey and Susan, 364 ; Blake-
ney, 63, 89 ; Blossom, 257 ; Boston,
224 ; Bolton, 336, 383 ; Brave Blake-
ney, 87, 90, 91, 112 ; Brent on, 440 ;
Bridget, 267, 293, 438, 439 ; Brilli-
ant, 216, 229; Britannia, 393 — 395;
Brooks, 368, 560 — 562, 585, 586 ;
Brothers, 310, 341, 364, 425 ; Catcher,
246 ; Casar, 1 27 ; Caldicot Castle,
390; Catherine, 103, 155; Ceres, 270;
Charlotte, 367 ; Charming Kitty,
259; Clarendon, 218, 251; Christo-
pher, 313, 329; Col. Gascoyne, 316;
Cochrane, 333 ; Commerce, 255, 256,
332 ; Corn-wallis, 349 ; Cotmt Bel-
gioso, 300, 301 ; Courier, 315 ; Cres-
cent, 334 ; Dart, 359 ; Defiance, 261,
262 ; Delight, 228. 254 ; Dispatch,
310, 448 ; Diana, 245, 412 ; Dick,
236, 288, 376, 377, 379; Dragon,
243, 244, 268 ; Dreadnought, 252 ;
Dublin, 255 ; Dudgeon, 308; Duke of
Leeds, 316 ; Eagle, 278, 360 ; Earl
of Chester, 423 ; Earl of Derby, 307;
Edgar, 331 ; Ellen, 151, 152, 247,
275. 276, 329 ; Ellis, 216, 217, 231,
234; Eliza, 413, 414; Eliza Ann,
448 ; Eliza Jane, 359 ; Elizabeth,
201, 329, 338, 359; Emperor, 280;
Enterprise, 18 to 21, 24, 26, 30, 31,
248, 268, 331, 661 — 664, 668 ; Eolus,
334 ; Essex, 285 ; Fair Penitent, 355 ;
fame. 45, 46, 48, 49, 103, 104 ; Fame,
339, 342, 355; Fancy, 207, 300, 316;
Fanny, 209, 219, 444 to 446 ; Fa-
vourite. 309 ; Ferina, 339 ; Ferret,
284 ; Fly, 282, 285 ; Forbes, 355,
367 ; Fortittide, 407, 408 ; Fortune,
INDEX TO SUBJECTS.
709
331 ; Friendship, 247 ; George and
Betty, 171; General Blakeney, 123;
General Keppel, 384 ; Gipsey, 307,
308 ; Glenmore, 412 ; Golden Age,
315 ; Governor Williamson, 364 ;
Grace. 201 ; Grand Buck, 88, 104 ;
Grange, 312 ; Granville, 152 ; G";-^-
j<w, 207, 217, 231, 234, 257, 330;
Green-wood, 246 ; Greyhound, 218 ;
Griffin, 251 ; Halifax Packet, 311 ;
Thomas Hall, 229 ; Harriet, 305,
306 ; Harlequin, 286, 299, 342, 343,
344 ; Harmony, 396 ; Hawke, 280,
331 ; Heart of Oak, 224, 291 ; Henry,
365, 366, 440 ; Hercules, 266 ; 77<?/-£-
/i?r^f, 252 ; jffifr<7, 200, 266, 267 ;
Hesketh, 124 ; Hibernia, 107, 108,
HO; Hiram, 380, 381, 384; 77<?/£,
89, 235, 317. 403 ; Hunter, 252, 253;
Hypocrite, 280 ; Industry, 285 ; 7;^-
ray//, 159; Isabella, 213 to 215;
/rawf, 88, 104, 105, 107, 210, 211;
Intrepid, 255, 397 ; Jamaica, 254,
337 ; James, 264, 329 ; James and
Mary, 282 ; _/?a«, 311 ; Jenny, 103,
227, 278, 279, 293, 308 ; yM«, 207 ;
Johnson, 122. 202, 207 ; Juliana,
257, 417 5 /»»<>. 237, 252, 384—386;
King George, 59, 60, 63 ; King Grey,
312 ; King of Prussia, 64, 88, no to
113 ; A7«£- Pepple, 354, 368 ; A7//j,
287, 288, 293 ; Knight, 235 ; Knuts-
ford. 152; Lady Frances , yfi ; Lady
Granby, 224, 225 ; Lancaster. 397 ;
Lascelles, 421 , 422 ; Laurel, 200, 404 ;
Leghorn Galley, 192 ; Lightning, 289;
7,/tffe /?<?«, 234. 235 ; Lively, 265 ;
Liverpool, 88, 127, 129 to 135, 160,
161, 294, 442, 443; Lookout, 282,
285 ; 7m/ Charlemont, 307 ; 70/Y/
Cranstoun, 420; 70rc/ Stanley, 314,
335; Lord Nelson, 396; Lord Kodney,
359 ; Loyal Ann, 309 ; 7«rj', 359 ;
Lurcher, 287 ; Lydia, 201, 219, 287,
319, 420; Mandrin, 87, 96, 97;
Margaret, 316; Marlborough, 123,
199 ; Mars, 279, 402, 403 ; Mary,
101, 231 to 233, 308, 309; Mary,
329, 331, 423 ; Mary Ann, 199, 333;
J/arj' 7i//e«, 334, 335 ; ^/ay, 433~
436 ; Max-well, 440 ; Mercury, 88,
98 to 101, 119, 317 ; Mermaid, 299 ;
Mentor, 239 to 243 ; Mersey, 219,
337, 401 ; Minerva, 285 ; Modeste,
269 ; Morgan Rattier, 341 ; Molly,
233, 234, 250; Molly, 260, 261, 287;
Molly, 295, 297, 332 ; Mossley Hill,
294; Nancy, 169, 234, 253, 441 ;
Nanny, 244, 245, 254; Nereus, 318,
341; Nymph, 396; Ocean, 360; CM/
, 39; Old Dick, 331 ; CVm?, 318;
Oporto, 317 ; Ottway, 123 ; Pallas,
267 ; Paris, 449 ; Patsey, 284 to 286 ;
^££7. 278 ; Pelican, 144, 304. 305 ;
Pemberton, 150, 160, 161 ; Philip
Stevens,, 316; Pilgrim, 310; Planter,
171, 374 to 376; TWtf, 205 to 207,
216 ; Polly, 252, 313, 328; 7'0/tf,
409 ; Porcupine. 278 ; Prince Fred-
erick, 156; Posthumous, 359 ; Prince
of Orange, 282 ; Prince of Wales,
307 ; Princess Elizabeth, 306 ; 7V0-
vidence, I59; 252 ; Prussian Hero,
92, 159; Pursuit, 378; Quaker, 290;
Queen, 440 ; Quest, 294 ; Ranger,
257, 360; Kawlinson, 251, 287;
Recovery, 341 ; Resolution, 88, 118 to
1 2O, 122; Retaliation, 247 ; Revenge,
87, 96, 97 ; Richard, 219, 257 ; AV
fo/.rf, 313; AVft?, 235; Rover, 299;
Rumbold, 229, 294 ; Sally, 219, 272,
339, 428 ; .S'aw, 193 ; Sarah, 195,
J96, 331, 387 ; Sarah Goulburn,
205, 216, 224, 243; Satisfaction, 224;
Savannah, 316 ; Shannon, 448 ;
Shawe, 119; Shaw, 419; Shipley,
402 ; Sisters, 201 ; Snapper, 277 ;
Sparling, 210, 211, 219, 266; ^/V-
_/?;-6', 255 ; ,5/V)/, 88, 119 to 122, 161,
235 ; 5/. 6W^, 41, 50, 54 to 59,
66, 67, 268 ; 5V. Tfcfer, 228, 229 ;
i'/flf, 224, 262, 263, 336 ; Stately,
282 ; Stormont, 285 ; Sturdy Beggar,
253 ; Success, 248 ; Surprise, 280 :
Susannah, 340, 360 ; Swallow, 45,
355> 356, 358, 367 ; Swallow, 670 to
673 ; Swan, 331 ; Swift, 254, 312 ;
Tartar. 122, 237, 277 ; Telemachus,
263, 280 ; Terrible, 39, 250, 268 ;
Terror, 282 ; Thames, 448 : T^w,
224; Thistle, 123 124; Thomas,
!95> 196, 306, 342 ; Thomas, 350 to
354; 7 hurloe, 39; 7'hree Brothers,
224 ; 7'^r^ Friends, 26 1 ; y<?/«w
Tobin, 436 — 438 ; Tonyn, 270 ; 7iw/,
218 252, 291, 293 ; 7b;«j-, 219 ;
Tr afford, 116, 149; To-wnley, 374;
Townside, 246, 286 ; 7w0 Brothers,
230, 368 ; Tyger, 1 70, 254 ; Ulysses,
263, Union, 189, 316; Upton, 85,
1 56 ; Valiant, 200 ; Venerable, 398 ;
Vengeance, 263, 270, 280 ; Venus,
292 ; Viper, 236 ; Vulture, 253 ;
Warren. 40 ; Wasp, 224, 250 ; fF«//,
272 to 274, 354 ; Wsj/ Indian, 399 ;
Westmoreland 398 ; Wheel of For-
tune, 156 ; Who's Afraid 263 ;
Wilding, 337 ; JFz7£, 211, 212, 254 ;
William, 268, 315, 328 ; Windsor,
148 ; Windsor Castle Packet, 409 to
INDEX TO SUBJECTS.
411 ; William Heathcoie, 391 ;
Woolton, 285 ; Voting Henry, 230
Liverpool Slave Trade, how it originated
and thrived, 465 to 495 ; Underselling
London and Bristol, 470, 471 ; Pre-
dominance of Liverpool as a slaving
town, 469 ; Town clerk of, 469 ;
Liverpool bricks "cemented with
blood," 594 ; Guineamen menaced by
the French, 331 ; Liverpool oppo-
nents of the slave trade, 568 to 575 ;
Guineamen cleared, 469, 470, 472,
678 ; Liverpool's revenue from the
slave trade, 596, 598, 599, 607, 608 ;
Ruinous effects of abolition predicted,
610, 613, 621 ; Supplying slaves to
foreign countries, 616 ; List of Liver-
pool's African merchants in 1752,
674; In 1806, 679; List of Liverpool
ships trading to Africa in 1752. 675
to 677 ; in 1798—99, 68 1 to 685 ;
Comparative statement of ships
cleared out from the ports of London,
Liverpool, and Bristol (1795 to I8o4),
680 ; Effect of the first American war
on the slave trade, 555 ; Effects of
abolition in Liverpool, 620, 621 ; The
last slave-ship out of Liverpool, 626,
649 to 655 ; Demoralising effects of
the slave trade controversy in Liver-
pool, 581 ; Champions of the iniq-
uity. 572 to 575) DI1 to 613, 617, 649,
65°, 655
(See also Corporation of Liverpool, slave-
ships, slave-captains, slaves)
Lloyd's, Opinion at, 300 ; sensation at, 433
Log of a slave-ship, extract from, 686,
687 ; From the log of the Bellona
privateer, 227
" Loggerheads revived," 252
Logwood, 128. 263, 398
London privateers and Letters of Marque,
49, 101, 105, 122, 210, 266. 317, 336,
343 ; London slave-traders and ships,
200, 467, 469, 473, 477, 494, 618;
Cheese ship attacks a privateer, 349 ;
Decline of London trade, 181 ;
Chamberlain of London, 469
Losses to commerce, 40 ; Of the enemy,
388
Lottery slave-ship, profits of voyages,
599, 600, 607
Loziisa slave-ship, profits of, 605, 607
Love story, Romantic, 70 to 78 ; disap-
pointed love, 118, 119; Newton's
love for Mary Catlett, 496 to 498,
502, 503 ; Love in the Tower Gaol,
427
Ludicrous adventure of a Yankee, 452, 453
Lyceum Newsroom, 657
M
M'Quie, Capt. Peter, his gallant defence
of the Thomas against a French
corvette, 350 to 352 ; Action with
Spanish ship of war, 353, 354 ;
Killed in an insurrection of slaves on
the middle passage, 592, 593
MacRitchie, Rev. Wm. (of Clunie), his
visit to Liverpool, 622, 623
Magazines, The, 323, 324
Magistrates and the press-gang, 158 ;
and the rioters, 319, 555, 559
Mahogany, 100, 121, 485, 487 ; And
murder, 576
Malta, 57, 58, 60, 61, 63 to 65, 68, 69,
76. 77
Manchester goods, 467, 468
Man-stealing, Astounding defence of,
572 to 575
Manillas, 539, 546
Manners and morality in Liverpool, 176,
177, 1 88, 189, 194, 301, 302, 324,
623
Manning of British ships, 280
Manxmen, 152, 559, 626, 629 to 631,
634, 638, 656, 657 ; Manx flag at
Bonny, 657
Maritime School at Chelsea, 143
Marseilles, 45 to 47, 49, 51, 52, 57 to
59, 64, 67, 69
Mary beats off six French privateers,
423, 424
•Massacre at Old Calabar, 529 to 542,
576; Of shipwrecked slaves, 590
Mayor lying in state 148
Members of Parliament and the slave
trade, 567, 611 to 613, 617 to 620
Merchant, A noble Liverpool, 296, 579,
580
Merchants' Coffee-house, 96, 100, 121,
130, 133- 135
Merchants and Shipowners of Liverpool,
Their shrewdness, 26, 35, 36 ; They
fit out privateers, 87, 134, 135, 182
to 184 ; Their loyalty and warlike
spirit, 215, 216 ; They object to
publication of shipping lists, 155 >
Warn captains who neglect convoy,
189 ; Their memorials and protests
to the Government, 1 80, 269, 338,
449, 450 ; They compete for the
American trade, 300 ; Encourage
gallantry, 436; Their economy, 471 ;
Character, 594, 595
Mercantile Marine Association, 205 ;
Mercantile marine of England and
America, 459 10461
Mersey Docks and Harbour Board, 622
to 624
INDEX TO SUBJECTS.
711
Meteorological tables, 141, 142
Mexico and privateering, 455, 456
Middle Passage, its horrors and mortality,
234, 334, 480, 481, 486, 489, 549,
568, 582 to 593, 616, 641 to 644, 651
to 654 ; Its duration, 586 ; Merry
sport, 639 ; Orgie of slaves, 593 ;
Disgusting scenes, 586, 587
Midshipman Mottley, his escape, 404,
405
Military, 172, 264, 265, 287, 389, 559,
617
Millionaire's Ventures, A, 599 to 608
Miscellaneous prize cargoes, 96, 97, 100,
104, ill, 121, 124, 130 to 133, 171,
217, 227, 228, 231, 234 to 239, 244,
247 to 251, 253, 254, 267, 282, 308,
310, 316, 355, 359, 360, 362, 366,
; 368, 387
Mistake of a Greenock ship, Terrible,
387
Mock Corporation of Sephton, 88
Monkeys, 384, 647, 651, 654
Moorish maiden, Elopement of, 72 to 78
' ' Mother Redcap " and the privateers-
men, 323, 324
Moral effect of privateering, 176 to 178,
184, 188, 301 ; Of slave trading, 572
to 577, 581, 595, 616
Mortality in French prisons, 260, 272 ;
Of slaves, 234, 334, 481, 486, 489,
549, 586 to 588, 616, 651; 654; At
Old Calabar, 535 ; Of seamen in the
slave trade, 489, 493, 605. 651, 654
Mossley Hill estate, 240, 241
Murder, by sailors, 336 ; Of Amboe
Robin John, 538 ; Mutiny and mur-
der at Hoylake, 102 ; At sea, 299
Muster rolls of Guineamen, 575> 578,
579, 605 ; Of privateers, 661, 662
(also illustration)
N
Nailing the colours to the mast, 379, 409,
437
Nation sick of war, 292 ; A national
iniquity, 523, 524, 595
Naval lethargy, 67, 114, 116 to 118, 450
to 452 ; Naval victories, 293, 387,
388 ; Naval power of Great Britain,
459 to 462
Negroes, as marksmen, 564, 636, 639 ;
Humour of, 646, 655 ; Alarmed, 334,
591, 644 ; Faithful, 554 ; Kindness
of, 484 ; Negro boy in the clockcase,
558 ; A magnanimous negro. 571 ;
Negroes in the West Indies, 645 to
647 ; Negroes' first view of the sea,
624 (for price, &c., of negroes, see
slaves)
Negro Row, 474
Neutral ships' certificates, 27, 28
New system of warfare, 450
New York, 200, 208
Newcastle colliers, Frenchman's admira-
tion of, 137
NEWTON, CAPTAIN JOHN, 147, 149,
586, 587 ; Early life, asceticism and
profanity, 495, 496 ; Falls in love,
and into the hands of the press-gang,
becomes a midshipman and an
Atheist. 497 ; Offends his captain,
deserts his ship, is arrested, whipped
and degraded, 498; Tempted to com-
mit suicide on the passage to Madeira,
498 ; Transferred to a slave-ship, evil
conduct, takes service with a trader,
lands in Africa, 499 ; Illness and
abject slavery, cruelty of his black
mistress, terrible hardships, 500 ;
Falsely accused of theft, imprisonment
and illusage, misery and mathematics,
501 ; Mocked by his master, a new
situation, danger of "growing black,"
a ship from Liverpool, 502 ; A mari-
ner's blarney, love prevails, embarks
for England, 5°3 '•> Jonah on board,
storm at sea, a memorable deliver-
ance, 503 ; The Atheist prays, "found
out by the powerful hand of God,"
weeks of suffering, 504 ; Arrives in
Ireland, no longer an infidel, 505 ;
Sails from Liverpool as mate of a
slave-ship, relapses into old ways,
illness in Africa, and recovery, learns
Latin, 505 ; Slaving adventures on
the Coast, 506 ; Marriage and first
voyage as slave-captain, 506 ; Noble
revenge on his black mistress, 507 ;
Old fashioned discipline, 508 ; "A
slave to one woman," 508; Takes
command of the African, rule of life
at sea, 509 ; "In desert woods with
Thee my God," 5IQ 5 Conspiracy
frustrated, 511 ; Life and honour in
danger, 511 ; Sunday on a slave-ship,
511 ; Covenant with God, 512: Do-
cility of slaves on the middle passage,
512; Arrival in Liverpool, attempts
to convert an old friend, 513 ; An
Atheist's death, 514; Returns thanks
in the churches at Liverpool for a
successful African voyage, 515 ; Con
gratulated on 'change, 515 ; Illness
and termination of his connection
with the slave trade, 5J6; Appointed
tide surveyor at Liverpool, 516 ;
Attempts to enter the Church, 517 ;
712
INDEX TO SU-BJECTS.
Failure at first as a preacher, 517 ;
Becomes curate of Olney, 517 ;
Preaches at St. George's Church,
Liverpool, 517 ; Vicar of Olney, and
friend of Cowper, 518 ; Joint author
of the Olney Hymns, 518 ; Becomes
Rector of St. Mary's, Woolnoth, 518;
Speaks of his past life, 519; Views
on the slave trade, 520 ; His fame as
a writer, 521 ; Gives evidence against
the slave trade, 521 ; Writes and
preaches against it, 522 ; Remembers
his former misery, 524 > African
"Blackbirds," 525; His lovable
character as a pastor, 525 ; His
beautiful death, 526 ; Singular
epitaph, 526 ; His character and
humour, 527 ; The secret of his
power, 527
Noble revenge, 507
"Nonagenarian's" recollections, 184 —
189
Nudity and cupidity, 244
o
Observations on tides, &c. , 141, 142
Old Calabar, its chief men, 533 to 548 ;
Attack on the Kitty, 333 ; Mortality
of slaves there, 486 ; Correspondence
from, 533 to 548 ; Terrible massacre
at, 53.5 to 542
Old Dock, 83 142, 146, 188, 322, 367,
474, 556
Oldest Liverpool ship, 171
Olney Hymns,' 498, 518
Orders in Council, 406, 407, 430, 431,
555, 6l9
Owners of privateers and Letters of
Marque ships, list of, 667 to 669
Owners of slave-ships, 674 to 677, 679.
68 1 to 684
Palm Oil, 602
Pamphlets, poems, and essays on the
slave trade, 520 to 522, 567 to 574,
58i.
Panyaring, 584
Parliament and the slave trade, 609,
611 to 613, 616 to 621
Passengers, bravery of, 333, 345, 370,
37i, 375, 393- 422, 437, 439, 627
Pathetic scenes, 583, 588, 589, 592, 636,
644, 645, 653, 654 ; Pathetic letter of
a slave- captain, 489 ; Pathetic death
of an American commander, 447 ; Of
a Guinea captain, 379, 380 ; Of
Mrs. Dorothy Parke, 113
Peace, of Amiens, 304, 387 ; With
America, 297, 298 ; Of Paris and the
trade of Liverpool, 494 ; Of 1783,
299, 300 566 ; " Peace, heavenly
peace," 453, 454
Pelican, H.M.S. the, captures the Argus,
446
Pelican privateer, Loss of, 144, 304, 305
Penalties for saluting the town with
loaded cannon, 213, 367 ; For slave-
trading, 625
Pendant for the Liverpool, 444
Petitions, against war with America,
292 ; Against the abolition of the
slave trade, 609 to 613, 617, 619 ;
In favour of abolition, 566, 609 to
613, 61610619; Petition of a Liver-
pool slave-merchant, 616.
Picton, Sir James, on privateering, 175,
176, 184 ; On the slave trade, 581 ;
His statistical blunders corrected,
566, 619, 620
Pilgrim estate, 311
Pilots' committee, 123, 144
Pimento, 100, 121, 487
Piracy, 85, 86, 299, 300, 479, 625 ;
Terrible butchery by pirates, 107 to
109 ; Piratical-looking scoundrels,
200, 20 i
Plymouth prison, 278, 447
Pool-lane (now South Castle Street),
Desperate affrays in 322, 323
Pontack's Coffee-house, 93, 96, 97
Population, 301, 303
Portuguese frigate, Shameful neglect by
a; 374
Practical jokers, 390
Presentation to commanders for gallan-
try, &c., 52, 200, 205, 212, 333, 338,
377, 378, 385, 386, 398, 401, 4", 436,
438, 440, 628, 638 ; To champions of
the slave-traffic, 573, 576, 611, 613,
614, 617, 618
Prescot Almshouses, 154 ; A Prescot
slave, 554
Press-gangs ashore and afloat, Tyranny of
the, 5, 29, 84, 85, 102, 138, 157 to
159, 169, 170, 189, 194, 202, 204,
238, 256, 208, 269, 289, 292, 302,
319 to 327, 333, 390, 399, 4M, 415,
423, 424, 605, 632, 637, 645 ; Press-
gang lion and the sailor lamb, 325,
326
Prices of goods, 216 ; Prices of slaves,
201, 246, 480, 481, 494, 529, 547,
548, 550, 551, 564, 597 606 to 608 ;
Prime cost of a slave, 539, 547, 548,
55i, 597, 680
INDEX TO SUBJECTS.
713
Princess Guardship, 319
Prisoners of war, not to be plundered,
&c. , 24, 27, 29 ; Treatment of, in
France, 162, 166 to 170, 282, 283,
314, 330, 629, 630 ; In Liverpool,
162, 163, 173, 262, 265, 268, 664 ;
Spanish usage of, 372
Privateers, British (in 1745), 49 >
Activity of British, 176, 250 ; In the
British Colonies, 115; A Quaker
commander, 115; Golden age of
privateering, 32 ; Method of fitting
out, arming, manning, and man-
oauvring privateers, I to 31 ; Priva-
teering dodges, 130, 133, 378 ; List
of American privateers, 198, 199 ;
American opinion of privateering,
!93» 45° to 459 5 Privateers in the
Channel, 565; Privateering "abolish-
ed," 455 j Guadeloupe privateers,
126 ; Guernsey, 130, 332, 414 ;
Martinique, 201 ; Dunkirk, 114, 261,
265 ; Jersey, 249, 284 ; Ladies and
privateering, 122, 225 ; Prussia and
privateering, 456 ; A Chester priva-
teer, 32 ; An Exeter privateer, 234,
235 5
(See also American, French, and Liver-
pool.)
Privateer commanders, jealousy of, 106 ;
Their tactics, 14 ; A devout captain,
147, 148 ; His hobbies, 145 ; Pay of
privateer captains, surgeons, seamen,
etc., 31, 66 1 ; Instructions to priva-
teer commanders from owners, 21,
26, 27 to 30 ; From the government,
671 to 673 ; Charge of cowardice
refuted, 97 : List of commanders,
667 to 669 ; Defying the French, 370 ;
A daring capture, 1 1 1
Privateersmen, their character, dress,
habits, etc., 5, 6, 88, 96, 97, 112,
113, 121, 129, 136, 147, 148, 156,
160, 161, 184, 186 to 188 ; Their
wages, 1 8, 31, 66 1 to 664; Financing
them, 97 ; Their riotous conduct,
237, 238 ; Black privateersmen, 196,
396, 397; A female "privateersman,"
1 1 8, 119; Their enthusiasm "for the
honour of Liverpool," 339 ; Prize
money, 323, 324 ; Damages for im-
pressing privateersmen, 413 to 416
Privileges and commissions of officers in
the slave trade, 471, 487, 530, 602,
603, 606
Prizes, Act of Geo. III., 207, 208 ; Prize
Courts, 46 to 48, 260, 286, 287, 670
to 673 ; Prize cargoes, leave to sell,
391 ; Prize ashore at New Ferry,
232 ; Prizes lost, 246, 249, 254, 267,
3A
285, 3°9 : Prize-money, 203, 204,
205, 251, 323, 324, 377, 414 ; Rich
prizes captured, 216 to 219, 222,
306 to 308, 310, 314, 315, 334, 342,
360, 372, 387, 398, 401, 414, 564,
565 ; Prizes captured by the Ameri-
cans, 182, 190, 192, 193, 196 to 198,
200, 202, 209, 210, 216, 247, 248,
252 to 255, 311, 440 to 442, 448 ;
Prize cargoes captured by Liverpool
vessels, 257 to 261, 263, 266, 267,
269, 272, 276 to 280, 282, 285 to 290,
292 to 294, 299, 301, 305 to 310, 314,
316 to 318, 328, 329, 331, 332, 397,
398, 401, 414, 448, 565. (See also
ships captured.)
Profits of the contraband trade, 468 ; Of
slave trading, 530, 596 to 608
Property deal, Smart, 94
Provisions, 237, 247, 249, 250, 267 ; For
the slaves, 586
Protections from impressment, 83, 84,
169
Prussia and privateering, 456
0
Quaint sayings of John Newton, 524,
525» 527
Quaker, A fighting, 115
Quakers and the slave trade, 495, 566
to 569, 575, 580, 609
Quamina, a noble negro, 571
Quarter-bill for a privateer, 3, 4
Quarter-deck. To fortify the, 12, 13
Queen Elizabeth and privateering, 32 ;
and the slave trade, 465, 466
R
families saved by Liverpool ships, Crew
of H.M.S., 276, 277
Ranelagh tea gardens, 187
Ranger privateer, 223
Ransomers and ransom bills, 17, 32, 152,
153, 218, 252, 254, 278, 290, 291,
312, 315, 659, 660, 666
Rathbone, William, assists Clarkson, 570,
575 ; His noble character, 579 ; Death,
580
Recaptures, 170, 201, 202, 207, 229, 233,
236, 244, 246, 251, 252, 255, 256,
265—267, 280, 282, 284, 287, 291,
294, 295. 307—31°, 312, 313, 315—
317, 328, 329, 331, 332, 337, 339,
340, 342, 343. 347, 348, 359, 362,
364, 366—368, 374, 381, 384, 392,
396, 398, 402, 403, 408, 425, 440,
714
INDEX TO SUBJECTS,
441, 446, 566, 593 ; Recapture of
the Mary. 101 — 102
Reckless firing in the river Mersey, 423
"Red Noses," Sailors hiding at the, 323
Reflecting mirrors invented, 141
Remarkable coincidence, 284
Rendezvous of the press-gang, 319, 320,
322
Revenue cruiser insulted, 269
Rice, 224, 247, 308
Riots, 319, 423, 555 to 560
Romantic incidents — Fortunatus Wright
and the Knights of Malta, 69 ; His-
tory of Selim, the captive, 7° to 78 >
Handsome "Jack" Roberts, 631 ;
Monsieur Felix Durand and a " Lan-
cashire Witch," 427 ; A female
"Privateersman,"ii8, 119; Discovery
on board the Acttzon, 378
Roscoe, William, 133, 568 — 571, 574,
575) 580, 595, 619, 620 ; His vindi-
cation of Liverpool merchants, 595 ;
His letter to a slave-captain, 614,
6l5
Rudders, 145
Rum, 100, 121, 129, 217, 218, 229, 487,
593
Rushton, Edward, the blind poet, 297,
571, 575
Russia declares war, 377 ; Russian
vessels seized, 377
Sailing orders, 21, 26 to 30
Sailor Girls, 118, 378, 631
Sailors, illtreated, 159, 578 ; Protections
from impressment, 83, 84, 169 :
Runaways described, 160 ; Tempted
into the French service, 167, 425 ;
Weeping sailors, 271 ; Cowardly
sailors, Rare instances of, 270, 271,
348, 349 ; Remarkable instance of
their courage, 244 ; Turbulent sailors
ashore, 237, 238, 324 ; Sailors' riots,
319, 423, 555 to 560 ; Sailors in
hiding, 320, 324, 560 ; Wages of
sailors, 555, 661, 662, 664 ; Mortal-
ity of sailors, 489, 493, 605, 651, 654 ;
Character of British sailors employed
in the slave trade, 688 ; Extraor-
dinary press for seamen, 399 ; British
sailors in the French service, 425,
426 ; Foreign sailors on British
ships, 280, 348, 349, 425 ; Damages
for impressing seamen, 170
Saints in distress, 182
Sales of slaves by auction, 301, 306, 591,
592 ; By scramble, 591
Salt trade, 187, 556
Sanguinary engagements, 201, 202, 206,
212, 214, 215, 253, 261, 272 to 274,
337, 338, 35i to 353, 370, 371, 379,
563
School for the blind, 571
Scientific seamanship, 136, 143
Scotch sailor, Quaint letter of a, 283
Sea power of Lngland, 459 to 462
Seacombe, 323
Seamen's Hospital, 213,
Shackles, torture instruments, etc., 473,
515, 532, 533, 546
Sham captures, 182 ; Sham press-gang,
424
Shallop-racer, a, 144
Sharks and slave-ships, 234, 484, 589,
658
Shipbuilders, 83, 143, 145, 185, 322, 354,
617, 623
Shipping idle, 180, 181, 183 ; Shipping
lists suppressed, 155
Ships captured from the enemy, 20, 25,
32, 39, 40, 45 to 48, 57 to 59, 64, 66,
87 to 91, 96, 100 to 108, in to 116,
121 to 124, 128 to 135, 152, 156, 198
to 207, 216 to 219, 225 to 259, 263,
266 to 270, 272, 275 to 280, 282, 285
to 294, 297. 299, 305 to 310, 313 to
318, 328 to 332, 338, 342, 354, 355,
359. 360, 362, 365, 366, 368, 372,
373, 376, 387 to 390, 397, 398, 401,
403, 418, 564, 565 ; Blown up, 218,
222, 395, 448, 562, 634; Burnt, 328,
332 ; Capsized, 143, 144, 304, 305 ;
Sunk, 243, 245, 253. 254, 276, 277,
304, 305, 404, 472, 637 ; Ships of
the Stanleys, 32, 33 ; Ships and
tonnage, 620 to 622 ; Ship money,
34 ; Ship club, 137, 138 ; Ship re-
captured by a steward, 425 ; Ships
belonging to Liverpool (1709 — 44),
38, 39 ; Rich ship lost, 301 ; Man-
ning of British ships, 280 ; List of
Liverpool ships captured (1739 — 48),
659 to 661 ; (1756—63), 665 to 667
Shipwrights and the press-gang, 322
Shots received by the Dick, 289 ; By
the Backhouse, 361 ; By the King
William, 368 ; Shots expended by
the Fanny, 209 ; By the Polly, 373 ;
Shots and philosophy, 145 : A slave's
lucky shot, 564; "A chance shot
will kill the devil," 643
Sierra Leone devastated, 332
Signalling, 30, 603, 616
Silks, 58, 250, 310,
Silver, 237, 334
Simpson, David, his account of Thurot's
landing at Islay, 173 to 175
INDEX TO SUBJECTS.
715
Slave-auctions in Liverpool, 474 ; In the
West Indies, 591 ; In London, &c.,
477 to 479
Slave-captains, Lists of (1752), 675 to
677 ; (1798-99), 68 1 to 684 ; Their
high-handed methods, 481, 482 ;
Social status, 186, 508, 515; Privi-
leges and emoluments, 471, 486. 487,
530, 602, 603, 606 ; Habits, 657 ;
Artifices, 584 ; Character, 508. 653,
' 658 ; Heartless trick, 563 ; Inhu-
manity, 563, 583 to 592 ; Heroic
Guinea captain, 379, 380 ; Discipline
maintained by Captain Newton, 508 ;
Oldest slave-captain in Liverpool,
dress of the, 543, 544 ; Strange
letters of slave-captains, 533, 534,
542 ; Roscoe's letter to a slave-captain,
614 ; Merchants' instructions to slave-
captains, 48610 488, 550, 601 10603,
634, 635 ; Devout commanders, 5°9>
510,636; Ex-slave-captain preaching
to slave-traders, 517 ; Captain cap-
tured by the natives, 533 ; Captain of
the Edgar, 538 to 541, 576
Slave-merchants, their orders to their
captains, 486 10488, 550, 60 1 10603,
634, 635 ; Their conduct towards
Mr. Clarkson, 577 to 579 ; Their
houses sacked by sailors, 557, 558 ;
Leading slave-firms, imports by, 599 ;
Lists of names, 674 to 677, 679, 681
to 684
Slave trade and the war, &c., 20,38, 172,
179, 181, 183, 184, 188, 284, 287,
331 ; Origin of the British slave trade,
465, 466 ; Slave trade thrown open,
468 ; Slave trade legislation, 468—
470, 473, 625 ; Motions in parliament,
609, 611 to 613, 616 to 621 ; Slave
trading and rioting, 560 ; John New-
ton on the evils and calamities of the
slave trade, 515, 519 to 524 ; Slave
trade abolished, 620 ; The last spurt,
618, 620, 621, 651, 654 ; Slave
trading under foreign flags, 625 ;
Better regulation of the trade, 562 ;
Magnitude of the trade, 522 to 524 ;
Shipping employed in the slave trade,
494, 495, 555, 566, 599, 608, 614,
618, 619, 620 ; Emoluments of the
traffic, 570, 594 to 608 ; Compen-
sation, 619, 625
(See also Liverpool slave trade, &c.)
SLAVE ' SHIPS -.—Abigail, 363, 364 ;
Achilles, 491 ; Africa, 366 ; African,
495, 509, 530 ; Amelia and Eleanor,
369 ; Ann, 348 ; Anne, 631, 632 ;
Ann Galley, 79, 80 ; Backhouse, 361 ;
Bee, 516 ; Beaver, 368 ; Betsey 493 ;
Betty, 489 ; Blanchani, 362 ; Bloom,
605 ; Blossom, 257 ; Bolton, 616 ;
Brooks, 560, 561, 585 ; 586 ; Bud,
344, 367 ; Carter, 481 ; Ceres, 638 ;
Charlotte, 494 ; Clayton, 479 ;
Clemison, 332 ; Dalrimple, 533 ;
Derby, 555 ; Diana, 245, 338, 637 ;
Dick, 379 ; Duke of Argyle, 495,
506 ; Echo, 313 ; Edgar, 536—541 ;
Eliza, 316, 362, 364 ; Elizabeth,
361 ; Ellis, 347, 348 ; Enterprise,
60 1, 603, 607 ; Essex, 285 ; Fancy,
300 ; Fanny, 480 ; Fortune, 472,
604 ; Francis, 494 ; George, 367 ;
Glory, 493 ; Greenwood, 246 ; Greg-
son, 330, 563, 628, 629 ; Gudgeon,
360 ; Harlequin, 342 — 344 ; Hazard,
313. 491 ; Hector, 491, 492 637 ;
Henry, 372 ; Hereford, 252 ; Hinde,
360, 365 ; Hope, 235 ; Ingram, 159 ;
Isabella, 360 ; Industry, 493 ; Juno,
237, 252; James, 334, 362, 632;
Jane, 563 ; John, 549 ; Joshua, 614 ;
King George, 481 ; King Grey, 312 ;
King William, 368 ; Kitty, 332,
333 ; Kitty's Amelia, 649 — 655 ;
Knight, 484, 494 ; Little Ben, 234,
235 ; Little Joe, 313 ; Liverpool,
294 ; Lord Stanley, 637 ; Lottery,
592, 599, 600, 607 ; Louisa, 605 ;
Lovely Lass, 362 ; Mac, 493 ; Mar-
garet and Eliza, 387 ; Maria, 366 ;
Marquis of Granby, 486 ; Mars,
279 ; Mary, 368, 639, 641 t > 649 ;
Mary Borough, 531 ; Mercury, 313 ;
Mersey, 366 ; Minerva, 313, 314 ;
Molly, 233, 234, 360, 491 ; Mossley
Hill, 294 ; Nancy. 234, 257, 480,
549 ; Nelly, 566 ; Ogden, 472, 482,
484 ; Othello, 331, "565, 566, 631,
634; Otter, 368; Par-r, 617, 634;
Penelope, 482 ; Perfect, 492 ; Phcenix\
481 ; Pilgrim, 347 ; Polly, 373, 374;
Prise ilia, 481; Prosperity, 313;
Providence, 252 ; Rainbow, 488 ;
danger, 338, 339; Robert, 416, 417;
Rose, 235, 564, 565 ; Rover, 299 ;
Kumbold, 294 ; Sally, 332, 346, 564 ;
Seacombe, 287 ; Spencer, 492 ; Spy,
235, 294, 494 ; St. Anne, 347, 348 ;
Stag, 294; Swift, 312; Tarleton,
316, 349 ; Thomas, 350 to 354, 592,
593 ; Three Sisters, 479 ; Tom, 252 ;
True Briton, 560 ; Union, 313 ;
Vine, 529, ; Will, 634 — 636 ; Young
Dick, 363 ; Zong, 567, 568
Slave-ships, captured from the enemy,
90 229, 237, 307, 313, 314, 317,
564 ; Captured by the enemy, 176,
200, 201, 245. 252, 294, 299, 300,
716
INDEX TO SUBJECTS.
472, 480, 489, 491, 493 ; Destroyed
by the French on the coast of Africa,
332, 333, 482, 483 ; Cut off and
plundered by natives and pirates,
479, 481, 549; Saluting the port with
loaded cannon, 213 ; Slave-ships in
action, 484, 491, 493, 560, 561, 563
to 565, 629, 632, 635, 636, 642, 643 ;
Slave-ships overset and sunk, 144,
490 ; Wrecked, 372, 566 ; On fire,
565, 652, 653 ; Blown up, 362, 484,
494, 631, 634 ; Slave-ships, how
manned, 509 ; Dimensions of, 171,
472, 479, 585, 586 ; Scramble sale
on board a slave-ship, 591 ; Sanitary
condition of slave-ships, 586 to 588 ;
Captain Parrey's report to parliament
on slave-ships, 585 ; Regulation
of slave-ships, 470, 562, 611, 617,
618 ; Loading the proceeds of a slave
cargo, 487 ; Extract from the log of a
slave-ship, 686, 687 ; Launch of a
slave-ship, 184 ; Cost of outfit and
cargoes, 600. 603, 604, 605, 607
Slaves, Orders to select, 486 ; Method of
procuring, 582 ' o 584 ; Of stowing,
585 to 587 ; A bill of lading for
slaves, 531 ; Branding slaves, 531,
532, 584; Slaves di owned, 372;
Slaves tortured, 532, 589 ; Thrown
overboard alive, 568 ; Scarcity of
slaves, 494, 535 ; Mutinous slaves,
480, 489, 492, 511, 512, 549, 560,
592, 593 : Starving themselves to
death, 533, 589; Jumping overboaid,
568; Dreaming of home, "dancing"
in chains, 588 ; Walking the plank,
589, 590 ; Shipwrecked slaves
massacred, 590 ; Slaves fighting
against the enemy, 349, 373, 484,
560, 561, 564, 565 ; Songs of sorrow,
588 ; Orgie of slaves on the middle
passage, 593 ; Preparing the slaves
for market, 591 ; Method of selling
them, 591, 592 ; Slaves advertised
for sale, 474 to 479 ; Account sales
of slaves, 530 ; Collars and padlocks
for slaves, 477 ; A runaway Prescot
slave, 554 ; Prime cost of slaves, 539,
547, 548, 551, 597, 680; Price of
slaves, 201, 246, 480, 481, 494, 529,
547, 548, 550, 55i, 564, 597, 606 to
608 ; Number of slaves imported,
494, 523> 596, 599, 618 to 621 ;
Slave cargoes, 257, 294, 300, 307,
312 to 314, 317, 472, 491, 493, 529
to 53 i, 549, 55°. 56°, 56o> 58°, 59°
to 592, 596 to 608 ; Value of slaves
imported, 596 to 608 ; Duty on
slaves, 530, 550, 601, 603 ; Feeding
the slaves, 588 ; Their food, 586
689, 690 ; Deck-house for slaves, 634 ;
Dead and living chained together,
587
Slavery in England, 553 ; In the West
Indies, 523, 625, 658 ; Boswell on
slavery, 609
Small adventures in negroes, 598
Smart recaptures, 191, 202 to 205
Society of Friends (see Quakers)
Solent, Naval display in, 461
Somerset, The negro, 553, 554, 567
South Sea House, 466
Spanish Armada, 34 ; Guarda Costa, 36,
37, 468 ; War with Spain, 37, 180 ;
Spanish losses, 297 ; Cruelty, 472 ;
Spanish pirates, 336 ; Spanish treasure
ships captured, 258, 259, 263, 398,
401, 485 ; Spanish privateers, 355,
363, 398 ; Spain and privateering,
455, 456 ; Spanish usage of prisoners,
372
Stage coach stopped by press-gang, 326
St. Domingo, 246, 307 ; St. Domingo
House and Estate, 92 to 94, 310, 311
St. Edward's College, 94
St. George privateer, 50, 54 to 59, 66
St. George's Coffee-house, 249, 250
Stinkpots, 160, 352, 564
Stonehouse on privateering and slave
trading, 184 to 189, 204, 324, 325
Stout defence of the Spit/ire, 255
Strange dreams and fancies of John New-
ton, 497, 504, 511, 514, 519
Streets of Liverpool, 187, 188, 281, 323
Sugar, 39, 89, 92, 96, 100, 103, 121 to
123, 128, 129, 216, 218, 224, 232 to
238, 243, 244, 246 to 253, 285, 286,
293, 3°5 to 307, 318, 342, 398, 487
Surgeons, 31, 109, no, 330, 353, 486,
487, 493, 530, 561, 602, 605, 606,
651, 654, 66 1 ; First operation in
conservative surgery, 165 ; Speculum
arts in the slave trade, 533 ; Oph-
thalmia, 571
Swallow, Letter of Marque, Copy of the,
670 to 673 ; Cruise of the Swallow,
356
Tactics of privateer commanders, 14
Talbot Inn, 554
Tea, 138, 139, 250
Ten years of prosperity, 303
Terrible accident, 315 ; Butchery, 537 ;
Catastrophes, 143, 144 ; Mutiny of
slaves, 592
Terror-struck merchants, 558
INDEX TO SUBJECTS.
717
Terror of England privateer, 295, 296
Teutonic, The, 461
Thanksgiving for a prosperous African
voyage, 515
Theatre Royal, Benefit at, 325 ; Tillotson
on swearing, 147
Tim Mainstay and Tom Bowline, 325, 326
Tobacco, 123, 152, 171, 202, 203, 216
to 219, 224, 227, 232, 237, 238, 239,
247, 248, 249, 253, 254, 266, 272,
277, 285, 289, 292
Tobacco ships captured, 202, 203, 206
Tokee, 551, 553
Tonnage, 38, 39, 301, 303, 433, 620 to
622, 678
Torturing and flogging the slaves, 532,
533. 587 to 589
Tower Gaol in Water-street, 33, 34, 162
to 166, 173, 427, 555
Trade, flourishing in war time, 37, 38,
154 ; Trade of France, Blow to, 154;
' Trade of Liverpool (1739-48), 37, 38 ;
(in 1752), 472 ; (in 1756-63), 86, 87 ;
(in 1760), 172 ; (1763-75), 179, 181,
184 ; (1783-93), 303 ; (1793 to 1815),
304 ; (1812), 433 ; Trade of Liver-
pool protected by its armed vessels,
215,216; Decline during the wars
with America, 181, 301, 302, 433 ;
Effect of Abolition on trade of Liver-
pool, 620, 621 ; Effect of the Orders
in Council (1807), On, 407 ; Trade of
Liverpool in 1897, 622 ; Curious trade
regulations at Whydah, 550 to 553 ;
Trading goods sold to the natives,
539, 540
Treacherous artifices, 582 to 584 ; Treach-
ery encouraged by Government, 202,
203
Treasure Trove, 324, 334
Treaties and slavery, 470 ; Treaty of
Paris, 455 ; Of Utrecht, 470
Trial of traitors, 425, 426
True-Blooded Yankee Privateer, Remark-
able success of the, 442
Turkey Company, 42, 46 to 48 ; Turks
captured, 89, 112, 113
Tuscan Government and British ships,
50, 5i, 54
u
Underwriters, 117, 230, 338, 377, 378,
385. 386, 393, 398, 4io, 4", 436,
438, 440, 449, 567, 568, 626, 628,
632, 638, 649, 650
Unhappiness in Liverpool families, 573,
574
United States navy, 431, 432
United States Congress and Letters of
Marque, 459
United States and privateering, 190 to
'93» 198, 199, 201, 213, 215, 312,
455 to 461
United States, Relations with the, 430
Unworthy inducements, 202, 203
Utrecht, Treaty of, 470
V
Value of goods exported to Africa, 597
Value of prizes captured, 45, 48, 57, 58,
59,64,87, 89, 104, 106, in, 112,
156, 199, 216, 219, 222, 226, 227,
228, 231, 234, 235, 237, 239, 240,
247, 258, 259, 2(53, 266, 285, 287,
289, 290, 294, 304 to 308, 310, 314,
360, 372, 387 393, 398, 414, 564 ;
Value of slaves imported, 596 to 608
Vendue store, Curious scene in a, 648
Vengeance man-of-war, 157 to 159
Verses, 33, 65, 66, 120, 226, 261, 275,
276, 297, 298, 299, 613, 618, 646, 658
Volunteers, 141, 172, 173, 189, 236, 237,
256, 327, 388, 389, 617
Volunteer gunboat, 365
w
Wages of seamen, 555, 661, 662, 664
War with Spain, 37, 180 ; With France,
50, 86, i So, 303 104 29 ; With Hol-
land, 180, 290; With America, 179
to 302, 430 to 454 ; War subscription,
147 ; War prices, 236 ; War and
ruin, 250 ; War and scarcity, 303 ;
Cost of the great war, 304 ; War and
commerce, 62, 179, 207, 216, 301,
315, 316, 429 to 432, 555 ; War
stores captured, 88 ; Gains and losses
in the second war with America, 431,
432
Warehouses of Liverpool, 622
Watch trade, 38
Welsh privateers, 115, 116, 206 ; Welsh
mate's ruse, 396
West India fleets, 173, 250, 287, 293,
366 ; West India trade, 172, 179,
180, 216, 467 to 472 ; West India-
men captured by the Americans, 182,
198
West Indies, 327, 618, 619, 620, 625, 658
Whales, 287
Wheat captured, 59, in, 280
White slaves, 478, 499, 500, 519, 628,
629, 649
Wig, A megatherium, 543, 544
718
INDEX TO SUBJECTS.
Williamson's Liverpool Memorandum
Book, 37, 472, 473
IVinchdsea man-of-war, affray with the
Upton, 85
Windsor Castle Packet, Remarkable
defence of the, 410, 411
Wine, 130, 217, 225, 227, 229, 235 to
237, 249
Women linguists on slave-ships, 18 ;
Women sailors and soldiers, 118,
IJ9> 377, 378, 631; Women in
action, 206, 375, 376 ; Women
guillotined, 629
Woodside-house, 140 ; Ferry, 324
Wreckers, Welsh, 130 ; Cheshire, 232,
233 ; Irish, 266
Wrecks, 235, 236, 300, 301, 317, 480,
491, 494, 590, 632, 634, 637
WRIGHT, CAPTAIN FORTUNATUS, an
ideal commander, 40 ; Smollett's tri-
bute to his memory, the St. George
privateer, 41 ; Action with French
xebeck, 42 ; Professor Laughton's
criticism of Smollett's statement,
Wright's early lifej family, connec-
tion with John Evelyn, Smithers'
account of Wright and his father,
43 ; Wright's adventure at Lucca, 44 ;
Residence in Italy, he takes com-
mand of the Fame privateer, captures
many French ships, connection with
Capt. W. Hutchinson, 45 ; Wright
ignores King George's pass and
captures the Prince of Campo
Florida's baggage &c. , remonstrance
of the English Consul at Leghorn,
the dispute referred to the naval
commander-in-chief, prize released,
46 ; Captures Turkish property
under French colours, complaint by
the Ottoman Porte, Wright ordered
to disgorge the prize money by the
British Government, his refusal and
imprisonment in the fortress of Leg-
horn, 47 ; His release, a tedious
law-suit, he states his case to Consul
Goldsworthy, the "Grand Signior,"
48 ; Prizes taken by the Fame, Wright's
partnership with Hutchinson in
fitting out the Leostoff, 49 ; Out-
break of the Seven Years' War,
Wright fits out the St. George priva-
teer at Leghorn, he hoodwinks the
Tuscan authorities, sails out of
Leghorn, 50 ; Great rewards and
honours offered for his capture by
the French King and the merchants
of Marseilles, 51 ; Sanguinary en-
gagement between Wright and the
French xebeck sent to take him, 52 ;
Wright victorious, presentation by
the English Factory at Leghorn, a
price set on his head, 53 ; Wright
arrested by the Tuscan authorities,
Italian partiality for the French, 54 ;
Wright charged with violating the
neutrality of Leghorn, international
dispute, 55 ; Sir Edward Hawke
sends two men-of-war to deliver
Wright, 55 ; Carried off in triumph,
56 ; Action with French men-of-
war, more French prizes taken, puts
into Malta, 57 ; British captains in-
sulted and ill-used by the Maltese
authorities, 57 ; Wright refuses to
deliver up British sailors, compelled
by the galley royal, 58 ; Puts to sea
and plays with a French privateer,
captures more prizes, French King
and merchants fit out ships to take
Wright, 59 ; Engagement with the
Hirondelle, he is sequestered in port,
60 ; Horace Mann on Wright and
the Leghorn trade, 61 ; Wright
warned not to enter Leghorn, action
with the French, Wright and his
prizes, Horace Mann on sea captains
and French privateers, 62 ; mys-
terious fate of Captain Wright,
foundering of the King George, 63 ;
conflicting news of Wright, Liverpool
Privateers in the Mediterranean,
rich prizes, 64 ; Joy in Liverpool
at the reported safety of Capt.
Wright, curious verses, 65 ; His fate
still a mystery, 66 ; His name a
terror to the French, English pres-
tige in the Mediterranean lowered,
67 ; Admiral Osborne sails for Malta
to demand satisfaction for Maltese
cruelty to VV right, 68 ; Characteristic
story of Wright, action off Malta,
French Knights and the victorious
flag of England, 69 ; Romantic his-
tory of Selim and Zaida, 70 — 78 ; A
bloody conflict, Wright's generosity,
77 ; Connection with Ilulchinson,
&c., 136, 139, 140
Vorke on slavery, 553
Young ladies offered for sale, 474
Zaida and her lover, 70 to 78
Zebra, A prize, 259
LIVERPOOL EDWARD HOWELL CHURCH STREET
DA Williams, Gomer
690 History of the Liverpool
L8W55 privateers and letters of
1 397 marque
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY